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Article

Work Addiction in a Buddhist Population from a Buddhist-Majority Country: A Report from Sri Lanka

by
Piyanjali de Zoysa
1,
Edyta Charzyńska
2,*,
Klaudia T. Bochniarz
3 and
Paweł A. Atroszko
3,*
1
Department of Psychiatry, Faculty of Medicine, University of Colombo, Colombo 00800, Sri Lanka
2
Institute of Psychology, Institute of Pedagogy, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Silesia in Katowice, 40-126 Katowice, Poland
3
Institute of Psychology, Faculty of Social Sciences, University of Gdańsk, 80-309 Gdańsk, Poland
*
Authors to whom correspondence should be addressed.
Religions 2025, 16(8), 944; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16080944
Submission received: 30 May 2025 / Revised: 9 July 2025 / Accepted: 15 July 2025 / Published: 22 July 2025
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Intersections of Religiousness/Spirituality and Forgiveness and Implications for Mental Health and Well-Being)
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Abstract

Most research on work addiction has focused on Western countries, often overlooking cultural and religious influences. This study examines work addiction in Sri Lanka, a predominantly Buddhist country, and explores whether gender and age moderate the relationship between religiosity and work addiction. A sample of 176 full-time employed Buddhists (66.5% women, mean age = 41.84 years) completed an online survey, including the International Work Addiction Scale and a self-rated religiosity measure. The prevalence of work addiction was around 10%, aligning with Western estimates. No direct link was found between religiosity and work addiction. However, age significantly moderated this relationship: among younger participants, higher religiosity was associated with lower work addiction, while in older participants it was linked to higher work addiction. Gender showed no moderating effect. These findings suggest that work addiction is prevalent even in cultural contexts emphasizing moderation and non-attachment. The age-related differences may reflect generational shifts in how religion is perceived and integrated into work life, as well as varying interpretations of Buddhist principles. This study highlights the importance of considering cultural and generational contexts when examining behavioral addictions like work addiction.

1. Introduction

Research on work addiction has made dynamic progress in recent decades, with refined theories and accumulated empirical data (Atroszko 2022; Clark et al. 2016; Charzyńska et al. 2025; Griffiths et al. 2018). Work addiction or workaholism is understood as a type of addictive disorder/behavioral addiction (Atroszko et al. 2019; Atroszko 2024; Morkevičiūtė and Endriulaitiene 2023; Sussman et al. 2011), and is defined as follows:
Work addiction is characterized by a compulsion to work and preoccupation with work activities leading to a significant harm and distress of a functionally impairing nature to the individual and/or other significantly relevant relationships (friends and family). The behavior is characterized by the loss of control over the working activity and persists over a significant period of time. This problematic work-related behavior can have varying intensity, from mild to severe.
Loss of control over the working activity involves working more than planned, despite the negative consequences and/or unsuccessful attempts to reduce the activity, and/or a progressive increase in time spent on working. Withdrawal symptoms (including irritability, negative feelings, sleep problems, etc.) are frequent if the planned/desired amount of work is hindered or appear when attempts at reduction of the amount of work are undertaken. The work activity often serves to reduce negative feelings and/or avoid interpersonal and/or intrapersonal conflicts (Atroszko et al. 2019, p. 9).
Data support associations of workaholism with significant harm and functional impairments (Atroszko et al. 2019; Clark et al. 2016; Kenyhercz et al. 2024), including chronic high stress, physical and mental health problems, lower quality of life, aggressive and abusive behaviors in and outside of the work environment, poor performance of work resulting in harm for the clients (e.g., medical errors by burnt-out physicians), family negligence resulting in emotional and behavioral problems among children and partners, as well as with a broad range of psychopathology, including anxiety, depression, social anxiety disorder, attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD), bipolar disorder (BD), obsessive–compulsive personality disorder (OCPD), obsessive–compulsive disorder (OCD), borderline personality disorder (BPD), eating disorders (EDs), and sleep disorders (an overview in Atroszko 2022). Moreover, several studies have supported the association of work addiction with substance use, abuse, and addiction, as well as its links to other addictive behaviors (Kun et al. 2023; Atroszko 2022), which is congruent with the addiction syndrome model that postulates a common underlying process in all addictive disorders (Shaffer et al. 2004).
However, the majority of high-quality studies are still conducted in Western countries, with the Web of Science search for the terms “workaholism” or “work addiction” (on 4 April 2025) indicating 51% of authors are from Europe, 21% from North America, 20% from Asia, and only 3% from Oceania, 2% from South America, and 2% from Africa. Work addiction is often seen as a result of the Western obsession with productivity and economic success. However, limited cross-cultural comparisons suggest that the issue may be even more pronounced in Asian countries such as Japan and Korea (Andersen et al. 2023; Hu 2018). In fact, a recent global survey conducted across 85 cultures on six continents revealed that work addiction is a universal phenomenon (Charzyńska et al. 2025). Moreover, the results of this study suggest that across the world workaholism is reinforced by environmental influences such as the workaholic behaviors of supervisors and colleagues at work (Atroszko et al. 2025). The available data consistently suggest that work addiction risk depends not only on individual vulnerabilities but also on environmental factors, similarly to other addictive disorders, and its prevalence likely varies depending on specific regions’ or countries’ socioeconomic conditions and cultural backgrounds (Andersen et al. 2023).
Against this backdrop, the question arises as to whether specific religious contexts may serve as risk or protective factors against extreme and harmful involvement in work activities. Different religious traditions have emphasized productivity as a desirable outcome and have encouraged high effort to achieve it, notably the Protestant work ethic (Weber 1930), the Confucian work ethic (Leong et al. 2013; Tang 1993), and the Islamic work ethic (Ali and Al-Owaihan 2008). On the other hand, Buddhism is known to emphasize a balanced lifestyle and non-attachment, a core Buddhist teaching across its varied schools (Bodhi 2000), both of which are directly opposed to workaholic excess and attachment to the fruits of work. Thus far, work addiction has not been systematically studied in Buddhist-majority countries (such as Thailand, Myanmar, Sri Lanka, Cambodia, Laos, and Bhutan). This study aims to provide some background on the principles of Buddhism in the context of excessive and addictive work-related behaviors and to characterize work addiction in Sri Lanka, a Buddhist-majority country that has recently faced a severe economic crisis.

