The Representation of the Placemaking Process of Urban Religious and Secular Turkish Identities: The Case of Kizilcik Şerbeti (One Love) Soap Opera

Abstract

During a 2-year period, the depictions of religious figures and their interactions with secular individuals in urban daily life became an integral feature of Turkish soap operas that gained popularity in the world after the 1990s. While previous studies have explored the portrayal of various actors in them in terms of age, gender, socio-economic status, and historical perspectives, there is a lack of analysis regarding the interaction between secular and religious urban representations. This research aims to investigate the differences in everyday cosmopolitan perspectives in terms of spatiality and temporality between the two groups. To examine this, the soap opera Kızılcık Şerbeti (One Love) was analysed. Research has shown that when two groups develop their identities in opposition to one another, it leads to the emergence of different temporal and spatial dimensions within the same urban setting. While it seems unfeasible to reconcile the daily routines of both groups in the same place, age, gender, education, and class make negotiation possible in shared spaces. This draws attention to the intersectional approach rather than the binary positions of identities in the placemaking process. The main contribution of this research is to integrate religion, which has been forgotten in human geography, into geographical and sociological discussions by focusing on an intersectional approach in an urban context.

1. Introduction

Identity is a controversial concept that, under construction, is dynamic, historical, and depends on time and space (İnaç and Ünal 2013). In this regard, the definitions of identity, whether secular or religious, are not conceptualised as fixed. Like identity, I interpret space or place interchangeably as dynamic in nature. The urban space emerges through the interconnected and diverse temporalities of capital, social interactions, cultures, materials, and ecologies. These elements shape the city’s history and potential (McFarlane 2011). So, in this study, place is conceptualised as the combination of different dynamics and social categories. Space is understood as the combination of social, historical, cultural, gendered, economic, religious, symbolic, and emotional dimensions (Karamese 2022, 2023a). In this regard, a human being builds a living space in a certain piece of space beyond just being in a place and occupying an area. The way she or he takes part in the space is an active style, and this style is essentially based on making the space his or her own (Bilgin 2011, p. 28 as cited in Ayyıldız 2023, p. 136). In this regard, the representation of identities, lifestyles, and expectations in space produces a sense of space. In other words, the dynamic nature of identity directly influences the space-making process. Since identities are always in negotiation, space is a negotiated reality. A sense of place is a central concept to understanding this dialectical relation between space and identity. This is because the concept of ‘sense of place’ pertains to individuals’ cognitive perception and emotional connection to their surroundings, establishing an intrinsic bond between people and their environment. It facilitates individuals in discovering their identities and recollecting their experiences. The environment consists of various meanings and messages that individuals interpret and evaluate according to their roles, expectations, and other influencing circumstances. This perception gives rise to a feeling of location, which is essential for organising individuals and the surroundings, promoting more efficient use of the environment, contentment, and fostering a sense of attachment to the area (Falahat 2006).

This study examines soap operas and focuses on how players describe themselves in terms of religious and secular identities. By ‘religious’, I am referring to individuals who prioritise religious devotion in their daily routines and consider symbols such as headscarves, the Quran, and mosques to be essential and integral components of their lives. By using the term ‘secular’, I am specifically referring to persons who do not prioritise symbols and religious activities like prayer and fasting as the focal point of their existence but instead identify themselves as ‘modern individuals’. Identity not only constructs itself in opposition to another place, but the multifaceted dimensions of identity also enable negotiations between secular and religious identities and their respective locations (Fridolfsson and Elander 2013). From this perspective, I have observed multiple and mutually constitutive relationships between religion and space (Burchardt et al. 2023) despite religion being a forgotten phenomenon in human geography (Kong 2001).

This research focuses on how multiple identities are effective in the process of creating space and brings the Kızılcık Şerbeti (One Love) series into discussion using the thematic analysis method, a qualitative research method, because thematic analysis offers researchers a flexible and valuable research method that allows for in-depth and comprehensive interpretation of complex data, thanks to its theoretical flexibility. The series questions the possibility of togetherness in the same space against the construction of opposing identities due to factors such as gender, age, education, and class. In other words, the study topic focuses on the series that portrays the contrasting lives of the middle-class Arslan family, composed exclusively of women, and the upper-class religious Ünal family, in terms of both social class and cultural background. This text examines the varying timeframes and places of lifestyles that appear to be in conflict, as well as the potential for finding a negotiation or conflict (Karamese 2023b, p. 139). The series takes place in Istanbul, the most cosmopolitan city in Turkey. In the 19th century, when the state adopted the ’modernization from above’ approach, Istanbul became an arena where essential oppositions, such as East versus West, Islam versus Christianity, and local versus global, played out (Keyder 1999, p. 9).

2. Methodology

This study is entirely based on qualitative research. The quality of qualitative research depends on the authentic representation of participants’ perspectives in the research process and the interpretations made from the gathered information (referred to as authenticity) (Fossey et al. 2002, p. 723), so researchers prefer qualitative research, which uses different techniques to make sense of participants’ complex worlds through their eyes. In other words, qualitative methods are employed to address inquiries on experience, significance, and viewpoint, primarily from the participant’s side. Typically, these data cannot be easily quantified or measured. Qualitative research methodologies encompass the use of ‘small-group discussions’ to explore and analyse beliefs, attitudes, and concepts related to normative conduct (Hammarberg et al. 2016, p. 499). This study will employ thematic analysis, a qualitative research method. Thematic analysis is a versatile method for analysing qualitative data, allowing researchers to understand experiences, thoughts, or behaviours across a data set. A theme is a concept that organises a group of repeating ideas, allowing researchers to answer study questions. It encompasses codes that share a common reference point and exhibit high generality, which unify ideas about the subject of inquiry, uncover an implicit thread of meaning at the interpretative level, and incorporate elements of subjective participant understandings (Vaismoradi et al. 2016). The most widely accepted framework for conducting thematic analysis involves a six-step process: familiarising oneself with the data, generating initial codes, searching for themes, reviewing themes, defining and naming themes, and producing the report (Kiger and Varpio 2020).

