Examining the Brief Religious Coping (B-RCOPE) Instrument in a Sample of Emerging Latinx Adult Immigrants

Abstract

The Brief Religious Coping Scale (B-RCOPE) is a widely recognized instrument for assessing how individuals draw upon religious coping strategies in response to life stressors. Religious coping is particularly salient among many in the Latinx community; however, shifting settlement patterns and increasing sociodemographic diversity among Latinx immigrants in the United States (U.S.) necessitate a more nuanced approach to its measurement; (2) Methods: This cross-sectional study examined the religious coping of a growing but understudied population—Latinx emerging adults (ages 18–29; N = 150)—and conducted exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses of the English-language B-RCOPE within this group; (3) Results: Findings revealed that participants in our sample made only modest use of religious coping to manage life challenges. Analyses supported the original two-dimensional factor structure (i.e., positive and negative religious coping) of the English B-RCOPE, while also indicating that a more parsimonious 12-item version performs comparably to the full 14 items; (4) Conclusions: This study documents the usability and appropriateness of the abbreviated version and offers practitioners a culturally relevant and efficient tool for examining religious coping practices and trends among Latinx emerging adults.

1. Introduction

Latinx individuals represent the largest and fastest-growing ethnic minority group in the United States, comprising 19% of the total population and over 40% of the immigrant population as of 2021 (United States Census Bureau 2021). For the purposes of this paper and to honor inclusivity, the authors will use the term Latinx (plural: Latinxes) to identify individuals of Latin American descent. This term has been increasingly used to encompass gender diversity beyond Latino and Latina (Miranda et al. 2023). A significant portion (57%) of this population is under the age of 35, with more than one-third between the ages of 18 to 29 (United States Census Bureau 2021)—commonly referred to as emerging adults (Arnett 2014). This developmental stage is marked by identity exploration, increased autonomy, and major life transitions, which can heighten vulnerability to psychological distress (Hoffman et al. 2018; Kranzler et al. 2019; Arnett 2014). Among Latinx emerging adults living in the U.S., rates of depression and serious mental illness are notably high, with 12.8% reporting a major depressive episode and 6.4% experiencing serious mental illness (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA) 2018).

For Latinx immigrants navigating this life stage, stressors are compounded by acculturative challenges, discrimination, and sociopolitical pressures. These include financial, familial, psychological, and acculturative stressors during and after migrating to the U.S. (e.g., undocumented status, language brokering, fear of deportation, and intergenerational cultural conflict). Most of these stressors have been correlated with significant mental health consequences, such as suicidal behaviors, depression, anxiety, and overall psychological distress (Miller De Rutté and Rubenstein 2021; Silva and Orden 2018). The COVID-19 pandemic further exacerbated these stressors, contributing to increased anxiety, depression, and economic hardship (Cleaveland and Frankenfeld 2022; Jaramillo and Felix 2023). With these challenges, many Latinx emerging adults may turn to culturally grounded coping strategies, including religious and spiritual practices (Sanchez et al. 2012; Tix and Frazier 1998; Wagner et al. 2022).

Religious coping—defined as the use of religious beliefs or behaviors to manage stress—serves as a critical point of convergence between psychological adaptation, health outcomes, and religious practice within Latinx populations (Pargament et al. 2000; Moreno and Cardemil 2013). For many Latinx individuals, religiosity—the degree of commitment to religious beliefs, practices, and the importance of religion in daily life—is not only a matter of personal faith but also a source of psychological resilience and a reflection of deeply held cultural and theological values. Among Latinx individuals in the U.S., 75% identify a religious affiliation and 72% identify as Christians (Pew Research Center 2019), making religion and religious activities central to their values and traditions, shaping both individual coping strategies and community support systems.

Understanding religious coping in the Latinx cultural and spiritual context requires an interdisciplinary approach that recognizes its psychological, cultural, and theological dimensions. Exploring religious coping among emerging adult Latinx immigrants offers critical insights for mental health professionals, religious scholars, and public health practitioners. For example, as Evans and Nelson (2021) suggest, providers should approach clients’ spirituality and religion with humility, curiosity, and openness—avoiding assumptions, exploring both supportive and harmful aspects, and engaging thoughtfully in relation to their concerns. This interdisciplinary perspective is essential for informing both clinical practice and scholarly inquiry (Vieten et al. 2023).

