Dark Triad in the Margins: Narcissism and Moral Erosion Among Marginal Migrant Entrepreneurs

Abstract

In informal economic contexts, migrant entrepreneurs have been extolled as highly resilient and adaptable. This study critically investigates the adverse psychological foundations inherent in such enterprises, focusing on how dark triad personality traits emerge in the leadership orientations of marginal migrant entrepreneurs. Following a qualitative ethnographic approach, this research engaged 10–15 migrant employees through participant observation, field notes, and semi-structured interviews in an informal economic context. Thematic analysis revealed five dominant patterns: narcissistic leadership with entitlement and emotional disrespect; Machiavellian behavior of manipulation and deception; psychopathic detachment in emotional callousness; absence of light triad actions such as empathy, humility, and selflessness; and moral disengagement through rationalizations such as “everyone does it” or system blame. Migrant business owners prefer to rationalize their exploitative acts as being necessary for economic survival, thus legitimizing immoral conduct and suppressing moral self-regulation. The findings indicate that marginality not only drives entrepreneurial innovation, but also has the potential to create exploitative inclinations that are institutionally and morally unchecked. Solving this issue requires not only mere psychological awareness, but also systematic reforms that foster ethical robustness and emotional sensitivity. This study ultimately asserts the need to reframe migrant entrepreneurship discourse, including both ethical and psychological accountability.

1. Introduction

While migrant entrepreneurship is often seen as empowering, traits such as narcissism can fuel exploitation in marginal settings. This study examines how dark triad personality traits contribute to moral erosion among migrant entrepreneurs in informal economies. The migrant entrepreneurship phenomenon has attracted considerable attention in recent years, with migrants increasingly resorting to self-employment as a survival strategy, promoting their empowerment and mobility in host nations (Rath & Veronique, 2022). This is especially the case in marginal economies, where there are few or strictly limited formal job opportunities due to legal or socio-economic conditions; in this context, entrepreneurship is seen as the most important strategy for most migrants. However, alongside entrepreneurial resilience there is a shadowy, less-well-examined aspect of migrant entrepreneurship: the formation of exploitative and morally questionable leadership styles. This research takes into account the psychological foundations of such behavior, namely, the dark triad personality characteristics—narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy—and a glaring lack of light triad traits (e.g., empathy, altruism, and humility) (F. M. Khan et al., 2025).

Marginal migrant entrepreneurs are not a formally defined group, but can be described as migrants who run businesses in informal or precarious settings, often without legal protection or institutional support. Their marginality stems from limited resources, uncertain status, and exclusion from mainstream economic systems. This term also refers to the socio-economic exclusion faced by migrant entrepreneurs who operate outside formal regulatory systems. This includes running informal businesses in peripheral areas, which rely on kin-based labor, lack legal protection, and are spatially and institutionally disconnected. Such marginal conditions create environments where ethical boundaries are blurred, in which survival often justifies exploitative behavior. Moreover, the dark personality traits—also known as the dark triad—refer to narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy (Paulhus & Williams, 2002). These traits involve self-interest, manipulation, and emotional coldness, and may become more visible in high-pressure or unregulated entrepreneurial environments.

Building upon this foundation, the following study draws on the existing literature and field-collected insights to better understand how exploitative tendencies may become normalized under conditions of marginality. While unethical behaviors among marginal migrant entrepreneurs are rising, little is understood about how informal business environments enable dark personality traits and moral disengagement. This greater visibility of unethical behaviors among marginal migrant entrepreneurs also raises issues about the undermining of values in such business environments. The informal nature of an operation itself provides unlimited autonomy to these entrepreneurs, which can generate conditions that are conducive to manipulation, exploitation, and moral disengagement (Osofero, 2024). Frequent contact with insecure workers—the overwhelming majority of which are migrants—indicates a habitual mode of emotionally cold, exploitative, and narcissistic treatment that is consistent with dark triad profiles. It is important to note that while existing studies have focused on ethical leadership, they often fail to consider how unethical leadership can provoke moral compensation among followers (Schuster et al., 2024). Moreover, there is a critical gap in the existing literature on ethical leadership, specifically regarding how moral behavior is influenced in informal and marginal settings. It has been emphasized that while formal policies exist, the informal dynamics within organizations often shape ethical decision-making more significantly (Nelson & Henry, 2024). It is critical to note the connections between leadership styles and moral theories, emphasizing the shared root of morality (Sud, 2022). On the other hand, some understanding of the dynamics between followers and leaders in ethical leadership processes has been obtained, emphasizing the paradoxical effect of unethical followers on ethical leadership development (Babalola et al., 2023). Although the problem relates, in part, to the differences in how moral behaviors are shaped across different domains (Palanski et al., 2023), the dynamics of migrant entrepreneurship—particularly within exploitative or morally ambiguous networks—require a deeper examination of ethical dissonance and moral disengagement mechanisms.