The main research question in this study is ‘How does the television series Kızılcık Şerbeti represent the Turkish conception of religious identity in terms of spatiality and temporality?’ In addition to the main research question, the sub-questions are as follows: (1) Do religious and secular urban individuals differ in their everyday cosmopolitan orientations? (2) How do religiosity (religious practices and intrinsic religiosity), religious identification, and perceived discrimination of opponent groups in urban spaces affect devout and secular characters’ everyday cosmopolitan orientations?

Because researchers must clearly outline their paradigmatic orientations and assumptions to ensure trustworthiness (Kiger and Varpio 2020), I watched all the broadcast episodes of the TV series and conducted a thematic analysis to clearly answer research questions that are based on both space and time. Then, by re-examining the episodes, I took notes and determined the main themes after initial codes. All themes are defined in this paper to analyse the findings clearly.

3. Who Is Modern? Understanding Religion and Secularism in the Turkish Context

Religion should be integrated into spatial theories because religion is socially constructed, historical, and space-based (Kong 2001; Karamese 2023b). However, modernisation theory has influenced religious urbanism and binary positions in the literature that discuss the intersection of religion and urban space. Urban modernity and nonurban (religious) tradition form the foundation of this modernisation theory (Burchardt et al. 2023, p. 150). Understanding this dichotomy in the Turkish context presents a complex issue, necessitating a discussion of historical breakpoints and conditions following the Turkish Revolution in 1923. After the Ottoman Empire fell, many changes occurred in Turkish society, including secularisation (Berkes 1964), modernisation (Lewis 1993), and Westernisation. Despite the interchangeability of these three concepts, I favour employing the modernisation concept, as proposed by Bernard Lewis (1993), and expanding the modernisation perspective through Göle’s classifications (Göle 2011a). This is because modernisation history is also the history of the modernisation of cities in Turkey (Tekeli 1998). Göle (2011a) categorised them as plural modernity, alternative modernity, local modernity, and non-Western modernity. She believes that the concept of non-Western modernity best fits Turkish society, and she asks, ‘Are the basic dynamics of the West functional in non-Western societies?’ So, she looks at the modernisation coming out of the West. Göle argues that non-Western societies reinterpret the qualities considered to be the basic dynamics of modernity. She looks again at modernity from the margins of non-Western societies. She has endeavoured to reinterpret modernity discussions without rejecting the dominant Western understanding of modernity but also without being completely dependent on it. While criticising the pairing of modernity with the West, she argues that societies other than Western ones could also create a new perspective to describe this process (Göle 2011a). In this regard, during the research, non-Western modernisation and urbanisation will be understood in a specific Turkish context.

This perspective clarifies the political dimension of Turkish urban space production, which represents ideologies and strategies (Busquet and Lavue 2013). In this context, Kemalist space construction is the most visible application. Kemalism is the primary and officially recognised ideology of the Republic of Turkey, which is rooted in the concepts and heritage established by Mustafa Kemal Atatürk in 1923. The development of the nation-state, emergent state ideology, and nation-building processes all influenced the socio-political context of the early Republican era. Westernisation is a characteristic principal change in traditional Turkish cities, with influences from the West inspiring the transformation of the physical environment, administrative and public buildings, living environment, and public space. The new state’s intention to create a new and ‘modern’ capital must be defined. The foundation of the Turkish Republic followed a period of social and economic reorganisation, implementing a modernisation programme for society. Modernisation was implemented as an ‘ideology of development’ comprising extensive transformation in all fields of social life. The spatial organisation becomes the main area that needs reformulation in terms of modernisation projects (Özaksoy 2005). The revolution in the Republic of Turkey is an expression of creating a new civilisation and changing the old one by transforming from an Islamic society to a secular national state. This attempt represents a departure from Eastern traditions and a shift toward the West. The aim of the New Turkish State was to create a new lifestyle and new behaviours and to penetrate daily life (Göle 2011b). The New Turkish State distinguished between modern and non-modern and imposed regulations in various areas, ranging from clothing to the interaction between men and women in public spaces. However, despite the assumptions of modern and Kemalist ideologies, these distinctions and binary imaginaries remain controversial, as discussed above.

In this regard, the increasing debate around the polarisation between West/East, forward/backward, and secular/non-secular has not been valid with the increase in Islamist movements in Turkey and the visibility of religious people in public and urban spaces. In addition to the rapid urbanisation that challenges the ideals of the modernisation project of Republican elites (Erman 2013), the appearance of religious symbols in urban contexts has produced the collapse of Western types of modernisation in Turkey. Viewing religion and secularism as distinct and opposing concepts may be logically unsound and difficult to maintain in practice, especially considering that in many postcolonial and Western societies, religion and secularism often intersect (Asthana 2008). As a result, regarding the polarisation between secular and religious identities embedded in the modernisation project and the traces of binary positions within the historical background, this research will question the representations of two identities in Turkish soap operas to see continuity, break, or dialogue between two groups.