To deepen this understanding, researchers must critically evaluate the instruments measuring religious coping to ensure they effectively capture the complex, culturally and theologically informed ways in which Latinx emerging adults navigate stress. The Brief Religious Coping Scale (B-RCOPE; Pargament et al. 2011) is a widely used instrument designed to assess positive and negative religious coping. While the scale has demonstrated strong psychometric properties across diverse populations, including Latinx adults in Latin America (Rivera-Ledesma and Montero 2005; García et al. 2020), its utility among English-speaking Latinx emerging adult immigrants in the U.S. remains unexplored. Given the unique developmental and cultural context of this group, it is critical to evaluate the scale’s validity and relevance. Thus, this study examined the utility and validity of the English B-RCOPE (Pargament et al. 2011) among a sample of emerging adult Latinx immigrants in the U.S., aiming to refine the scale for this population and gain a deeper understanding of their use of religious coping.

1.1. Emerging Latinx Adult Immigrants in the US

Latinx individuals are the second-largest racial or ethnic group in the U.S., representing approximately 19.5% of the total population in 2023—over 65 million people—and remain a major driver of national population growth (United States Census Bureau 2021). This growth is fueled primarily by U.S. births rather than immigration, reflecting a shift toward a younger, U.S.-born demographic profile (Krogstad 2015). Despite this trend, Latinx individuals maintain a distinct sociodemographic profile: they are more likely to be younger, bilingual or Spanish-speaking, and concentrated in both urban centers and, increasingly, in rural communities (Krogstad 2015). English proficiency has increased steadily, with 68% of Hispanics ages 5 and older speaking English proficiently as of 2013—up from 59% in 2000 (Krogstad 2015). Still, one-third report speaking English less than “very well” or not at all, with lower proficiency rates among older adults and those with limited formal education (Krogstad 2015). These patterns underscore the importance of culturally and linguistically responsive services in mental health. Recognizing these demographic and linguistic trends is vital for understanding how Latinx individuals experience stress and adaptation as they navigate critical life transitions.

Throughout emerging adulthood (i.e., the period from the late teens through the twenties; Arnett 2000), individuals face unique milestones and experiences that may harm their mental health (Dykas and Siskind 2020). As noted in a literature review conducted by the first author (2021), some of these milestones and experiences include identity exploration (Layland et al. 2018), cultural factors (Gomez et al. 2011), and risky behaviors (Salvatore 2018; Schwartz et al. 2011). Emerging adults also encounter developmental choices regarding education, employment, and gender roles (Kuwabara et al. 2007). Further, they must navigate between their autonomy, independence, and societal expectations (Galligan et al. 2010). In addition to all these stressors, Latinx individuals are also vulnerable to acculturation stress, discrimination, and interpersonal conflicts.

Acculturation stress is a complex process of adjusting and adapting to a new dominant culture and is often at the center of immigration-related stressors for Latinx immigrants (Berry 1997; Da Silva et al. 2017; Silva and Orden 2018). This stress emerges from contradicting values and traditions with the host culture (Berry 1997). Research has linked acculturation stress to adverse health consequences among Latinx emerging adults, including suicidal behaviors (Cho and Haslam 2010; Gomez et al. 2011; Hovey 2000a, 2000b). According to the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC 2019), suicide is the second-leading cause of death among Latinx emerging adults, leading one to inquire if acculturation stress is causing Latinx emerging adults to die by suicide. Acculturation differences between Latinx emerging adults and their parents can lead to strain and conflicts in their relationships, thereby increasing suicidal behaviors (Cervantes et al. 2014). Moreover, Latinx emerging adults are more likely to be accused of assimilation than other family members, increasing isolation as they distance themselves from family, friends, and ethnic group community members (Castillo et al. 2007).

In addition to acculturation stressors, the COVID-19 pandemic and anti-immigration policies have further exacerbated inequalities faced by the Latinx population. These individuals experienced disproportionately high rates of COVID-19 diagnoses, lost wages (Cleaveland and Frankenfeld 2022), and elevated depressive symptoms (Goldman-Mellor et al. 2023). Moreover, the increased emphasis on anti-immigration policies and Immigration and Customs Enforcement efforts has cultivated an environment of uncertainty and oppression among Latinx immigrants living in the U.S. (Garcini et al. 2020), which has been worsened as of late. These compounded stressors have contributed to numerous Latinx individuals reporting heightened anxiety, depression, and stress (Jaramillo and Felix 2023). In response, many Latinx emerging adults have adopted intentional approaches to self-care, employing strategies that target difficulties at the micro-level, such as practicing gratitude, engaging in creative activities, and setting boundaries (Wagner et al. 2022). They also have sought social support and focused efforts on addressing financial hardship (Wagner et al. 2022).