1.1. Sri Lanka: The Background

Sri Lanka is an island of 66,000 square kilometers off the southeastern tip of India. Its capital is Colombo. Approximately ten ethnic groups of varying sizes can be distinguished in present-day Sri Lanka, with the two principal ethnic groups being the Sinhalese and the Tamils. Sinhala is the country’s official language, while Tamil is also a national language.
Buddhism was introduced to Sri Lanka about 20 centuries ago (Geiger and Rickmers 1953) and has since become the spiritual heritage of the majority of the population. Sri Lanka is one of the few countries in the world with a Buddhist majority. It is predominantly a Theravāda Buddhist country, with Theravāda being one of the three major schools of Buddhism, the other two being Mahāyāna and Vajrayāna. One of the major differences between the Theravāda school of Buddhism and the other two is that the former closely adheres to the original teachings of the Buddha, while the latter incorporate teachings that have been added over the centuries by various Buddhist and possibly non-Buddhist practitioners. However, the foundational tenets of all three schools remain the same: (i) that of The Four Noble Truths, which sets out the dissatisfying nature of existence, (ii) the Noble Eightfold Path consisting of the three-category spiritual pieces of training in morality, concentration, and wisdom, which makes the practitioner overcome the dissatisfying nature of existence, (iii) the doctrine of Dependent Arising, which denotes that all phenomena are based on causes rather than a creator, (iv) the law of Karma, where one’s every volitional thought, word, or action will bring about a similar result, and (v) the pursuit of Nibbāna, the ending of the constant rebirths (Bodhi 2000; Buddho Foundation 2023).
Sri Lanka’s pre-modern historical records indicate a predominantly agrarian society structured around royalty, nobility, the Buddhist clergy, and the king’s subjects (Siriweera 2014). The literature on Sri Lanka’s economic history is meagre and scattered; it appears to be based on the collection of taxes by the king in exchange for the protection he offered to his subjects. Although a balance between the ruler’s monetary needs and the interests of the subjects was sought, there were instances when the king’s needs led to increased taxation (Siriweera 2014). At present, Sri Lanka is experiencing a severe economic crisis due to long-term financial mismanagement, corruption, short-sighted policymaking, and an overall lack of effective governance (Institute of Policy Studies of Sri Lanka 2022). In 2023, the International Monetary Fund stepped in to help overcome Sri Lanka’s worsening financial crisis. This economic crisis had multiple adverse effects, drastically reducing the people’s standard of living (Institute of Policy Studies of Sri Lanka 2022) and leading to an exodus of people leaving the country in search of greener pastures (EconomyNext 2023). This financial crisis, mass exodus, and related factors had an obvious impact on the work environment of the country’s many industries.
Sri Lankan employees are protected from the need to work long hours. However, opportunities for part-time work, flexible working hours, and home-based working arrangements are virtually non-existent. Further, there are several shortcomings in the legislature that address work–life balance in Sri Lankan corporate settings. For instance, while there are legal provisions for maternity care, such as paid maternity leave and job assurance until the woman employee returns to work, there are also many loopholes, including the lack of provision for paternity leave or long-term maternity leave, and the mostly non-existent regulation of child- or elder-care facilities. Hence, these and other factors, such as the greater power disparity in Sri Lankan corporations compared to those in regional countries and the West (Kailasapathy and Jayakody 2017), could contribute to lower work–life satisfaction among some of its people.

1.2. The Buddhist Teachings

Buddhism is a set of spiritual beliefs and practices taught by the Buddha, the title given to Siddhārtha Gautama, the spiritual seeker who attained enlightenment nearly 26 centuries ago in present-day northern India. The Buddha’s extensive teachings, spanning 45 years of his ministry, primarily consist of the dissatisfying nature of human (and other realms’) existence and the way to liberate oneself from this inherent pain (Nanamoli and Bodhi 2005; Rāhula 1967). The Buddha explained that the central reason for this dissatisfying nature of existence is craving (taṇhā in Pāli, the language used by the Buddha) that is inherent and ever-present in the unenlightened mind. Craving is conceptualized as the thirst for a physical or mental phenomenon. It is the ever-present grasping (or wanting) nature of the mind. When an individual’s craving has been satisfied by acquiring the desired object, it could then lead to (the more intense) grasping of this acquired object, which the Buddha referred to as clinging (upādanā in Pāli). As an example, in the context of the current paper on work addiction, a person may crave a promotion at their workplace, feeling dissatisfied without it. Once they receive the promotion, however, if they become overly invested and consumed by their new position, it could be considered as clinging. Clinging could then lead to addictive behaviors. Hence, in the example, the individual could be considered addicted to work if they consistently put in long hours or are obsessed with work-related success. In the Buddhist framework, there is a considerable mention of addictive behaviors (of any sort) as their root—craving—is central to the Buddha’s teachings.
The practice of the Buddha’s teachings leads to the gradual psycho-spiritual development of a person, with its ultimate culmination of enlightenment (i.e., the liberation of one’s mind from all unwholesome mental states [such as craving] and the stopping of rebirths). Within this context, the Buddha’s recognition of the problem of addictions led him to offer solutions (Groves 2014), as addiction is considered a deterrent to a person’s psycho-spiritual development and a deviation from the Middle Path (Bodhi 2000), the Buddhist path to enlightenment. For instance, adherence to a wholesome ethical code of conduct through precepts is one of the three categories of the Buddha’s teachings (the other two being the cultivation of a concentrated mind and the development of wisdom), referred to as the Noble Eightfold Path. One key precept of this wholesome ethical conduct is the requirement to abandon the use of alcohol by lay Buddhist practitioners and monastics (Gunaratana 2001); the other key precepts include not taking the life of another living being, not taking what has not been expressly given, not engaging in sexual misconduct, and not speaking untruths. Though not a key precept of wholesome ethical conduct, the Buddha has nevertheless advised against various other unwholesome behaviors, including addictions such as gambling and overeating. He discoursed on their drawbacks and even designed behavioral modification programs for his disciples who struggled with such addictions (Groves 2014).