To answer this question, this research’s main argument is that religions intersect with other social elements to form modern subjectivities. According to Tse (2014, p. 209), both the social and cultural geography of religious intersections, as well as the literature on religious practice in religious studies, show how individuals and communities practice their religion in ways that differ from the rules set by religious authorities.

Instead of dividing religious or secular, case studies show the actors' hybridity between religious and secular modernity (Tse 2014, p. 214). Previous studies (Karamese 2018; Hopkins 2009, 2010; Dwyer 1998, 1999a, 1999b) have highlighted the significance of comprehending the intersectionality of religion, age, gender, and class in the migration process of Muslims as a minority in non-Muslim countries. However, this research contributes to the existing body of literature by specifically examining the experiences and representations of religious individuals in a context where Muslims represent the majority. Moreover, religiosity studies suggest that younger individuals exhibit lower levels of religiosity compared to older individuals (Nişancı 2023; Sarı 2017), while those with higher levels of education tend to display lower levels of religiosity than those without (Nişancı 2023). Additionally, it is seen that women tend to be more religious than men (Nişancı 2023). However, there is limited knowledge about the specific outcomes that result from various combinations of these identities. Saktanber (2007) explicitly examines the cultural challenges and changes experienced by educated urban Muslim youth in their identities. While some may view religious beliefs as incompatible with education and youth, Saktanber shows how educated Muslim youth groups can enhance individual liberties, tolerance, and mutual understanding by gaining new insights.

Okuyan and Curtin (2018) argue that examining the gender aspect and the intersectionality of youth and education can enhance our understanding of the experiences of educated urban Muslim youth. Like Saktanber (2007), they perceive this group as the embodiment of reciprocal comprehension and acceptance. They explicitly demonstrate that this group exhibits a state of ‘in-betweenness’ characterised by conflicting identities. They contradict both secular and religious groups’ stereotypes. The complex intersection of individuals’ diverse identities poses problems for the prevailing portrayals of educated Muslim women in the public eye. Gökarıksel and Secor (2015) look for the possibilities of pluralism against the socio-spatial binary of secular and religious constructions. They examine the experiences of devout women in different urban spaces. Their research found that socio-spatial boundaries are complex, and diverse viewpoints and contradictions define the limits of pluralistic coexistence in different geographies. As a result, the studies mentioned above address the primary research question of the present work. This study aims to explore the presence of identities beyond the limitations of a binary representation through an analysis of the process of placemaking within the series’ content.

4. Media Representations

The representations and misconceptions about Muslims and Islam are complex. Global politics has made negative stereotyping of particular groups worse, and the media is crucial in forming these opinions. The phenomenon of media trials and, more significantly, biased media discussions engender pervasive and unbalanced perceptions regarding contemporary events. (Drabu 2018). As in the world, in Turkey, the representation of Islam has been questionable in the media, particularly in Turkish movies (Çeliker 2023), because depiction is the production of meanings through language, and its meaning almost immediately involves the question of power (Hall 1997). In this regard, contextual changes and power relations should be examined to understand the increasing number of TV series centred on religious and secular actors.

A rift emerged between the bureaucracy that implemented reforms and the rural population upon the establishment of the Republic (Özbudun and Hale 2010). Zürcher (2015) argues that the techniques employed by the Kemalist founding ideology to promote secularisation in society have significantly influenced the development of this estrangement. The institutional policy did not trigger a public reaction, but measures such as the destruction of the caliphate1 and madrassas2 in 1924; the closure of saints’ tombs, lodges, and zawiyas3 in 1925; and the restriction of religious garb in 1935 did. Consequently, the sects, which clandestinely persisted in their operations, contributed to the politicisation of religion in subsequent years, particularly starting in the 1940s. As a result, they facilitated the formation of political parties that advocated for ‘conservative-traditional’ policies. Since the 1990s, there has been an increase in the presence of Islamists and the ‘Refah Partisi’ (RP) Welfare Party in the political sphere, as well as religious individuals in metropolitan areas. Then, the ‘Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi’ (AKP), Justice and Development Party, was founded in 2001, positioning itself as a conservative democratic party in Turkish politics rather than ‘Islamic’ (Taspinar 2008). Although the Turkish political environment has been constructed over polarisation (left and right), the possibility of negotiation between different identities is just being discussed, so this has led to a new requirement for the representation of religion in the media.

When looking at historical continuity in terms of religious figures’ representations, according to Çeliker (2023, p. 169), in the 2000s, religious portrayal in cinema encompassed various forms of religiosity, including village/rural, slum, and urban contexts. A lifestyle characterised by a notable absence of religious conventions is apparent. Cinema has experienced a stylistic transformation due to the influence of contemporary urban life and religious customs. The films of this era portrayed various aspects of religious life in villages. Alongside the traditional ‘bigot’ hodja4 characters, there were also depictions of an ‘enlightened imam’5 as well as imams or hodjas with unique personalities different from the typical ones. The 2000s films aimed to depict how religion addresses social issues and plays a role in helping people cope with psychosocial challenges in urban life. However, while religious identities have been depicted in the past in Turkish cinema and television (Bilis 2012), it is only in 2022, with the Kızılcık Şerbeti series, that we see productions where secular and religious identities engage in dialogue and negotiation (Efe 2024). The story of these two groups, who meet in different parts of the city in their daily lives or consume different places without meeting at all, received high ratings in prime time. Kızılcık Şerbeti is the first and timely series to be addressed to the Turkish public and directly focuses on two contrasting, polarised lifestyles. This particular difference is what makes this research significant and impactful.