1.2. Religious Coping and Emerging Latinx Adult Immigrants in the US

It is important to differentiate religion and spirituality, as both constructs are multifaceted and may be defined and utilized in diverse ways within coping frameworks (Schneiders 2003). Religion can be thought of as the “sense that involves the recognition of the total dependence of the creature on the source or matrix of being and life which gives rise to such attitudes and actions as reverence, gratitude for being and life and all that sustains it, compunction for failure to live that context in a worthy manner, and reliance on the transcendent for help in living and dying” (Schneiders 2003). On the other hand, spirituality is the “capacity of persons to transcend themselves through knowledge and love, to reach beyond themselves in relationship to others and thus become more than self-enclosed materials monads” (Schneiders 2003). The B-RCOPE is considered to be a multi-functional instrument that reflects the five religious functions of religious coping (i.e., meaning, intimacy, control, comfort, and life transformation [Pargament 1997; Pargament et al. 2011]). It also reflects the search for spirituality (Pargament et al. 2011).

A significant percentage of emerging adults, including Latinx individuals, report that religion is important in their lives, with 80% believing in a Higher Power (Cook et al. 2015). However, participation in religious activities drops significantly, with only 5–10% practicing their faith consistently during college years (Cook et al. 2015). This decline can be attributed to the search for personal identity and meaning, leading many to adopt a more individualized approach to spirituality (Barry et al. 2019; Barry and Abo-Zena 2014). Many Latinx emerging adults may experience a blend of religious and spiritual beliefs, reflecting a nuanced understanding of their identities (Herzog and Beadle 2018). Despite the decline in traditional religious practices, the spiritual landscape for Latinx emerging adults is rich and evolving, suggesting a potential for new forms of spiritual expression that may not align with conventional religious frameworks. This shift indicates a broader trend among young adults seeking personal relevance in their spiritual journeys.

Extensive evidence suggests that religiosity is a way of coping with stress across racial and ethnic populations (Ano and Vasconcelles 2005; Chatters 2000; Pargament 1997). Healthy religiosity has been linked to improved physical and mental health and well-being (Koenig 2012; Paloutzian and Park 2013; Pargament et al. 2013) across diverse samples, including men and women from different faith-based organizations (Hankerson and Weissman 2012), a range of ages (Marquine et al. 2016), diverse racial and ethnic groups (Holt et al. 2014; Merrill et al. 2010), and differing sexual orientations (Garofalo et al. 2015; Luquis et al. 2012; Meanley et al. 2016). Specific religious practices, such as church attendance (Moreno and Cardemil 2013), can increase levels of meaning in life (Park et al. 2013); satisfaction with life (Abu-Raiya and Agbaria 2016); healthy attachment (Granqvist and Kirkpatrick 2013); self-control (McCullough and Willoughby 2009); comfort (Exline et al. 2000); and lower levels of depression and anxiety (Hood et al. 2009).

Specific to Latinx immigrants, Moreno et al. (2020) found that religious practices, primarily internal forms of religious behaviors (e.g., prayers, reciting spiritual verses, entrusting oneself to God), played a vital role in healthy coping with stressful situations during the immigration process. This was especially true among Latinx individuals with limited resources during high-stress situations (Moreno and Cardemil 2013). Among Latinx emerging adults, religious behaviors, such as attending services, can serve as a protective factor against unhealthy coping mechanisms (e.g., substance abuse), and communal religious activities can foster healthier lifestyle choices (Escobar and Vaughan 2014).

Religiosity is an essential aspect of Latinx culture, and studies suggest that Latinx individuals use religious coping mechanisms more often than their non-Latinx White counterparts (Caplan 2019). For example, Coon et al. (2004) found that Latinx female caregivers were more likely to use religious coping than White caregivers. In Latinx emerging adults, Holloway-Friesen (2023) found that religious coping accounted for 21% of the variance in stress levels in this group, which highlights its frequency. Research associating religiosity with better health among Latinx individuals has focused on religious coping (Hunter-Hernández et al. 2015; Koerner et al. 2013; Moreno and Cardemil 2013).

Two dimensions, positive and negative, make up religious coping as a construct; these dimensions also influence individuals’ responses to stressful situations (Ano and Vasconcelles 2005; Pargament 1997). Positive religious coping has been widely conceptualized in the literature as adaptive, reflecting internal cognitive patterns and behaviors rooted in an individual’s constructive and engaged relationship with their faith or sacred source (Kim et al. 2015). Examples are seeking help from God to let go of anger or asking for forgiveness for one’s sins (Pargament et al. 2011) and accessing religious resources that improve well-being, meaning, and life satisfaction, such as clergy-led counseling, structured church events, and communal religious engagement (Hill and Pargament 2008). In contrast, negative religious coping refers to a person’s tendency to struggle internally with faith, such as perceiving one’s relationship with their God as unstable, distant, or riddled with questioning or guilt (Kim et al. 2015; Pargament et al. 1998).