These observed tendencies are not only an expression of personality, but are also driven by the structural tensions, cultural discourse, and survival strategies that are internal to marginally positioned economic environments (Gonçalves & Lexander, 2024). This can be especially observed in sectors such as domestic work, construction, informal trade, and small-scale retailing, characterized by limited regulation and high power asymmetry.

Narcissism—one of the three traits in the dark triad—is characterized by grandiosity, entitlement, a lack of empathy, and an excessive need for admiration (Paulhus & Williams, 2002). Within informal entrepreneurial settings, particularly among marginalized migrant groups, such traits can manifest in leadership styles that prioritize personal power over ethical responsibility. Narcissistic tendencies in migrant entrepreneurs may not stem from their innate personality but, rather, emerge as a response to insecurity, perceived scarcity, and social marginalization. This makes narcissism a critical psychological lens through which to analyze exploitative behaviors in informal business environments. It is also important to mention that prior to the inclusion of narcissism in the dark triad framework, it was previously characterized by grandiosity, entitlement, dominance, and a sense of superiority, often accompanied by a lack of empathy and a deep need for admiration (R. Raskin & Terry, 1988). Both these characterizations can be used interchangeably, as they are complementary to each other.

To contextualize these concerns, it is necessary to consider the broader landscape of informal migrant entrepreneurship and the psychological frameworks that shape leadership behaviors within such environments. Existing research on ethical leadership overlooks how moral behaviors are shaped in informal, marginal settings. This study fills that gap by showing how migrant entrepreneurs navigate ethical choices under pressure, where marginality can lead to both innovation and exploitation. This research delves into the ways in which dark triad personality types are exhibited through the leadership style of migrant entrepreneurs working within informal economic settings; it also examines the lack of light triad personality types and how moral disengagement is rationalized (Whitehead, 2024). The study adds to the theory of ethical leadership by placing these findings within the wider literature on the leadership ethics, moral psychology, and socio-cultural dynamics of migration and entrepreneurship. It further responds to the conflict between structural constraints and individual agency, providing insight into how marginality can elicit innovative as well as exploitative responses among migrant entrepreneurs (David & Terstriep, 2025).

Marginal migrant entrepreneurs tend to reside in informal economies and social peripheries, where official regulative and cultural norms are weakly enforced or not applied at all (Sandoz, 2021). In these environments, the pressure to survive and thrive can incidentally empower and solidify dark personality characteristics, primarily narcissism. Narcissistic traits, involving grandiosity of self and lack of concern for others, may be amplified under conditions where status, fame, and dominance translate to wealth (Hollingsworth, 2024). For migrant entrepreneurs in risky markets, the construction of a strong—and, indeed, exaggerated—sense of self can serve as both a survival tactic and a strategic resource in a world that barely provides second chances

Furthermore, entrepreneurial drive in marginal contexts is not necessarily accompanied by strong ethical foundations. Survival needs are put before traditional “right and wrong” when economic security is the goal, with moral disintegration being the cost paid (Böhm et al., 2022). This is compounded by the fact that these narcissistic tendencies are combined with structural marginality, leading certain migrant entrepreneurs to justify exploitative behaviors, social network manipulation, and disregard for the welfare of their communities. These attitudes may not necessarily be defined as deviant within such informal social networks; rather, they are bound to be accepted or even valued as indicative of astuteness and resourcefulness (Goode, 2022).