1.3. The Application of Buddhist Teachings in Addiction Treatment

On a more mundane level, certain Buddhist practices such as mindfulness and compassion have now become a mainstay in Western mental health interventions for various mental conditions (de Zoysa 2013, 2016). In the context of addictions, at present, even 25 centuries after the passing away of the Buddha, Buddhist countries such as Thailand, Japan, and Sri Lanka (Buddhistdoor Global 2016) are known to offer alcohol and drug rehabilitation programs based on Buddhist teachings. For instance, a heroin rehabilitation program offered in Thailand includes herbal concoctions, taking a vow, meditation, chanting, study of the Buddhist scriptures, and work (Barrett 1997). Moreover, the Buddha’s teachings, specifically that of mindfulness, have also been used in the treatment of addictions in the West, e.g., Mindfulness-Based Relapse Prevention (Witkiewitz et al. 2014) or Mindfulness-Oriented Recovery Treatment (Garland 2016). However, unlike the application of the Buddha’s teachings in addiction treatment in Buddhist countries, these Western applications are not without criticism, as they are censured for having neglected the broader context of the Buddhist teachings by only focusing on mindfulness whilst disregarding adhering to other aspects such as wholesome ethical conduct (Giraldi 2019).
Ontological addiction, based on ontological addiction theory (Barrows and van Gordon 2021), is a relatively newer category in the addiction literature compared to the better-known categories of addiction to substances (e.g., alcohol) and behaviors (e.g., gambling). Ontological addiction theory, based on the Buddha’s teachings (Shonin et al. 2016), refers to the maladaptive belief that an individual is addicted to the notion of inherently existing as a discrete entity rather than recognizing that one’s sense of self is fluid and ever-changing. Ontological theory diverges from the traditional psychological theories relating to the self and human functioning, which suggest that the self exists as a discrete, independent entity. The application of ontological addiction theory, combined with mindfulness practices, has shown promising results in the treatment of addictions such as work addiction and gambling (Shonin et al. 2016).
The Buddha discoursed on diverse aspects of work and economics on multiple occasions. In fact, the Buddhist teachings of the Noble Eightfold Path (Gunaratana 2001) and Right Livelihood (sammā ājīva in Pāli) are among the eight factors leading to enlightenment. Right Livelihood involves earning a living in an ethical way, without causing suffering to oneself or others (Gunaratana 2001). Therefore, livelihoods involving weapons, meat, poisons, and other items that could be used to harm other beings are excluded. In a more subtle form of Right Livelihood, work that involves belittling, humiliating, manipulating others, or not paying fair wages is also unacceptable. Moreover, the Buddha’s Sigālovāda Sutta (Bodhi Path Press 2023) offers detailed guidance on how laypeople can integrate Buddhist teachings into daily life, including in the workplace.
The Buddha’s teachings of the Noble Eightfold Path are famously referred to as the Middle Path (Bodhi 2000; Gunaratana 2001), which is based on moderation rather than excess. Hence, Buddhist teachings on workplace practices and economics focus on providing sufficient material comfort while freeing an individual’s time to pursue higher levels of psycho-spiritual well-being (Long 2021). Therefore, overinvestment in work, which can lead to addictive behaviors in the workplace, is discouraged in Buddhist teachings. However, this is easier said than done, as the inherent tendency of an unenlightened mind is to crave and cling to a phenomenon that brings pleasure and/or benefit (Sahdra et al. 2010), including in work situations, whether one is a Buddhist practitioner or not. In fact, although Sri Lanka is a Buddhist-majority country, whose teachings include abstaining from the use of alcohol, alcohol consumption is increasing in the country (Sørensen et al. 2020). Hence, even though Sri Lanka is predominantly Buddhist, one cannot assume that Buddhist teachings necessarily influence their followers to abstain from addictions and excesses, such as those related to work.

1.4. Current Study

The objective of this study is to explore work addiction in a sample of Buddhists living and working in Sri Lanka. Specifically, it aims to (i) calculate the prevalence of work addiction, (ii) examine the relationship between religiosity and work addiction, and (iii) test the moderating effects of gender and age on the relationship between religiosity and work addiction.
Based on (i) the content of Buddhist teachings and their emphasis on a balanced lifestyle and non-attachment and (ii) the well-established protective role of religiosity and spirituality against substance use and addiction (Porche et al. 2015; Van der Meer Sanchez et al. 2008; Yeung et al. 2009), and against behavioral addictions (Dossi et al. 2022; Kádár et al. 2023), Hypothesis 1 (H1) predicts that the prevalence of work addiction among Buddhists living in Sri Lanka will be lower than the levels reported in Western countries (i.e., about 10% in the adult population; see the systematic review by Sussman et al. (2011); see also estimates for representative studies (Andersen et al. 2023)). It is also hypothesized that the level of religiosity will be negatively related to work addiction (Hypothesis 2, H2).
Moreover, gender and age were expected to moderate this relationship. Specifically, some evidence from research in both general and clinical populations suggests that religion plays a more prominent role in women’s psychological and social functioning compared to men (Lace et al. 2018; Reid-Arndt et al. 2011). Additionally, although findings across studies are not entirely consistent, women tend to exhibit higher levels of work addiction than men (Beiler-May et al. 2017; Dudek and Szpitalak 2019; Huml et al. 2021). Based on this, it is expected that the protective role of religion in reducing the risk of work addiction will be more pronounced for women than for men in Sri Lanka (Hypothesis 3, H3).
As for age, the theoretical and empirical background regarding its potential moderating role in the relationship between religiosity and work addiction is more complex, particularly because age is a nuanced variable with multiple meanings and interpretations. On the one hand, older people tend to be more religious in both church participation and beliefs than younger adults (Pew Research Center 2018; Zimmer et al. 2016), which can serve as a protective factor against work addiction, similarly to the patterns observed for other addictions (Kádár et al. 2023; Porche et al. 2015). On the other hand, when considering age from a cohort perspective, younger Buddhists—as representatives of Gen Z—may associate religiosity more with values other than hard work (Jolliffe and Foster 2022) through a more personal, pragmatic, and less restrictive understanding of Buddhist teachings (Page and Yip 2017; Yeung and Chow 2010). By contrast, for older generations such as Baby Boomers and Gen X, the effort invested in work—including dedication, discipline, and loyalty—could be partially linked to their inherent understanding of religion, thereby increasing the risk of overinvesting time and energy in work (Bertsch et al. 2021). Considering these factors, in the current study, age is expected to serve as a potential moderator in the relationship between religiosity and work addiction (Hypothesis 4, H4). Due to the conflicting rationales regarding the direction of this moderating effect, this hypothesis is treated as exploratory.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Participants