Rather than aligning strictly with problem-focused or emotion-focused coping frameworks, religious coping involves the use of spiritual beliefs and practices as a means of managing stress (Krägeloh et al. 2012). Research suggests that Latinx undocumented immigrants rely more on internal and external religious coping before immigration compared to their documented counterparts (Sanchez et al. 2012). After immigration, losing connection with a religious community may contribute to Latinx immigrants’ heightened acculturative stress. Importantly, the type of religious coping matters: Da Silva et al. (2017) found that, unlike positive religious coping, negative religious coping intensifies the relationship between acculturative stress and psychological distress among Latinx females. More recently, Caro et al. (2023) found that engaging in faith-based activities, such as prayer, helps Latinx emerging adults regain a sense of control over stressful situations, including acculturative stress. Ultimately, among Latinx emerging adult immigrants, religious coping—whether positive or negative—plays a pivotal role in mental health outcomes.

Positive religious coping is often characterized by reliance on faith and spiritual practices and is generally associated with lower levels of depression, anxiety, and stress (Ano and Vasconcelles 2005; Holloway-Friesen 2023). However, research indicates that its benefits are not universal; in some contexts, such as high acculturative stress or perceived lack of control, positive coping may coexist with heightened distress (Da Silva et al. 2017; Sanchez et al. 2012). Conversely, negative religious coping—feelings of abandonment or punishment by a Higher Power—consistently correlates with increased mental health challenges (Holloway-Friesen 2023; Pargament et al. 1998). Overall, while positive coping can serve as a protective factor against acculturative stress and reduce suicidal ideation among U.S. Latinx emerging adults (Anonymous for peer review), its effectiveness depends on cultural and situational factors, underscoring the need for a nuanced understanding in clinical practice.

1.3. Measuring Religiosity

Although religious coping is widely recognized as a key contributor to mental health and resilience among Latinx populations—including emerging adults—there remains a lack of validated instruments specifically tailored to measure this construct within this subpopulation. To address this culturally and developmentally appropriate instrument gap, the present study employed the English version of the B-RCOPE (Pargament et al. 2011), a well-established tool designed to assess both positive and negative dimensions of religious coping. Prior research has demonstrated the B-RCOPE’s effectiveness in Latinx populations (Freitas et al. 2015; García et al. 2017, 2020; Mezzadra and Simkin 2017; Rivera-Ledesma and Montero 2005), and it has been translated into Spanish and used with Latina samples (Da Silva et al. 2017). However, its application among English-speaking, Latinx emerging adult immigrants in the U.S. remains unexplored. Thus, this study hopes to contribute to the existing body of literature by evaluating the scale’s utility and validity in this understudied and rapidly growing demographic.

To efficiently capture the role of religious coping among this particular population, we selected the B-RCOPE (Pargament et al. 2011) because it offers a concise yet robust alternative to the original Religious Coping scale (RCOPE; Pargament et al. 2000). The B-RCOPE was selected over the full RCOPE due to its brevity, strong psychometric properties, and suitability for research with vulnerable populations. The two-factor structure, positive and negative religious coping, captures the most salient dimensions relevant to Latinx emerging adults, while minimizing participant burden (Pargament et al. 2000; Kim et al. 2015).

Previous research has supported the two-factor structure of the English B-RCOPE across diverse populations, including Asian American (Kim et al. 2015) and Caucasian college students (Zinnbauer and Pargament 1998). Among Latinx populations, validation efforts have focused on Spanish-speaking adult immigrants. For example, Sanchez et al. (2012) examined the Spanish B-RCOPE in a sample of Latinx adults aged 18–65, with a mean age of approximately 35. Rivera-Ledesma and Montero (2005) reported high reliability coefficients for both subscales (α = 0.95 for positive coping; α = 0.90 for negative coping) in a sample of Puerto Rican adults aged 30–60. Similarly, García et al. (2020) found stronger correlations among positive subscale items than negative ones in a Chilean adult sample with a mean age of 42, which may reflect cultural or linguistic nuances. Trejos Herrera et al. (2023) reported a Cronbach’s alpha of 0.77 in a Colombian adult sample aged 25–60. While these studies provide a strong foundation for the scale’s cross-cultural applicability, they have focused largely on older Latinx adults and Spanish-speaking populations. To date, the psychometric properties of the English B-RCOPE have not been examined among emerging adult Latinx immigrants in the U.S.—a demographically distinct and rapidly growing group whose religious coping experiences may differ significantly from those of older or monolingual counterparts. This study addresses that gap by evaluating the scale’s validity and reliability within this unique population.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Hypotheses

Although the English and the Spanish versions of the scale have been validated in other cultural contexts in and outside of the U.S. (e.g., García et al. 2020; Pargament et al. 2011), to our knowledge, the English version has not been assessed with a U.S. emerging adult Latinx immigrant population. Thus, we aimed to explore the utility and validity of the English B-RCOPE among emerging adults who are Latinx immigrants, a growing and understudied community within the U.S. Our study also sought to use the English B-RCOPE to explore both positive and negative religious coping in a sample of emerging adults who were Latinx immigrants in the U.S.