Kızılcık Şerbeti

Each week on Fridays, ‘Kızılcık Şerbeti’ is a tale of romance that unfolds between two contrasting families who share similar facts but employ distinct approaches. The series revolves around Kıvılcım (Evrim Alasya), a highly educated, realistic, and modern woman who, despite divorcing her husband, successfully raises her two daughters according to her deeply held beliefs and principles. Çimen, the younger daughter (played by Selin Türkmen), is currently enrolled in high school, while Doğa, the elder daughter (portrayed by Sıla Türkoğlu), is pursuing a dental degree at university. Kıvılcım’s sole aspiration is to witness the future success and happiness of her offspring. Kıvılcım, who was profoundly disillusioned when Doğa married her boyfriend during her freshman year of university, undergoes the utmost astonishment when her daughter encounters her husband’s family. Doğa’s husband, Fatih (Doğukan Güngör), is from a family that holds traditional religious values. Kıvılcım believes that her daughter cannot coexist with a family whose perspective on life diverges so significantly. Doğa is confident that their love will triumph over any and all types of difficulties.

Secular Alev is Kıvılcım’s brother and Doğa and Çimen’s aunt. He is Abdullah’s forbidden love. Abdullah Ünal, the father of a religious family closely associated with Alev, is Pembe’s husband; Ömer’s older brother; Mustafa, Nursema, and Fatih’s father; Doğa and Nilay’s father-in-law; and Kıvılcım’s in-laws. He is Alev’s forbidden love. The main character representing the religious and older group is Pembe Ünal. She is Abdullah’s wife; Mustafa, Nursema, and Fatih’s mother; and Doğa and Nilay’s mother-in-law. In contrast, Sönmez, the mother of Alev and Kıvılcım, is represented as a secular older player in the episodes.

The headscarved Nursema, who has become an increasingly important young character in the series, is Fatih’s older sister and Abdullah and Pembe Ünal’s daughters. She is married to the secular Umut. Although Ömer belongs to a religious family, he married Kıvılcım and assumed the position of mediator between the two families. He is also the father of Metehan, one of the young characters. The other young character, Mihri, is represented as an uneducated, veiled woman trying to socialise with her peers.

5. Binary Contradictions or Negotiations?

After thematic analysis, I have seen that in addition to binary contradictories of place, temporalities are also categorised as dualities constructed over binary positions. This is because understanding the dynamic nature of space is not conceivable without the presence of time, history, and memory (Ashworth and Graham 2005). Crang and Thrift (2000, p. 3) propose an interconnected and constantly changing relationship between space and time. Anthropologists and sociologists view time as a central concept in understanding the social relations between different communities. This perspective is similar to how social geographers see space as interconnected and more than just an external construction. By reconceptualising social relations in terms of time, these disciplines provide valuable insights. In addition, contemporary sociologists and human geographers perceive space and time as socially created rather than existing as independent and neutral conceptions (Massey 2005). Therefore, the combination of geography and time influences the formation of social interactions and structures. Hillier (2003, p. 222) discusses how Giddens incorporates the dimensions of time and space to explore the idea of social structures. Giddens proposes that practices within specific time and space contexts form and sustain social structures (Giddens 1979, 1983, 1984). Similar to any social interaction, the specific situation and individual actions shape the concepts of time and space (Harvey 1990). However, scholars argue that time-space is not linear but rather heterogeneous and relational. It is characterised by dynamic flows, mobilities, and networks, as well as negotiations and discontinuities. Time-space also encompasses various differentiations, such as class, gender, and religion. Furthermore, Massey (2005, p. 189) asserts that time-space is in a constant state of evolution, always open and under construction.

While

Table 1. Sense of place according to religious and non-religious individuals represented in TV series.

Places Used by Religious Characters	Places Used by Secular Characters
Mosques, tombs	Night clubs
Homes	Workplace/public spaces
Non-alcoholic cafes	Bars
Spaces for religious organisations	Spaces for special events

shows the places used by religious and secular players represented in different episodes of the series to make sense of how soap operas represent different lifestyles,

Table 2. Sense of time according to religious and non-religious individuals represented in TV series.

Religious People	Secular People
Religious festivals	Christmas
Holy night celebrations	Birthdays
Ramadan/İftar and sehri time	Breakfasts/dinners
Friday	Saturday/Sunday
Prayer time	Leisure activities
Day activities	Night activities

shows contradictory temporalities parallel to the spaces used by different actors of the series.

Nevertheless, despite the conflicting use of space and management of time based on opposing identities, the series endeavours to demonstrate the potential for negotiation, respect, pluralism, and appreciation for diverse representations. The analysis reveals that various identities, such as age, gender, education, and class, make possible interactions within the same space and time.