The sample consisted of 176 adult participants living in Sri Lanka who identified themselves as Buddhists. To be qualified for the study, the participants had to (i) be adult, (ii) work in an organization with at least ten employees in total, (iii) have been working for the present employer for at least a year, (iv) be full-time employed, and (v) pass the two attention check items.
Table 1 presents detailed sociodemographic characteristics of the participants. Most participants were women (n = 117; 66.5%). The mean age of the respondents was 41.84 years (SD = 9.02). The majority of participants (n = 161; 91.5%) had higher education. Moreover, most participants (n = 146; 82.9%) earned at least LKR 100,000 monthly before tax. About two-thirds of participants (n = 116; 65.9%) held a managerial position.

2.2. Measures

2.2.1. Work Addiction

Work addiction was assessed using the International Work Addiction Scale (IWAS; (Charzyńska et al. 2025)). The IWAS has two versions: IWAS-7, which covers all seven components of addiction symptoms (i.e., salience, problems, conflict, mood modification, relapse, tolerance, and withdrawal; World Health Organization (WHO 2019)), and the IWAS-5, which covers the core symptoms of work addiction (those listed above except tolerance and withdrawal) and shows the optimal psychometric properties across the world (Charzyńska et al. 2025). Responses to the IWAS items (e.g., “How often during THE LAST YEAR have you… been unable to stop thinking about work (e.g., you have been thinking about work in your free time, on vacation, or at night)?”) are given using a frequency scale (1 = “never,” 2 = “rarely,” 3 = “sometimes,” 4 = “often,” and 5 = “always”). The cut-off score of 24 points for the IWAS-7 and of 18 points for the IWAS-5 was established based on the data collected in 85 cultures (Charzyńska et al. 2025). The reliability of the IWAS-7 in the current study, calculated with Cronbach’s alpha (α) and McDonald’s omega (ω), was 0.82 and 0.81, respectively, whereas for the IWAS-5 it was 0.81 and 0.82, respectively.

2.2.2. Religiosity

In this study, the focus was on self-rated religiosity, a strong indicator of an individual’s subjective experience of religiosity (Stroope et al. 2020). Religiosity was measured using a single item: “To what extent do you consider yourself to be a religious person?” assessed on a seven-point Likert scale (from 1 = “not at all religious” to 7 = “very religious”). Single-item measures of religiosity and religion-related constructs have been used in many studies, including those concerning health and well-being, demonstrating satisfactory reliability and validity (Abdel-Khalek 2007; Gorsuch and McFarland 1972; Gorsuch and McPherson 1989; Stroope et al. 2020).

2.2.3. Sociodemographics

Sociodemographic variables included gender, age, education level, monthly income before tax, and managerial position.

2.3. Procedure

The study was part of a larger cross-cultural project on work addiction and its correlates, preregistered on OSF Preprints [https://osf.io/8asnm, accessed on 28 May 2025]. In Sri Lanka, data were collected between November 2022 and February 2023 using the LimeSurvey platform. The study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki and received approval from the Ethics Review Committee at the University of Colombo, Colombo, Sri Lanka (no. ERC/PGIM/2022/028) and the Ethics Committee at the University of Silesia in Katowice, Poland (KEUS266/06.2022). Before completing the survey, each participant provided their online informed consent.

2.4. Statistical Analysis

The analyses began with an inspection of missing values and the calculation of the percentage of missing data. Next, Little’s (1988) test was performed to check whether the data were missing completely at random. Following the imputation of missing data, descriptive statistics were calculated, and correlations between the study variables were examined.
In the next step, the moderation models were tested using Model 1 from the PROCESS macro for SPSS, version 4.2 (Hayes 2022). The first model included religiosity as an independent variable (X), gender as a moderator (W), and work addiction (Y) as a dependent variable. The second model included religiosity as X, age as W, and work addiction as Y. To calculate the product term, religiosity and age were mean-centered (as continuous variables), and gender was dummy-coded (as a binomial variable). Models were adjusted for age (in the model with gender as a moderator), gender (in the model with age as a moderator), education level, income, and managerial position. Calculations were computed using IBM SPSS version 28 (IBM Corp. 2021).

3. Results

3.1. Missing Values

The percentage of missing values was 0.3%. The results of Little’s test showed that the data were missing completely at random (χ2(11) = 5.26; p = 0.918). The expectation–maximization (EM) algorithm was used to deal with missing data.

3.2. Prevalence of Work Addiction

Based on the cut-off score for IWAS-7, 17 participants (9.7%) were at higher risk for work addiction. A very similar prevalence of work addiction (10.2%) was observed when IWAS-5 was used.

3.3. Relationships Between Work Addiction and Sociodemographics

Table 2 presents means, standard deviations, and zero-order correlations between study variables. No significant correlations between work addiction and sociodemographic variables were observed for either IWAS-7 or IWAS-5.

3.4. Moderation Models

3.4.1. Relationship Between Religiosity and Work Addiction: Gender as a Moderator

The results of the moderation models are presented in Table 3. The moderating effect of gender on the relationship between religiosity and work addiction measured with IWAS-7 was non-significant (b = 1.01; SE = 0.59; 95% CI (−0.165, 2.184); p = 0.092). Similarly, this effect was non-significant when IWAS-5 was used to measure work addiction (see Supplementary File for details).