We hypothesized that results in such a sample would be similar to those reported in participants in Latinx countries. Similarly, we expected that the items within the positive subscale would demonstrate much higher correlations than those items within the negative subscale. Lastly, we expected the results would replicate the two-factor structure of the B-RCOPE among this population while highlighting some scale-item nuances specific to this population.

2.2. Participants

The study sample included 150 Latinx immigrants who completed the survey (see

Table 1. Sociodemographic Characteristics of Participants.

Variable
	n	%	M	SD	Range
Gender
Female	90	60.00
Male	55	36.67
Non-binary/conforming	5	3.33
Age			22.17	2.22	18–25
Race
White Latinx	87	58.00
Mestizo/Mestiza	40	26.70
Afro-Latinx	23	15.30
Nativity
Mexico	78	57.00
South America	47	37.00
Central America	25	17.00
U.S. Legal Status
U.S. Citizen	60	40.00
Permanent Resident	30	20.00
DACA a	26	17.33
Undocumented	19	12.67
Other	15	10.00
Relationship Status
Single	107	71.33
Partnered	29	19.33
Married	133	8.67
Declined Response	1	0.67
Years in the United States			12.79	7.37	0–25
Religious Affiliation
Catholic	54	36.00
No Affiliation	39	26.00
Agnostic	22	14.67
Non-Catholic Christian	21	14.00
Other	14	9.33

Note. N = 150. ^a DACA refers to Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals.

). Most of the participants (n = 93) were recruited using social media, printed flyers, and Latinx-specific professional networks, with a few (n = 57) via Prolific. The participants varied in religious affiliation: 36% (n = 54) were Catholic; 26% (n = 39) had no affiliation; 15% (n = 22) were agnostic; 14% (n = 21) were non-Catholic Christian; and 9% (n = 14) were affiliated with other types of religions (e.g., Buddhist, Bahia, Jewish, Spiritual). See Table 1 for Sociodemographic Characteristics of Participants. The study protocol was approved by the Institutional Review Board at The University of North Carolina at Greensboro.

2.3. Procedure

Data for this study were drawn from a larger survey project (Pulgar Guzman 2021) that utilized snowball and panel sampling techniques. The survey for that project was developed in both English and Spanish using Qualtrics. Electronic consent was embedded in the survey to protect participants’ anonymity. Potential participants were recruited for the study via social media, printed flyers, and Latinx-specific professional networks, as well as via Prolific panels. The latter refers to a recently developed online platform that facilitates the recruitment of research participants by matching individuals based on predefined eligibility criteria (Palan and Schitter 2018). To qualify for this study, participants had to: (a) identify as Latinx; (b) be between the ages of 18 to 25; (c) have been born outside the U.S. in Mexico, Central, or Latin America; and (d) complete the survey in English. For more details, please see Pulgar Guzman (2021).

2.4. Measure

Religious Coping. The English B-RCOPE (Pargament et al. 2011) has 7 items assessing positive religious coping and 7 items assessing negative religious coping. Items use a 4-point Likert-type scale (1 = Not at all; 2 = Somewhat; 3 = Quite a bit; 4 = A great deal). Higher scores reflect a greater frequency in the use of a specific coping approach or method. Item examples include “Looked for a stronger connection with God” (positive religious coping) and “Wondered what I did for God to punish me” (negative religious coping). The B-RCOPE has demonstrated good validity (Pargament et al. 2011). A validation study with a Latin American sample reported internal consistency coefficients of 0.95 and 0.90 for positive and negative religious coping subscales, respectively (Rivera-Ledesma and Montero 2005).

3. Results

3.1. Exploratory Factor Analysis

As expected, the exploratory factor analysis suggested a more parsimonious scale while reinforcing the English B-RCOPE scale’s original two-dimensional factor (i.e., both positive and negative religious coping) structure. Many scale items on both subscales were strongly and significantly intercorrelated (see

Table 2. Religious Coping and Bivariate Correlations of the B-RCOPE Scale among Participants (N = 150).