6. Gender

One of the most notable developments in feminist thought throughout the past thirty years has been the adoption of the concept of ‘intersectionality’. In recent times, feminist researchers have shown significant interest in the topics of intersectionality and the agency of religious women (Singh 2015). According to Mahmood (2005), Muslim women, like other women, experience oppression inside patriarchal systems and social regimes. However, in the Turkish public sphere, devout women also face prejudice against secular viewpoints. This prejudice persists today due to the shifting power dynamics resulting from the emergence of a powerful religious–conservative government (Okuyan and Curtin 2018). Prejudices stemming from historical experiences and stigmatisation under the ruling party (AKP) heighten social marginalisation in a secular setting and curtail individuals’ ability to express themselves authentically. This holds significance due to the different nature of religious women and the fact that their experiences are not singular.

Furthermore, this research distinguishes itself by examining not only religious women from the perspective of seculars but also secular women from the perspective of religious individuals in order to address the ongoing contextual changes in Turkey. The Kızılcık Şerbeti soap opera effectively portrays various perspectives within their respective environments, facilitating an understanding of the potential similarities or differences in their experiences. The show shapes women into the most significant and alluring characters, portraying them as mediators. Despite the widely acknowledged division between secular and religious lifestyles, the series draws on women as a means of mutual understanding.

Portrayed as a Kemalist and secular figure in the series Kızılcık Şerbeti, Kıvılcım’s statement when she saw women wearing headscarves in a store on a luxury shopping street, ‘They are everywhere too’, appeared as the basic line that directs the series. Following this polarising discourse, the series draws attention to the close relationship between the Kıvılcım’s daughter’s marriage to a conservative family and the strengthening of women’s rights through the character of Nursema, who endures violence from her husband. It leaves the audience face-to-face with the fact that women who experience these different lifestyles are common perpetrators of violence in private or public spaces. Kıvılcım’s family’s effort to protect the Nursema character—both from her own family and from her husband’s family—opens the door to women’s solidarity and dialogue on common ground. Similarly, Nursema’s character’s effort to protect Kıvılcım’s secular daughter from the pressures and traditions of her religious family is an effort to understand different lifestyles.

This study is remarkable because Nursema’s character fractures after her husband’s fatal violence. Despite the education Nursema received in America, she did not work, but she was considered suitable for marriage. However, the character underwent a significant transformation following that incident. Her divorce and remarriage to a secular man who is unlike her own family, her entry into business life, and her friendship with Alev, the most extreme character of secular society in the soap opera, proceed in parallel with Nursema’s exit from the private sphere and her effort to be visible in the public sphere. According to Ayyıldız (2023), without going into the secular–religious dichotomy, resistance to the oppression of the patriarchal order is observed. The visibility and knowledge of secular women in the public sphere have created a space outside the home for religious women, enabling them to break away from domestic relations. The secular aunt Alev opened her house (as a safe place) to Nursema, who had no possibility of returning to any place other than her father’s house and was the person who led her to open an exhibition as a calligrapher. The story portrays this interaction as a way for women to support and uplift each other.

Although there is a power struggle between secular and religious female characters throughout ‘Kızılcık Şerbeti’ as well, the series mainly draws women to the centre as the place of dialogue and understanding each other. Firstly, the series emphasises the spatial segregation of religious women in places like their homes and religious activities, whereas secular women typically inhabit bars, nightlife, and drinking establishments. Thus, it also highlights the presence of tolerance in common spaces (Figure 1, Figure 2).

Umut’s friends, who saw Nursema at the bar, looked at Nursema strangely and talked among themselves: ‘Is he engaged to this girl?’. Despite the discriminatory content of this dialogue, it tries to show that the series has an attempt at representation that goes beyond polarising spaces with the representation of a headscarved woman in a place where she does not belong. According to Gökarıksel and Sector’s study (Gökarıksel and Secor 2015, p. 27), many devout Sunni Muslim women with headscarves in their focus groups completely avoid places of entertainment in which alcohol is served and consumed. Regarding this finding, it can be argued that despite the common expectations of secular and religious people within the shared alcohol-based places, the series tries to show the possibility of usage of these places by religious people. When I was a Ph.D. student in the UK in 2019, I had a similar experience as Nursema. I felt a sense of spatial exclusion, like every individual who tries to socialise with people who have the same education but adopt different lifestyles. One night, my cohort friends invited me (as a hijabi woman) to a bar to socialise. I was worried about being in there without consuming alcohol at night. However, when my friends were drinking beer, they ordered me Coke. Although the experience of being in an alcoholic environment at night was challenging at first, coming together with friends from different lifestyles in the same place served an integrating function. Similar to my experience, despite the constructed exclusionary places, the Kızılcık Şerbeti series tries to show the possibility of integration in the same space despite the binary representations.

Alev, unlike Nursema, who symbolises the religious aspect, finds herself in a religious setting. Alev, who attends her nephew’s Mawlid prayer while wearing a miniskirt, demonstrates her ability to adapt to an uncommon setting by opening her hands and covering her head with a veil (Figure 3).

Despite attempting to represent themselves in seemingly opposing spaces, the female characters socialise in common spaces where they can compromise. Gökarksel and Sector argue that, considering the complex nature of these communications, it becomes evident how the network of alcohol-free cafes and restaurants operated by the Istanbul city and district governments under the AKP’s governance provides women with a convenient and stress-free option (2015:27). Similarly, this soap opera portrays alcohol-free cafes and restaurants as spaces for negotiation, integration, mutual respect, and tolerance. As public spaces in everyday life, alcohol-free places are the main socialisation areas for women agents.