3.4.2. Relationship Between Religiosity and Work Addiction: Age as a Moderator

Moderation analysis revealed that age moderated the relationship between religiosity and work addiction measured with IWAS-7 (b = 0.09; SE = 0.03; 95% CI (0.029, 0.150); p = 0.004) (see Table 3). Specifically, religiosity was negatively related to work addiction among the youngest group (b = −0.73; SE = 0.37; 95% CI (−1.455, −0.004); p = 0.049; β = −0.20) but positively related among the oldest group (b = 0.88; SE = 0.44; 95% CI (0.021, 1.745); p = 0.045; β = 0.24). For the middle group, the relationship between religiosity and work addiction was non-significant (b = 0.08; SE = 0.29; 95% CI (−0.500, 0.654); p = 0.793; β = 0.21). The interaction effect is depicted in Figure 1. A significant interaction term, with very similar simple slopes as for IWAS-7, was noted for IWAS-5 (see Supplementary File and Figure S1 for details).

4. Discussion

A person intent on practicing Buddhist teachings by incorporating them into their daily life could be expected to be less prone to work addiction because the teachings encourage a balanced approach to life, with the ultimate spiritual intention of alleviating craving and attachment to all phenomena (Bodhi 2000; Rāhula 1967). In Buddhist teachings, work addiction could be viewed as a form of attachment to one’s work, driven by a desire for status, success, or validation. This attachment—or attachment in general—can create suffering, as it may lead to stress, burnout, and a lack of peace (Celedonia and Williams 2006). Hence, Buddhism emphasizes the Middle Way (Bodhi 2000; Rāhula 1967), a path that avoids extremes of indulgence and asceticism, encouraging balance in all activities, including work. This perspective on life can help a more religiously informed individual remain more present, potentially reducing the compulsion to overwork by cultivating an awareness of one’s motivations. Additionally, values like compassion, interdependence, and impermanence remind the keener Buddhist practitioner to focus not just on productivity but on contributing meaningfully, maintaining relationships, and fostering well-being for oneself and others. By integrating these principles, a more religious Buddhist may naturally develop a healthier relationship with work, avoiding addiction by valuing inner peace, contentment, and a balanced life over mere external achievements or excessive work.
That being said, the prevalence of work addiction in the current sample was about 10%, which is consistent with estimates from other countries (Andersen et al. 2023; Atroszko 2022) (H1 not supported). Moreover, an interesting result of this study was a lack of correlation between religiosity among the Buddhist population of Sri Lanka and work addiction (H2 not supported). These results show that, in general, Theravāda Buddhism as a dominant religion of the country does not seem particularly effective as a cultural framework for preventing workaholic behaviors—at least when individuals’ subjective level of religiosity is considered. This finding aligns with the results of the National Survey on Addiction Problems in a representative sample of Hungarians (N = 1385), which found no differences in work addiction between agnostics, non-religious individuals, and those who were religious (Kádár et al. 2023). In contrast, data from a representative sample of Polish individuals (N = 3239) indicated that attendance at religious practices and the level of subjective religiosity served as protective factors against work addiction (Moskalewicz et al. 2019, 2024).
Further inquiry in the sample of Buddhists from Sri Lanka revealed the moderating effect of age in the relationship between religiosity and work addiction, with religiosity being negatively related to work addiction among the youngest group but positively related among the oldest group (H4 supported). For the middle group, the relationship between religiosity and work addiction was non-significant. Therefore, in younger people, as religiosity increased, work addiction decreased. These results may suggest that younger Sri Lankans are more aware of, and more likely to apply, Buddhist teachings in their lives—particularly at work—than older Sri Lankans. On the other hand, older Sri Lankans who consider themselves religious may not fully integrate Buddhist teachings into their daily lives, despite expressing their religiosity through outward practices such as temple attendance.
Some studies have indicated that religiosity increases with age (Argue et al. 1999; Bengtson et al. 2015). These studies have included age cohorts from late adolescence to post-retirement, indicating that older people tend to attend religious activities more, identify more with religious beliefs, and consider religion more integral to their lives, which aligns with the traditional understanding of religiosity (Zinnbauer et al. 1997). This may suggest that older people may not practice the teachings as much in their daily lives. On the other hand, younger people may not outwardly express their religiosity, such as by attending religious activities, but may be more influenced to practice Buddhist teachings that promote balance and non-attachment.
Furthermore, younger people who emphasize balance may avoid work addiction by valuing inner peace, contentment, and a well-balanced life over external achievements or excessive work (Schroth 2019). Older generations of Buddhists may have come of age in eras that emphasized hard work and career dedication as measures of success, making work addiction more common among them. For them, religious practice might exist alongside a deeply ingrained work ethic, which can inadvertently foster work addiction. Meanwhile, younger Buddhists—representing Gen Z—may be more attuned to well-being practices, placing importance on rest, self-care, and sustainable work habits. Moreover, Buddhism’s growing appeal in modern wellness and mental health movements may mean that younger practitioners apply its teachings directly to prevent burnout and work addiction.
In this vein, in their multi-faith study based on the stories of young religious individuals living in Great Britain (ages 18–24), Page and Yip (2017) found that young Buddhists exhibited the most distinct patterns, setting them apart from young followers of other religions. They perceived Buddhism as far less restrictive in various aspects, such as sex and gender, and felt it encouraged personal exploration, negotiation of diverse challenges and opportunities in their lives, and individual interpretation of teachings—so much so that it was no longer viewed as a traditional religion. This is also consistent with previous research findings, where young Buddhists approached Buddhist teachings in a more pragmatic way, guided by the usefulness of those teachings in everyday life (techniques supporting learning, relationships, and emotional regulation) (Yeung and Chow 2010). Therefore, due to the specific understanding of Buddhist teachings by its young followers, it seems that being religious protects this specific group from extremes, such as working too much and too hard, potentially by emphasizing the need to approach the Middle Way, a balanced path in which both self-indulgence and self-mortification are avoided.
Regarding gender, though there is a general understanding that women are more religious, some studies have indicated that this is culture-specific and dependent on the measurement method used (Loewenthal et al. 2002). In many cultures, gender expectations shape how individuals interpret and practice religious teachings, which in turn can influence their work habits and attitudes toward work–life balance. In our study, gender did not correlate with religiosity and did not have a moderating effect on religiosity and work addiction (H3 not supported). Gender norms are rapidly evolving today. However, as societies shift toward more flexible gender roles, these moderating effects are likely to change, with both men and women potentially adopting balanced approaches aligned with Buddhist principles.