Question	M (SD)	1	2	3	4	5	6	7	8	9	10	11	12	13	14
1. Looked for a stronger connection with God.	2 (1.04)	1
2. Sought God’s love and care.	2.04 (1.06)	0.88 ***	1
3. Sought help from God in letting go of my anger.	2.02 (1.05)	0.79 ***	0.84 ***	1
4. Tried to put my plans into action together with God.	1.99 (1.11)	0.79 ***	0.77 ***	0.80 ***	1
5. Tried to see how God might be trying to strengthen me in this situation.	1.97 (1.02)	0.75 ***	0.74 ***	0.73 ***	0.82 ***	1
6. Asked forgiveness for my sins.	2.11 (1.06)	0.62 ***	0.62 ***	0.58 ***	0.54 ***	0.56 ***	1
7. Focused on religion to stop worrying about my problems.	1.74 (0.94)	0.60 ***	0.59 ***	0.59 ***	0.58 ***	0.52 ***	0.51 ***	1
8. Wondered whether God had abandoned me.	1.96 (1.12)	0.37 ***	0.36 ***	0.39 ***	0.35 ***	0.37 ***	0.33 ***	0.31 ***	1
9. Felt punished by God for my lack of devotion.	1.61 (0.88)	0.37 ***	0.35 ***	0.43 ***	0.36 ***	0.39 ***	0.42 ***	0.39 ***	0.56 ***	1
10. Wondered what I did for God to punish me.	1.68 (0.95)	0.36 ***	0.31 ***	0.42 ***	0.31 ***	0.37 ***	0.36 ***	0.36 ***	0.61 ***	0.74 ***	1
11. Questioned God’s love for me.	1.87 (1.01)	0.37 ***	0.30 ***	0.34 ***	0.26 **	0.33 ***	0.31 ***	0.40 ***	0.68 ***	0.58 ***	0.64 ***	1
12. Wondered whether my church had abandoned me.	1.42 (0.80)	0.33 ***	0.28 ***	0.30 **	0.36 ***	0.33 ***	0.29 ***	0.35 ***	0.44 ***	0.43 ***	0.36 ***	0.47 ***	1
13. Decided the devil made this happen.	1.33 (0.69)	0.25 **	0.22 **	0.31 ***	0.21 **	0.29 ***	0.35 ***	0.31 ***	0.37 ***	0.47 ***	0.35 ***	0.42 ***	0.50 ***	1
14. Questioned the power of God.	1.93 (1.08)	0.11	0.05	0.09	0.01	0.05	−0.01	0.04	0.45	0.33 ***	0.38 ***	0.53 ***	0.31 ***	0.26 ***	1

Note. Cronbach’s α = 0.9194 with 12-scale items for the entire scale. Cronbach’s α = 0.9368 with seven-scale items for the subscale positive coping. Cronbach’s α = 0.8605 with five-scale items for negative coping. Items 1–12 were retained in the final analysis. Items are reproduced from B-COPE (Pargament et al. 2011). ** p < 0.01; *** p < 0.001.

). For both subscales, Bartlett’s Sphericity Test was significant (p < 0.001), and the Kaiser-Meyer-Olkin test was above 0.80. Similar to previous studies (Sanchez et al. 2012; Da Silva et al. 2017; García et al. 2020), items within the positive subscale demonstrated much higher correlations than those items within the negative subscale.

Since all positive religious coping subscale items exhibited correlation coefficients above the recommended threshold of 0.30 (DeVellis 2012), we retained all items for this subscale. Similar to findings from the Spanish-BRCOPE (Sanchez et al. 2012; Da Silva et al. 2017; García et al. 2020), the 7-item subscale’s initial internal consistency reliability testing yielded a Cronbach’s a of 0.94—much higher than the negative religious coping subscale. The corrected item-total correlation varied from 0.64 to 0.88.

Initial internal consistency reliability testing of the negative religious coping subscale yielded a Cronbach’s a of 0.84. However, two items had correlation coefficients below 0.30: Item 13, “Decided the devil made this happen,” and Item 14, “Questioned the power of God.” Thus, those items were removed. The revised 5-item negative religious coping subscale’s initial internal consistency reliability testing yielded a Cronbach’s a of 0.86, and the corrected item-total correlation improved from 0.45 to 0.62. Overall, the revised 12-item B-RCOPE scale exhibited excellent reliability (α = 0.92), with a corrected item-total correlation ranging from 0.48 to 0.80.

In the confirmatory factor analysis, modification indexes suggested allowing two-error term correlations, Item 1 with Item 2, and Item 9 with Item 10. The former item set, Items 1 and 2, is within the positive religious coping subscale. They were also the most highly correlated with each other in the positive coping subscale and focused on seeking a stronger relationship with God. Similarly, Items 9 and 10 were within the same subscale (negative religious coping) and were the most highly correlated with each other of the corresponding subscale items. Additionally, both Items 9 and 10 related to being punished by God. Since we considered both suggested sets of items as theoretically related, error correlations were allowed. The final 12-item English B-RCOPE scale with two-error correlations exhibited good model fit (χ2 (51) = 92.48, p = 0.01; CFI = 0.97; TLI = 0.96; RMSEA = 0.07, p = 0.06; and SRMR = 0.05).