While women in the series are actors who respect and understand each other, men are portrayed as more flexible, both in the process of creating space and in their dialogues with people from the opposite segment. Religious male identities are not shown in any polarisation in drinking places, hotels, and bars used by secular people. It is understood that patriarchal codes that see women as belonging to the home and men’s private sphere have an effect on this (Ayyıldız 2023). At this juncture, the series situates women at the forefront of the secular–religious dichotomy, highlighting their use of headscarves and confinement to domestic relationships while also portraying them as the group poised to transcend this division. This is because they are the group most vulnerable to spatial exclusion, with symbols like the headscarf serving as external indicators of a woman’s religious identity. Therefore, mutual effort prevents dual space polarisation at the point of differentiation. The series understands women who exist in non-belonging spaces, whether secular or religious, through the themes of acceptance and mutual tolerance.

7. Age and Education

In Turkey, the labelling of young and Muslim individuals remains challenging due to the understanding of secularism and modernity by various sections of society. People often classify urban, modern youth and their Muslim identity as individuals raised with local and religious values rather than secular and Western ones. However, a clear distinction between these two systems of thought is becoming increasingly difficult due to ongoing efforts at reconciliation between the two. The new Muslim youth in Turkey have been working to reconcile Islamic intellectualism with popular culture, allowing them to express themselves in various forms in a secular, fragmented, post-modern context. Since the 1990s, Muslim youth have become regular players in the market for popular culture, publishing Islamic cartoons, comic strips, and small media. Additionally, computer-mediated communication technologies have made internet communication more widespread among Muslim youth in Turkey (Saktanber 2007, pp. 419–25). The episodes portray youth from religious family backgrounds as individuals striving to balance modern popular culture with Islamic values. For the audience, it becomes clear that people of similar ages have similar concerns, expectations, and aspirations. In this context, the young generation serves as a bridge for communication between diverse perspectives. The youth group, whether secular or religious, is curious to understand each other and respect their preferences. They generally meet at non-alcoholic cafes and socialise together. The friendship among Çimen (a secular girl), Metehan (a boy from a religious family), and Mihri (a veiled girl) is remarkable. The series highlights the significance of their mutual assistance as they demonstrate respect for each other’s truths. The episodes highlight conflicts between different generations, even though there are no problems within the same generation. As people get older, their commitment to the truth they believe in and their tolerance for the other party decrease. Young groups are the ones who integrate language despite their parents’ discriminatory discourses.

The following conversation between young Çimen and her secular mother, Kıvılcım, highlights the differences between different generations:

The secular Kıvılcım character sees headscarved women in a luxury store and turns to his daughter and says, ‘They are everywhere, too’.

Her daughter, a senior in high school, said, ‘Mom, shut up; they’ll hear it!’. The headscarved woman, who actually heard this conversation, turned and asked, ‘What did you say?’

Kıvılcım furthered the discussion by saying’, Why are you being taken over? Are you somewhere you don’t belong?’

Later, young Çimen says the following sentences to his mother: 'Mom, are you a racist? It is none of your business! It’s because of the woman’s head; she believes it and wears it!’

People regard love as a cohesive factor that enables diverse lives, regardless of generation, to coexist within the same space. Despite the opposing geographical preferences of Kıvılcım, a highly secular character, and the religious Omer, there are shared aspects, and a compromise is reached. Kıvılcım visits Ömer at his workplace during the Friday prayer and notices that Ömer is praying in the mosque at that time. Despite her awareness of his conservative identity, she is unaccustomed to encountering him in locations where religious rituals occur. Despite the surprise, it turns out that emotional attachment, knowing the person closely, and spending time in common places are elements that increase mutual tolerance.

With age, education has been examined. Similar ages and educational backgrounds increase the likelihood of sharing and understanding each other. Although educational differences are not clearly highlighted in the series, it is understood that the two young representations, Çimen (a secular background) and Metehan (a religious background), who graduated from the same school, are very similar to each other in terms of place preferences and daily life routines. Worship represents the old generations, but Metehan’s religious responsibilities remain invisible. In that, the general expectation of society can be effective because, in Turkey, younger individuals choose to continuously fulfil their religious activities in old age (Sarı 2017). However, the context of the series implies that education and gender work effectively together. Although Mihri is a veiled young girl and comes from a religious family that is similar to Metehan’s family, she is not educated. Mihri learns the different spaces of Istanbul and socialises with Metahan and Çimen as an educated group. At this juncture, it becomes clear that education, beyond gender, plays a crucial role in self-expression and the creation of a lifestyle distinct from that of older generations. Even though their excitement, tastes, and socialisation demands are similar, it seems that it is easier for the educated group to build this. The story of Mihri, an uneducated girl, seems understandable if considered together with the variables of both gender and education. Nursema’s young, religiously educated character versus Mihri’s young, religiously uneducated character demonstrates the importance of education in creating space for religious identities and taking part in different spaces. Nursema began her career during a crisis, whereas Mihri’s character emerged under her father’s shadow.

Hence, while the main tools of young age to achieve spatial reconciliation are education and the capacity to be unbiased due to their age, the main tool of middle age to compromise seems to be emotional commitment. However, the series portrays two mothers from the first generation, Pembe (religious) and Sönmez (secular), as the most challenging group to reconcile with the opposing viewpoint. As Janmaat and Keating (2019) argue that young people are more accepting of diverse groups than their parents or grandparents and previous generations of young people, this soap opera also draws attention to age-based differences in terms of space-based tolerance.