4.1. Implications of the Study

With WHO recognizing burnout as an important health issue associated with work-related stress and embarking on the development of evidence-based guidelines on mental well-being in the workplace (WHO 2019), understanding broad macro-level factors such as religion and culture that contribute as risk or protective factors against work-related stress and strain becomes essential. The current study shows that even in a country with a dominant religion that at its core has balance and avoidance of extreme behaviors, work addiction seems to be as prevalent on average as in other cultures. Workaholism is characterized as compulsive and undue involvement in work that leads to harm and functional impairments, bringing suffering to the one affected, their family, coworkers, and recipients of their work (Atroszko 2022; Kenyhercz et al. 2024). The fact that religiosity among older Buddhists is positively related to this behavioral pattern should be concerning and warrant more in-depth investigation. Similarly, religiosity as a protective factor against work addiction among younger Buddhists requires more studies to understand how religion is associated with workaholic behaviors, and whether and how it may help prevent them. Understanding cultural factors that decrease workaholic behaviors is vital for population-based prevention and intervention programs that may reduce the global burden of disease and social pathology and improve productivity (Atroszko 2022). Promoting a worldview that emphasizes balance and avoiding extreme behaviors, supported by empirical data showing its benefits for individuals, societies, and economies, may result in reduced suffering worldwide.

4.2. Metaphysical and Soteriological Meaning of Workaholism in Buddhism

Although this study approaches work addiction as a psychological and ethical issue, it also reflects deeper Theravāda Buddhist metaphysical and soteriological dimensions. Central to this is the principle of dependent origination (paṭicca-samuppāda), elaborated in the Mahānidāna Sutta (DN 15), where craving (taṇhā), such as for status, productivity, or recognition, is shown to arise from feeling (vedanā), leading to clinging (upādāna) and ultimately to suffering (dukkha) and renewed existence: “So it is, Ānanda, that feeling is a cause of craving. Craving is a cause of seeking. Seeking is a cause of gaining material things. Gaining material things is a cause of evaluation. Evaluation is a cause of desire and lust. Desire and lust is a cause of attachment. Attachment is a cause of ownership. Ownership is a cause of stinginess. Stinginess is a cause of safeguarding. Owing to safeguarding, many bad, unskillful things come to be: taking up the rod and the sword, quarrels, arguments, and disputes, accusations, divisive speech, and lies.” (Bodhi 2000, pp. 527–37). This twelvefold chain is an ontological model of suffering reinforced by habitual patterns of attachment, as emphasized throughout the Nidānasaṃyutta: “But, Phagguna, with the remainderless fading away and cessation of the six bases for contact comes cessation of contact; with the cessation of contact, cessation of feeling; with the cessation of feeling, cessation of craving; with the cessation of craving, cessation of clinging; with the cessation of clinging, cessation of existence; with the cessation of existence, cessation of birth; with the cessation of birth, aging-and-death, sorrow, lamentation, pain, displeasure, and despair cease. Such is the cessation of this whole mass of suffering.” (Saṃyutta Nikāya 12; Bodhi 2000).
The path to liberation involves interrupting this cycle through mindfulness and right effort, both core elements of the Noble Eightfold Path. The Satipaṭṭhāna Sutta (MN 10) provides detailed guidance on cultivating mindfulness (sati) toward bodily, emotional, mental, and cognitive phenomena, fostering direct insight into impermanence (anicca), unsatisfactoriness (dukkha), and non-self (anatta; Nanamoli and Bodhi 2005). Likewise, the Vitakkasaṇṭhāna Sutta (MN 20) teaches the abandonment of unwholesome thought patterns—highly relevant to compulsive work-related rumination (Nanamoli and Bodhi 2005).
This soteriological framing is related to the Dhammapada, where verse 215 warns: “From craving springs grief, from craving springs fear. For one who is wholly free from craving there is no grief, whence then fear?” (Buddharakkhita 1985). Such verses point to craving-driven striving as a direct cause of psychological suffering. In this light, compulsive work can be understood not simply as maladaptive behavior, but as a karmically potent form of clinging (upādāna) with existential implications.
Therefore, addressing work addiction through mindfulness and ethical reflection may be seen not merely as a therapeutic intervention, but as a modest enactment of the Buddhist path. It aligns particularly with sammā-vāyāma (right effort) and sammā-sati (right mindfulness), gradually working toward the cessation of craving (taṇhā-nirodha) as articulated in the Dhammacakkappavattana Sutta (SN 56.11; Bodhi 2000), and ultimately toward liberation (nibbāna). Verse 209 from the Dhammapada refers to the nature of the right effort: “Giving himself to things to be shunned and not exerting himself where exertion is needed, a seeker after pleasures forsakes his own true welfare and will come to envy those intent upon their welfare.” (Buddharakkhita 1985). The “exertion” in this verse means right effort on the spiritual path—developing insight, virtue, and detachment. The verse critiques misdirected energy (worldly striving) and encourages reorienting effort toward spiritual liberation. In the Buddhist context, effort (vāyāma in Pāli) carries a precise meaning: it refers not to any kind of striving, but specifically to right effort (sammā-vāyāma), a key element of the Noble Eightfold Path. This form of effort entails four interrelated tasks: preventing unwholesome mental states from arising, abandoning those that have already arisen, cultivating wholesome states that have not yet arisen, and sustaining and perfecting those already present.
Finally, in the context of work addiction, which is not only associated with craving for material gains, prestige, or power but can also be driven by a strong attachment to the idea of duty toward others, the following verse 166 from the Dhammapada is particularly insightful: “Let one not neglect one’s own welfare for the sake of another, however great. Clearly understanding one’s own welfare, let one be intent upon the good.” (Buddharakkhita 1985). Extreme effort driven by a sense of duty toward others is recognized as one of the factors, for example, for deaths of physicians after extremely long working hours without sleep (typically over 48 h; see Atroszko et al. 2019). This striking example illustrates the convergence of practical and metaphysical meanings of the Middle Path and workaholism. Theravāda Buddhism places a strong emphasis on mettā (loving-kindness) and karuṇā (compassion) toward all sentient beings. Moreover, Buddha gives ethical duties toward various groups (parents, teachers, ascetics, workers, etc.), outlining mutual responsibilities in society. This reflects a more relational, practical form of service—rooted in generosity (dāna), compassion (karuṇā), and right action (sammā kammanta). However, excess, even in seemingly good intentions, leads to unfavorable outcomes both in practical terms and from a soteriological perspective. A medical doctor who dies on duty cannot further serve anyone; thus, they cannot fulfill their responsibility in society by cultivating loving-kindness and compassion. On a personal spiritual level, they sacrifice their own welfare and stray from the right effort (sammā-vāyāma) and right mindfulness (sammā-sati), lost in their attachment to the idea of helping others instead of gradually working toward the cessation of craving (taṇhā-nirodha). Physicians are only one example, but the same principles apply to all professions and all types of activity, whether these are politicians, teachers, or manual workers. The Middle Path appears not only as a soteriological path to liberation but also as a practical solution, maximizing benefits for both the individual and society by cultivating sustainable practices and lifestyles.