Notably, the effects of identity fragmentation and social isolation should not be underestimated. Migrant entrepreneurs who are discriminated against or do not have access to supportive networks may find themselves feeling like isolated agents in an unjust world (David et al., 2025). Such a mentality can further spur narcissistic self-formation and the development of a utilitarian moral code that relegates the ends to justify the means. In such psychosocial arenas, moral disengagement is an operational device utilized to squash guilt, rationalize immoral actions, and preserve a positive sense of self in the face of socially destructive choices (Heis & Dannecker, 2021).

Finally, although it is imperative not to pathologize marginal migrant entrepreneurs per se, the situational activation of dark traits makes sense and provides useful insights for policymakers and aid organizations. Measures to encourage ethical resilience, emotional intelligence, and inclusive economic prospects might not only decrease the spread of narcissistic tendencies, but could also ensure moral integrity in the trying entrepreneurial environment (Teri, 2023).

To explore these questions in greater depth, this study engaged with participants working in informal economic spaces, whose lived experiences shed light on the subtle dynamics of moral disengagement and interpersonal harm. This research attempts to answer the following question: How and why do some migrant entrepreneurs exhibit morally disengaged, dark triad-aligned leadership behaviors? It aims to reveal the psychological, cultural, and contextual factors underlying these behaviors that enable or strengthen them in informal economic contexts, in order to examine the existence of dark triad personality characteristics (narcissism, Machiavellianism, psychopathy) and the lack of light triad traits (altruism, empathy, humility) among migrant entrepreneurs who exploit others (Hill-Artamonova, 2022). Furthermore, the research intends to determine the mechanisms of moral disengagement which make it possible for such behaviors to be sustained without psychological discomfort or social consequence. The following research questions were crafted to expose the intersection of personality traits and workplace exploitation in these often-overlooked contexts:

• How do migrant entrepreneurs in marginal settings demonstrate dark triad characteristics in their business and leadership styles?
• How do these entrepreneurs morally rationalize or justify exploitative practices against vulnerable workers in their own communities?
• How is the lack of light triad characteristics—empathy, humility, and compassion—evident in the relationships between migrant entrepreneurs and their employees or peers?

While this study does not aim to compare dark trait expressions across cultures, it acknowledges that cultural norms may influence how narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy are perceived or enacted; for example, what may be interpreted as assertiveness in one culture could be viewed as entitlement in another. These dynamics merit further cultural–psychological investigation in future studies. This study was set on the outskirts of Sharjah, where informal mobile businesses operate along highways—often appearing legal but functioning beyond their licenses. The remainder of this paper proceeds with a review of the relevant literature on migrant entrepreneurship and dark personality traits, followed by the methodology, key findings, discussion, and concluding reflections.

2. Literature Review

This review examines how dark triad traits, moral psychology, and ethical leadership intersect in marginal entrepreneurial settings. It connects migrant survival ethics with organizational behaviors to explore how structural pressures and personality traits contribute to moral disengagement. To avoid ambiguity, it is important to clarify the use of terminology related to the “dark triad”. The term “triad” refers to the three distinct, yet inter-related personality traits: narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy (Paulhus & Williams, 2002). Throughout this paper, expressions such as “dark triad” and “dark triad traits” are used interchangeably, depending on the grammatical and contextual requirements of the sentence. This variation is intentional and does not indicate inconsistency or typographical error. Rather, it reflects a conscious adaptation of the term to preserve linguistic flow while maintaining conceptual precision. Accordingly, references to “traits” always denote the three underlying dimensions that constitute the dark triad construct.

As this is a qualitative and conceptual study, the points P1–P5 are considered as propositions, and not hypotheses to be statistically tested. In qualitative and conceptual research, propositions serve as analytical guides—they are theoretically informed statements suggested in accordance with the prior literature which are used to explore or organize the thematic analysis. These propositions reflect patterns or mechanisms that can be expected to be found with respect to marginal entrepreneurial behaviors, particularly under the influence of dark personality traits. They are not predictive hypotheses but, instead, framing tools to guide the interpretation of data. The empirical findings are then used to confirm, refine, or challenge these propositions. This approach is widely used in exploratory, theory-building research where the goal is not to quantify relationships but to understand and theorize underlying processes (Eisenhardt, 1989).