3.2. Religious Coping Results

Based on the participants’ average scores on the English B-RCOPE, their religious coping was low (M = 1.83; S.D. = 0.67; range 1 to 3.93). Scores were low within both positive religious coping (M = 1.98; S.D. = 0.89) and negative religious coping (M = 1.69; S.D. = 0.69) subscales. There were no differences in religious coping by gender (F(2, 147) = 1.69, p = 0.188); age (F(1, 148) = 1.96, p = 0.164); race (F(2, 147) = 2.75, p = 0.067); or legal status (F(4, 145) = 0.27, p = 0.67). There were differences in participants’ religious coping levels based on religious affiliation (F(4, 145) = 8.34, p < 0.001). Participants who identified as Christian or Catholic had the highest levels of religious coping (M = 2.32, S.D. = 0.51, and M = 2.01, S.D. = 0.63, respectively). However, participants who said they were agnostic or had no religious affiliation had the lowest levels of religious coping (M = 1.5, S.D. = 0.54, and M = 1.5, S.D. = 0.64, respectively).

We examined correlations between B-RCOPE scores and age and years in the U.S. Results indicated no significant associations (all p > 0.05): age with total score (r = −0.11, p = 0.164), positive coping (r = −0.11, p = 0.168), negative coping (r = −0.13, p = 0.108); years in the U.S. with total score (r = −0.005, p = 0.955), positive coping (r = 0.004, p = 0.960), negative coping (r = −0.027, p = 0.744).

4. Discussion

This study aimed to explore and refine the use of the English B-RCOPE instrument for emerging adult Latinx immigrants in the U.S., providing a unique lens that bridges psychological assessment, health outcomes, and religious studies. By examining how this subpopulation employs religious coping, our findings contribute to a deeper understanding of the interplay between mental health and religious practice. While previous studies validated the use of the English B-RCOPE with Latinx individuals in the U.S., our focus on emerging adult Latinx immigrants highlights the importance of considering both psychological mechanisms and the cultural-theological context in which religious coping occurs. Our results suggest a need to refine the use of the English B-RCOPE and highlight nuances in how our sample used religious coping, reflecting the complex ways in which faith, culture, and psychological adaptation intersect.

Similar to previous studies (Kim et al. 2015; Zinnbauer and Pargament 1998), our findings reinforced the B-RCOPE two-factor structure (i.e., both negative and positive coping). However, differing from those studies, our results suggested a more parsimonious scale would be of value. Specifically, we validated the removal of two items with correlation coefficients below 0.30: Item 13, “Decided the devil made this happen,” and Item 14, “Questioned the power of God.”

For most Latinx communities, religion is rooted in Catholic beliefs (Huckle 2019). Within Catholicism, one of the central characteristics of God is His omnipotence (Catholic Church 2012). These two items on the scale contradict that core, which may explain their poor correlation within the sample. As of 2022, only 43% of Latinx adults identify as Catholic, a 67% decrease since 2010 (Pew Research Center 2023). Our sample was almost half non-Catholic, reflecting this trend.

The revised 12-item English B-RCOPE has psychometric properties satisfactory for its use with Latinx emerging adult immigrants in the U.S., mimicking results in studies that used the Spanish-BRCOPE with Latinx populations (Sanchez et al. 2012; Da Silva et al. 2017; García et al. 2020). However, compared to previous findings with Latinx adults, our sample’s overall level of religious coping was lower (see Sanchez et al. 2012; Da Silva et al. 2017; Kent et al. 2023). This lower level of religious coping probably reflects our subpopulation, unlike previous studies that focused on Latinx females or Latinx adults living in Latin America. Longitudinal research is needed to elucidate the evolution of religious coping among Latinx immigrants in the U.S. Moreover, consistent with these results, we found no significant associations between religious coping and either age or years living in the U.S. This lack of correlation aligns with prior research indicating that religious coping may be shaped more by cultural identity, stress context, and available social support than by length of residence in the host country (Ano and Vasconcelles 2005; Da Silva et al. 2017; Sanchez et al. 2012). These findings underscore the importance of considering psychosocial and cultural factors when interpreting religious coping patterns among Latinx emerging adults.

Our findings suggest that the significance of religiosity may be fading due to the process of adaptation to different social surroundings in the U.S. This cultural adaptation and the desire to be accepted in a new society often occur at the expense of their faith in God or religious commitment, potentially lowering religiosity among future generations despite shared origins, language, and cultural traditions. Addressing this trend is critical for scholars and practitioners seeking to understand and support the spiritual and mental health needs of this population.