4.3. Strengths and Limitations of the Study

To the authors’ knowledge, this is the first study to investigate work addiction in a Theravāda Buddhism-dominant country and one of the very few investigations of the role that religion may play in workaholism. A highly diagnostic tool with excellent psychometric properties allowing for cross-cultural comparisons and generalizations, the IWAS, was used to screen for workaholism risk. Despite its strengths, the study has certain limitations that require recognition and consideration. First, the sample size was relatively small, as participants had to meet very specific criteria. Therefore, the results cannot be generalized without limitations, and it is important to consider the specific cultural context, characterized by a high level of religiosity and relatively high religious homogeneity, when interpreting these findings. Secondly, subjective religiosity was assessed by asking participants how religious they perceived themselves to be. A single-item measure of subjective religiosity was used to reduce the participants’ response burden in this broad-scope project, taking into account that the reliability and validity of such brief measures have been supported in previous research (Abdel-Khalek 2007; Gorsuch and McPherson 1989; Stroope et al. 2020). Finally, all data were self-reported, which could impact the data quality due to typical limitations associated with this type of data, such as social desirability and recall biases.

4.4. Conclusions and Future Research Directions

Theravāda Buddhism, a dominant religion in Sri Lanka, emphasizes the Middle Way, a path that avoids extremes of indulgence and asceticism, encouraging balance in all activities, including work. Contrary to expectations, the prevalence of work addiction (compulsive and extreme involvement in work that leads to harm and functional impairments bringing suffering to the one affected, their family, coworkers, and recipients of their work) among the Buddhist population did not differ considerably from other countries. Moreover, their religiosity level was generally not associated with workaholic behaviors. However, age moderated the relationship, showing that religiosity among younger populations of Buddhists may serve as a protective factor against work addiction, while it shows a positive relationship with workaholism among older populations. Some studies suggest that work–life balance is becoming increasingly important to younger generations (Twenge 2010), and this effect may be particularly pronounced among those whose religion aligns with a balanced lifestyle. While studies suggest that work motivations and work ethic do not differ across generations (Gen X, Millennials, and Gen Z; (Schröder 2024; Zabel et al. 2017)), other studies show that the understanding of the work ethic does change, meaning that the construct is not equivalent across generations (Meriac et al. 2010; Twenge 2010). On the other hand, socioeconomic and historical factors, as well as the ongoing economic crisis in Sri Lanka, may contribute to the increase in the value of hard work based on religiosity among older generations. Nevertheless, these findings require further investigation to understand which factors explain the effects noted, including potential (i) chronological/biological age effect (developmental/maturation stage); (ii) cohort effect (the shared experiences of a group of people born in the same period, e.g., “Baby Boomers” or “Millennials”, which captures the social, economic, and historical context that can influence attitudes, behaviors, and outcomes); (iii) life stage or social age (reflects transitions in social roles, such as starting a family, entering the workforce, or retirement; social age is influenced by cultural norms and expectations, making it different from chronological age); and (iv) age as a proxy for experience or exposure (age can indirectly represent years of experience, such as job tenure, marriage duration, or exposure to risk factors; it can capture cumulative life experiences or accumulated knowledge, making it an indicator of expertise or vulnerability). The potential moderating role of age in the relationship between religiosity and work addiction should be investigated cross-culturally in countries with different dominating religions and various socioeconomic development levels. Nationally representative studies are warranted to estimate the population level of work addiction and allow for valid comparisons between countries and cultures. Additionally, future research might explore incorporating more specific indicators regarding religiosity and spirituality, such as spiritual transcendence, religious coping, and objective measures of religiosity, such as the frequency of religious service attendance or prayer.

Supplementary Materials

The following supporting information can be downloaded at https://www.mdpi.com/article/10.3390/rel16080944/s1, Figure S1: Moderating effect of age on the relationship between religiosity and work addiction (IWAS-5).

Author Contributions

Conceptualization; P.d.Z., E.C., K.T.B., and P.A.A.; methodology, P.d.Z., E.C., K.T.B., and P.A.A.; software, E.C.; formal analysis, E.C.; investigation, P.d.Z., E.C., and P.A.A.; resources, P.d.Z., E.C., and P.A.A.; data curation, E.C.; writing—original draft preparation, P.d.Z., E.C., K.T.B., and P.A.A.; writing—review and editing, P.d.Z., E.C., K.T.B., and P.A.A.; visualization, E.C.; supervision, E.C. and P.A.A.; project administration, E.C. and P.A.A.; funding acquisition, E.C. and P.A.A. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Funding

This work was supported by the National Science Centre, Poland [grant number 2020/39/D/HS6/00198]. The research activities related to Edyta Charzyńska’s research stay at the Department of Psychology, University of Jyväskylä, Jyväskylä, Finland, from 1 to 30 June 2024, were co-financed by the funds granted under the Research Excellence Initiative and Gender Equality Plan at the University of Silesia in Katowice, Poland.