8. Class

When considering the class distinction, I define the secular Aslan family as the middle class and the religious Ünal family as the upper class. The Ünal family is a wealthy, conservative family of hotel chain owners and company executives. What draws attention here is the reference to a new class that has become richer under the AKP government. The series does not explicitly state this, but the political context influences the visibility and reflection of the newly educated, rich religious class on television. Films and TV series serve as a platform for the production of societal definitions and identities, transforming social discourses into narratives through the encoding of their forms, figures, and representations (Ryan and Kellner 2010, p. 35, as cited in Efe 2024, p. 28). According to Efe (2024, p. 31), the period when the Kızılcık Şerbeti series started to be broadcast was in May 2023. This was when President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan, the leader of ‘Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi’ (AKP, the Justice and Development Party, the political party representing the traditional conservative identities in Turkey), and Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, the leader of the main secular opposition party (the ‘Cumhuriyet Halk Partisi’ (CHP), the Republican People’s Party), were rivals with each other. This also coincided with the 2023 presidential elections. Thus, the main subject of political life, the competition between two political identities, simultaneously formed the main axis of the series as a duality in the same period.

Consumption patterns are critical to understanding the class-based placemaking process in relation to the political atmosphere. This is because consumption norms serve as a shared framework for understanding identity, restricting choices, and abbreviating required knowledge for encoding and decoding messages. Individuals with religious beliefs can choose consumption to express their commitment to these beliefs, as consumption choice helps to express differences between individuals and societies due to their different beliefs, norms, commitments, and expressive needs. Individuals who adhere to different religions, including Muslims, may have varying preferences for the manifestation of their beliefs, such as clothes or household décor (Coşgel and Minkler 2004, pp. 339–43).

The first issue in the episodes concerned the wedding’s organisation, which took place in a luxury hotel. Even though both sides (the conservative groom’s family and the secular bride’s family) agreed to have a wedding at a five-star hotel, it was a crisis when the bride’s aunt brought out the dancing girls as a surprise at the wedding. The pious upper-class guests left the wedding when they saw this dance performance, which shows the influence of religious motivations on class preferences (Figure 4).

Abdullah Bey, the father of the house, reprimands the families for leaving early, but one of the guests responds strikingly: ‘This place is unbearable. May God make it easy for you!’

However, there is still the possibility of negotiation between these two groups. The series portrays the Aslan family’s Christmas dinner as two poles, while the Ünal family’s Ramadan tables stand in stark contrast. Even though these two groups’ identities and affiliations do not coincide, they can come together when they invite each other to their tables. The unifying force of traditional Turkish hospitality and the table is emphasised.

Women’s work is the area where class differences are most noticeable. Although almost all the women of the Aslan family have to work, the women of the Ünal family do not. The character Nursema could only think of working when she married a man of low economic status. Other variables that combine with the class factor include age and education. Although Nursema, a university graduate and young individual, had the opportunity to work in a difficult situation, it is a matter of debate how other members of the Ünal family would react in the same situation. Nursema appears to have made a class choice by declining requests for financial assistance from her family, protesting against traditional women’s responsibilities.

The most striking point in home decoration is that although the Ünal family prefers flashy, luxurious avant-garde furniture, the Aslan family prefers more minimalist style furniture. While Bourdieu discusses the relationship between types of capital, the relationship he established in terms of cultural and economic capital serves as a guide for this study. The series particularly emphasises and shows the Ünal family’s membership in an economically upper class, but the key question is how this economic capital interacts with other forms of capital. Here, Bourdieu’s established relationship between economic and cultural capital guides our analysis of the paintings and accessories hanging in the living room, other areas of the house, and the workplace. When Bourdieu (2010, p. 47, as cited in Ayyıldız 2023, p. 143) mentions cultural capital, most people assume he means education, but in reality, he discusses three types of cultural capital:

(i)

In the embodied state, that is, in the form of long-term dispositions of body and mind;

(ii)

In objectified form, as cultural commodities (paintings, books, dictionaries, instruments, machines, etc.);

(iii)

Institutionalised (education).

The objectified form of cultural capital is writing, painting, monuments, tools, etc. Cultural capital objectified in the media is transferable to its own materiality. It is clear that both the accessories and the paintings hung with religious references in the house are more than just a way of showing economic capital. There is a cultural transfer that references a religious lifestyle and emphasises that only the physical embodiment of that religiosity is not enough and reflects it into objects. This culture is a reflection of identity. In other words, decoration and spatial use are actually the embodiment of an upper-class, urban, pious family of objects. The characters Nursema and her husband, Umut, successfully reconcile these disparate class and lifestyle preferences. While the daughter of the house, Nursema, settles into the house of the secular groom, Umut, mother Pembe’s hanging of Arabic prayers and placement of the Quran and prayer beads in the visible parts of the living room convey to the audience how important the symbols of the place are in the construction of identity and in using them as indicators of objectified culture (Ayyıldız 2023, pp. 143–44).

So, the idea of class by itself is not enough to understand how people buy things and how their identities show up in the world. This is because the meaning of consumption norms varies a lot between religions and cultures, depending on their historical, institutional, and political settings (Coşgel and Minkler 2004).