Similar to previous findings (Sanchez et al. 2012; Da Silva et al. 2017; García et al. 2020; Kent et al. 2023), our sample endorsed positive religious coping attitudes more frequently than negative ones. This pattern underscores the significance of religious coping not only as a psychological strategy but also as a culturally and theologically informed practice. Additionally, consistent with previous studies suggesting that among Latinx adult immigrants, religious coping may vary across complex intersecting factors (Sanchez et al. 2012), our results demonstrate that religious coping in this population is shaped by diverse religious affiliations and cultural backgrounds, further illustrating the need for interdisciplinary approaches that integrate psychological, health, and religious studies perspectives.

4.1. Limitations

We recognize several limitations in this study. First, data were not collected directly for a factor analysis but were extrapolated as part of a larger study. Second, self-report instruments may be subject to biases, including social desirability effects, and depend on participants’ ability to accurately reflect on and report their experiences. Moreover, external sociopolitical dynamics present during the data collection period may have influenced participant responses. While these limitations are inherent to self-report methodologies, we tried to limit their impact by reinforcing in our informed consent form that participation in the study was entirely voluntary and that all responses were anonymous. Lastly, since these data were collected in 2021 during the COVID-19 pandemic, the number of participants was limited due to recruitment time and methods. Our results may have differed with a larger sample size. Similarly, there is an increased likelihood of Type I error in our analyses, given the numerous statistical tests conducted to examine the relationships between participants’ sociodemographic information and their religious coping.

4.2. Implications

From a clinical perspective, mental health providers are responsible for assessing their clients’ religious coping tools and traditions and their effects on mental health (e.g., E.8. American Counseling Association’s Code of Ethics; National Association of Social Workers’ (2021) Code of Ethics). Our results suggest that some proportion of emerging adult Latinx immigrants use religious coping; therefore, this perspective could be incorporated into their treatment plans. Especially in the aftermath of the pandemic, mental health professionals must help Latinx (and other) communities cope with the aversive consequences of losses (Cleaveland and Frankenfeld 2022; Goldman-Mellor et al. 2023). Understanding how religious coping plays a role in coping skills implemented by Latinx emerging adults is an important tool in supporting their mental health.

Positive religious coping can be enhanced to help mitigate the impact of stress on negative health consequences. Mental health providers should initiate conversations about religious coping that spark insights into its use by Latinx emerging adults. The English B-RCOPE can be used as an initial step in assessing a client’s stress and coping. Moreover, it can be adopted as part of an initial assessment or screening of emerging adult Latinx immigrants. The insights gained can help professionals work with their clients in culturally responsive ways to reduce negative coping strategies and increase positive culturally relevant coping to moderate the effects of psychological distress.

Lastly, information on trends in coping for marginalized populations could inform future treatment guidelines and expand recommendations grounded in evidence-based frameworks. Future research should create a culturally based measure to incorporate the nuances of religious coping in Latinx emerging adults. Given the moderate levels of religious coping in our sample, clinicians can consider providing emerging adult Latinx immigrants with alternative active coping mechanisms, such as offering culturally informed humanistic counseling to explore and alleviate the burden of acculturative stress and/or skills training in stress management (e.g., dialectical behavior therapy, cognitive behavioral therapy, mindfulness).

5. Conclusions

This study advances the literature on religious coping by validating a culturally responsive and psychometrically sound 12-item version of the English B-RCOPE for use with Latinx immigrants who are emerging adults. Our findings reveal that this population reports relatively low levels of religious coping, particularly when compared to broader Latinx adult populations. This suggests that emerging adult Latinx immigrants may be navigating stress and adversity through alternative coping mechanisms beyond traditional religious frameworks (e.g., mindfulness, peer support, activism, profound spiritual and cultural experiences such as traveling), possibly reflecting generational shifts in religiosity and spiritual expression.

Importantly, the study underscores the need for mental health professionals and researchers to approach religious coping as a nuanced and culturally embedded construct. While positive religious coping was more frequently endorsed than negative coping, the overall modest use of religious coping strategies highlights the importance of assessing individual differences in spiritual and religious engagement. The revised 12-item B-RCOPE offers a concise and effective tool for clinicians and scholars to explore these dimensions, facilitating culturally responsive care and informing future interventions aimed at reducing psychological distress in this population. Its brevity and strong psychometric properties make it especially suitable for use in community-based and clinical settings with limited resources.

Future research should explore longitudinal patterns of religious coping among Latinx emerging adults, particularly in relation to acculturative stress, sociopolitical factors, and evolving spiritual identities. Additionally, the development of culturally tailored instruments that capture the hybridized and dynamic nature of Latinx spirituality could further enhance our understanding of coping in this group. By integrating psychological, cultural, and theological perspectives, scholars and practitioners can better support the mental health and resilience of Latinx emerging adult immigrants in the U.S.