Institutional Review Board Statement

The study was conducted in accordance with the Declaration of Helsinki and received approval from the Ethics Review Committee at the University of Colombo, Colombo, Sri Lanka (no. ERC/PGIM/2022/028) and the Ethics Committee at the University of Silesia in Katowice, Poland (KEUS266/06.2022).

Informed Consent Statement

Informed consent was obtained from all subjects involved in the study. The responses to the survey were anonymous, and participation in the study was voluntary.

Data Availability Statement

The dataset and related materials for the study are deposited in the Zenodo repository [https://doi.org/10.5281/zenodo.15826684].

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

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Religions 16 00944 g001
Figure 1. Moderating effect of age on the relationship between religiosity and work addiction (IWAS-7). M − 1 SD = one standard deviation below the mean; M = mean; M + 1 SD = one standard deviation above the mean. IWAS-7 = seven-item version of the International Work Addiction Scale. Religiosity and age were mean-centered. N = 176.
Figure 1. Moderating effect of age on the relationship between religiosity and work addiction (IWAS-7). M − 1 SD = one standard deviation below the mean; M = mean; M + 1 SD = one standard deviation above the mean. IWAS-7 = seven-item version of the International Work Addiction Scale. Religiosity and age were mean-centered. N = 176.
Religions 16 00944 g001
Table 1. Sociodemographic characteristics of the sample.
Table 1. Sociodemographic characteristics of the sample.
Variablen%
Gender
  Woman11766.5
  Man5933.5
Education
  Primary school10.6
  Up to the ordinary levels (O/Ls)00.0
  Up to the advanced levels (A/Ls)84.5
  Vocational63.4
  Bachelor’s degree5933.5
  Master’s degree4425.0
  Doctoral degree5833.0
Monthly income before tax
  LKR 22,500–29,99900.0
  LKR 30,000–49,999 10.6
  LKR 50,000–69,999 126.8
  LKR 70,000–99,999 116.3
  LKR 100,000–199,999 5028.4
  LKR 200,000–299,999 4022.7
  LKR 300,000 or more 5631.8
  N/A63.4
Managerial position
  No6034.1
  Lower148.0
  Middle5531.2
  Top4726.7
Note. The mean age was 41.84 years, with a standard deviation of 9.02. N = 176.
Table 2. Means, standard deviations, and zero–order correlations between the study variables.
Table 2. Means, standard deviations, and zero–order correlations between the study variables.
VariableM (SD)Range1.2.3.4.5.6.7.8.
1. Work addiction (IWAS-7)16.39 (5.34)7–35–
2. Work addiction (IWAS-5)12.14 (4.18)5–250.96 ***–
3. Religiosity4.55 (1.45)1–70.01−0.01–
4. Gender 66.5% a–−0.06−0.04−0.12–
5. Age (in years)41.84 (9.02)23–620.040.000.20 **0.03–
6. Education level91.5% a–0.050.030.15 *0.060.07–
7. Monthly income82.9% a–−0.04−0.060.040.21 **0.39 ***0.41 ***–
8. Managerial position65.9% a–−0.01−0.010.060.25 ***0.30 ***0.080.41 ***–
Note. a The values represent the percentage of women, participants with higher education, those earning at least LKR 100,000 monthly before tax, and those holding a managerial position, respectively. M = mean, SD = standard deviation. IWAS-7 = seven–item version of the International Work Addiction Scale, IWAS-5 = five–item version of the International Work Addiction Scale. Gender was dummy coded: 0 = woman, 1 = man. * p < 0.05, ** p < 0.01, *** p < 0.001. N = 176.
Table 3. Regression analysis for the moderating effect of gender and age.
Table 3. Regression analysis for the moderating effect of gender and age.
PredictorsDependent Variable: Work Addiction (IWAS-7)
bSE95% CIt
Moderating effect of gender
Religiosity−0.470.38−1.209; 0.274−1.25
Gender−0.540.90−2.324; 1.239−0.60
Interaction: Religiosity × Gender1.010.59−0.165; 2.1841.70
Age0.050.05−0.049; 0.1521.01
Education level0.560.40−0.240; 1.3531.38
Income−0.550.43−1.396; 0.303−1.27
Managerial position0.170.38−0.587; 0.9220.44
R = 0.181; R2 = 0.033
Moderating effect of age
Religiosity0.080.29−0.500; 0.6540.26
Age0.050.05−0.048; 0.1501.03
Interaction: Religiosity × Age0.090.030.029; 0.1502.90 **
Gender−0.290.89−2.057; 1.472−0.33
Education level0.560.39−0.223; 1.3341.41
Income−0.520.42−1.357; 0.310−1.24
Managerial position−0.050.38−0.790; 0.699−0.12
R = 0.251, R2 = 0.063
Note. b = unstandardized coefficient, SE = standard error, CI = confidence interval, t = t-test, R2 = coefficient of determination, IWAS-7 = seven-item version of the International Work Addiction Scale. ** p < 0.01. N = 176.
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de Zoysa, P.; Charzyńska, E.; Bochniarz, K.T.; Atroszko, P.A. Work Addiction in a Buddhist Population from a Buddhist-Majority Country: A Report from Sri Lanka. Religions 2025, 16, 944. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16080944

AMA Style

de Zoysa P, Charzyńska E, Bochniarz KT, Atroszko PA. Work Addiction in a Buddhist Population from a Buddhist-Majority Country: A Report from Sri Lanka. Religions. 2025; 16(8):944. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16080944

Chicago/Turabian Style

de Zoysa, Piyanjali, Edyta Charzyńska, Klaudia T. Bochniarz, and Paweł A. Atroszko. 2025. "Work Addiction in a Buddhist Population from a Buddhist-Majority Country: A Report from Sri Lanka" Religions 16, no. 8: 944. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16080944

APA Style

de Zoysa, P., Charzyńska, E., Bochniarz, K. T., & Atroszko, P. A. (2025). Work Addiction in a Buddhist Population from a Buddhist-Majority Country: A Report from Sri Lanka. Religions, 16(8), 944. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16080944

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