2.1. Dark Triad in Organizational Behavior

The dark triad of narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy has been widely researched in the organizational behavior literature as a predictor of workplace deviance and unethical leadership. Narcissism is defined by grandiosity, entitlement, and a need for admiration. Highly narcissistic leaders tend to present self-aggrandizing behaviors and lack empathy (Choi, 2021). In contrast, Machiavellianism refers to instrumentally manipulative behaviors, emotional callousness, and concern for oneself over others. Finally, psychopathy is characterized by impulsivity, callousness, and a lack of remorse or guilt. Together, these have been related to toxic leadership behaviors, bullying in the workplace, and exploitation of employees (Mitchell, 2024).

In the context of migrant entrepreneurship, these characteristics are driven by the absence of formal controls and competitive forces of survival in informal economies. Entrepreneurs might either develop or enhance dark triad traits as survival strategies, employing manipulation and control as tactics to cope with risky settings (Pérez-Morón et al., 2024). The literature has indicated that individuals with such characteristics tend to perform well in high-risk, high-autonomy settings—circumstances that reflect the informal sector in which most migrant entrepreneurs conduct their businesses. Therefore, the dark triad is not just a personality type, but also an operating strategy suited to economic turbulence (Whitehead, 2024). It has been evidenced that, where ethical checks are removed and there is intense competition, dark triad characteristics can become instruments of progress instead of handicaps.

The intersection of migrant entrepreneurship and personality psychology has ignited mounting scholarly interest, considering the how and why behind the ways in which context pressures influence patterns of behavior within marginalized groups. The definition of the narcissistic personality has evolved into a cause for concern amongst entrepreneurs, specifically in high-stakes and low-resources scenarios (Trahair et al., 2020). Although narcissistic traits might at first express themselves as self-assurance and determination, their less positive undertones—such as exploitative habits and moral adaptation—might be amplified in marginalized environments (Abdelrahman et al., 2024).

Migrant entrepreneurs are often subject to structural disadvantages, including legal insecurity, limited access to finance, and exclusion from society. These constraints can encourage a form of “survival entrepreneurship”, where short-term profitability is prioritized over long-term legitimacy (Mago, 2023). Evidence suggests that, in such settings, personality traits such as narcissism may become socially sanctioned rather than discouraged. Entrepreneurs may develop an exaggerated sense of self and a manipulative interpersonal style as coping mechanisms for competition and insecurity. The previous arguments lead us to make the following propositions:

P1. 

Migrant entrepreneurs exhibit narcissistic traits such as entitlement and emotional disrespect, which erode trust and foster exploitative leadership styles.

P2. 

Deceptive strategies, calculated manipulation, and self-serving decision-making define many interactions with workers, reflecting high levels of Machiavellian behavior.

P3. 

Affective coldness and lack of remorse allow entrepreneurs to distance themselves from the suffering of workers, perpetuating harm without empathy.

2.2. Light Triad and Ethical Leadership

The reverse of the dark triad is the light triad of personality traits—empathy, altruism, and humility—symbolizing prosocial and ethical leadership styles (Vize, 2024). Empathy allows leaders to sense and attend to the needs of others. Altruism signifies an other-oriented, selfless care about the welfare of others, whereas humility implies knowing one’s own limitations and respecting others’ efforts. Such attributes create trust, cooperation, and ethical choices within organizational environments (Benzie, 2021). However, the migrant entrepreneur literature implies that these characteristics are often denied or repressed in informal enterprise environments. Entrepreneurial pressures created by economic needs and a failure to provide security of legal rights can result in the dominance of short-term pragmatism as opposed to extended-term moral obligation (Pihlajarinne et al., 2023). Furthermore, the normalization of practices of exploitation occurring in certain communities among migrants is likely to hinder the expression of light triad characteristics. Therefore, the literature on ethical leadership needs to take into account how structural and contextual forces impact the emergence and expression of prosocial characteristics among entrepreneurs in low-income contexts (Figueroa-Armijos & Berns, 2022). The literature has also indicated that cultural values matter; for example, collectivist cultures can stress loyalty to family or community and legitimate the exploitation of those outside. Thus, the following proposition was developed:

P4. 

A notable absence of empathy, humility, and altruism among migrant entrepreneurs contributes to a moral vacuum in their business conduct.