9. Conclusions

Secular and religious individual identities have attempted to be understood through Turkey’s simultaneous modernisation and urbanisation processes but have been limited to a dual identity understanding with modernisation theories. It is believed that the construction of their dual identities separates their placemaking processes from those of other identities. However, the increasing heterogeneity in urban areas reveals differences, contradictory lifestyles, and different representations in shared places. In this regard, in light of the polarisation between secular and religious identities embedded in the modernisation project, as well as the traces of binary positions within the historical context, this study examined the representations of two identities in Kızılcık Şerbeti, a popular Turkish soap opera, to determine whether they are continuous, discontinuous, or if there is a dialogue between two groups in terms of the placemaking process. The Kızılcık Şerbeti soap opera, by questioning the possibility of existing in the places, brings new perspectives to urban religiosity. While at the beginning of the series, actors were constructed over uncompromising spatiality and temporality, it is seen as an attempt to come together in the same space and time.

This study used thematic analysis to examine the Turkish conception of religious identity in terms of spatiality and temporality because it allows for a flexible interpretation of rich data, allowing for a rich, detailed explanation of the phenomenon. An intersectional approach answered the main research question, examining how religious and secular urban individuals differ in their cosmopolitan orientations and the effects of religiosity on their sharing of urban orientations.

The Kızılcık Şerbeti soap opera effectively portrays various perspectives within women’s environments, facilitating an understanding of potential similarities or differences. The show shapes women into significant characters, portraying them as mediators and allowing for dialogue on common ground. The series emphasises religious women’s spatial separation in their homes and places of religious activity, as well as the presence of tolerance in common spaces. The characters adapt to different lifestyles and environments, demonstrating their ability to adapt and socialise in common spaces, so the series emphasises acceptance and mutual tolerance in spaces among women from different backgrounds that do not belong to them. The series portrays religious men as more flexible in creating space and dialogues, taking advantage of patriarchal codes, while women play the role of actors attempting to navigate patriarchal expectations and the tension between secularism and religious diversity.

Young age, like gender, serves as a mediator between different identities. Young people from religious family backgrounds are portrayed as figures trying to reconcile modern popular culture and Islamic values. They generally meet at non-alcoholic cafes and socialise together, demonstrating respect for each other’s truths. The episodes highlight conflicts between different generations, while there are no problems within the same generation. As people get older, their commitment to the truth they believe in and their tolerance for the other party decrease. Young groups are the ones who integrate language despite their parents’ discriminatory discourse. The series context suggests that education and gender work together effectively. The main tools that young people use to achieve spatial reconciliation are education and the capacity to be unbiased due to their age. Emotional commitment appears to be the main tool for compromising in middle age. However, the first generation is the most difficult group to come to terms with the truth on the other side. Therefore, despite the portrayal of the younger, educated females as the group most likely to find a middle ground and create shared spaces, it is the older, uneducated females and males who have the most rigid spatial limits.

The concept of class alone is inadequate for understanding consumption patterns and the expression of identities, as the importance of consumption norms has shown considerable variation across different religions and cultures, depending on their historical, institutional, and political contexts. This is because similar class backgrounds produce similar consumption patterns. The political atmosphere portrays religious families as high-class and secular families as middle-class, with their social, cultural, and religious identities dominating their space-making process. In this regard, the class background is meaningful, with different combinations of identities.

Consequently, the intersectional approach explored the potential for multiple identities to coexist in shared spaces. This series aims to challenge the traditional view that restricts the Turkish lifestyle to simplistic categories and fosters a sense of unity by embracing multiple lives within the same settings. Place is the space of interactions, and by examining the placemaking processes of the groups represented in the series, this research uncovered ways of interacting based on representations of a multiplicity of identities.

The fact that the ruling party ‘Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi’ ((AKP), the Justice and Development Party), lost votes in the 31 March 2024 elections in Turkey began to be discussed in different ways in public opinion. While I was in the process of writing this article, I came across different discussions. The most interesting of these discussions was the effect of the Kızılcık Şerbeti series on overcoming the secular–religious distinction based on dual-identity polarisation and, therefore, on the loss of power of the government. The series’ focus on the notion that diverse audiences may coexist together, share similarities, and collectively challenge inequality in society has been believed to have eliminated stereotypes in Turkish public opinion. The opposition of voters to the secular–religious divide indicates an important turning point for the radical factions within both groupings. This election has demonstrated the ineffectiveness of solely relying on identity politics. Like these arguments, this article explores the possibility of multiple groups with multiple identities and abilities coexisting in the same urban environment, thereby paving the way for more research in this area. Comprehending the significance of religion necessitates adopting an intersectional approach that encompasses other domains, including politics and economics.

Understanding the impact of soap operas like ‘Kızılcık Şerbeti’ necessitates examining both the media content’s features (Kiziltepe et al. 2021) and the viewers’ responses using advanced technologies (Escobar et al. 2019). Viewers’ positioning directly influences their reactions. Secular viewers perceive the contradictions in the series as intentional tactics to undermine their beliefs, while religious individuals perceive the series as a deliberate attempt to depict religious people as primitive and uncultured. The series shows the polarisation prevalent in Turkey, not only within the general public but also in the emotional pursuit and handling of intellectual discourse, whether in a secular or religious setting. This particular point, when viewed from the perspective of the audience, could serve as the focal point for entirely new discussion and research. A sentiment analysis can be conducted by using social media platforms to understand this relation.

Furthermore, the television projects Ömer and Kızıl Goncalar, which gained popularity following the Kızılcık Şerbeti series, demonstrate the feasibility of showcasing a gathering in a shared location to television audiences from both secular and religious backgrounds. Examining these television shows from a comparative perspective may also facilitate the exploration of new research opportunities.