2.3. Moral Psychology and Moral Disengagement

Moral psychology provides a theoretical perspective on how people rationalize unethical conduct. Bandura’s moral disengagement theory describes cognitive processes that allow individuals to justify harmful behaviors without self-censure (McCormack, 2023). These mechanisms include moral justification (e.g., “I do it for the greater good”), euphemistic labeling (e.g., “It’s just business”), advantageous comparison (“I’m better than others who do worse”), displacement of responsibility (e.g., “Everyone else does it”), diffusion of responsibility (e.g., “We all decided together”), and dehumanization (e.g., viewing workers as tools rather than people). Among migrant entrepreneurs who possess dark triad characteristics, moral disengagement is used as a psychological buffer to rationalize exploitation. The most prevalent justification—“If I don’t exploit, somebody else will”—demonstrates the externalization of moral responsibility and redirection of ethical accountability. Such justification is especially widespread in informal economies characterized by high competition and limited resources. Moral disengagement assists entrepreneurs in sustaining good self-presentation while committing actions that may harm others, further creating a vicious cycle of corrupt behavior (Muldoon et al., 2022). It also exemplifies how culture success myths, masculinity scripts, and resilience stories can be used to justify brutal or egotistical leadership styles.

Moral corruption is not only a personality trait, but also a process resulting from structural forces. Bandura (1999) theory of moral disengagement explains how individuals in morally ambiguous environments rationalize unethical behaviors to maintain their self-esteem (Wu et al., 2022). Migrant entrepreneurs operating on the margins of legality can rationalize activities such as tax evasion, underpayment of employees, or misleading advertising. When combined with narcissistic self-justification and entitlement, these rationalizations become rooted, resulting in the destruction of community standards (Johnston, 2024). Additionally, identity and social capital theories provide advanced explanations for how isolation and cultural dissonance come to generate immoral decision-making. Excluded or discriminated-against migrants tend to detach from the dominant ethical demands and internalize secondary moral principles focused on personal self-protection rather than communal obligation. In this situation, narcissistic propensities are not merely personality-oriented deviations, but are dynamically developed through environmental and social cues (Larsen, 2023). The previous arguments allow us to propose the following:

P5. 

Exploitation is rationalized through system blame and normalization (“everyone does it”), allowing moral self-regulation to be bypassed in pursuit of economic survival.

2.4. Entrepreneurship in Marginal Contexts

Entrepreneurship in marginal environments is shaped by a complex intersection of structural constraints, cultural values, and agentive power. Marginal economies are characterized by limited access to capital, rule of law guarantees, and social services (Olsson, 2023). Within these environments, migrant entrepreneurs are likely to operate outside formal law, relying on personal networks and informal labor for the operation of their firms. These environments generate possibilities for both innovation and exploitation. The literature has identified that marginal entrepreneurship is not inherently exploitative, but becomes so when ethical boundaries are crossed under economic duress (Quintana, 2022). The lack of regulation in informal settings can lead to the normalization of unethical strategies such as underpayment, coercion, and emotional manipulation. Migrant entrepreneurs, in pursuit of survival and status, can engage in aggressive business tactics that embody the dark triad traits (A. Khan et al., 2023). These strategies are not only tolerated but, sometimes, even celebrated in some communities, further contributing to moral deterioration. Moreover, the blurring of employers and peers in migrant enterprises can obscure accountability, allowing improper strategies to run unchecked.

2.5. Migrant Experience and Survival Ethics

The migrant journey is typically characterized by trauma, displacement, and an ongoing pursuit of stability. These experiences come together to define a distinct system of ethics and psychology known as “survival ethics” (Davies, 2023). This term summarizes the moral trade-offs that people undertake in the face of acute socio-economic adversity. Migrant entrepreneurs are commonly subjected to discrimination, legal status invisibility, and economic marginalization, which affect how they perceive both themselves and others in the realm of business. Survival ethics tend to lead to the internalization of a zero-sum worldview, where an individual’s success requires another to lose. Within such a worldview, survival priorities take precedence over ethical considerations (Bettache, 2024). Such thinking resonates heavily with the dark triad, as it legitimizes manipulation and exploitation as being necessary for survival. In addition, a systemic lack of support and the internalized sense of self-reliance inhibit the formation of prosocial qualities. Therefore, the migrant journey becomes both a source of entrepreneurship and a test of moral compromise (Kaluarachchige, 2024). This ethical nuance is further complicated when migrant entrepreneurs become symbolically or materially successful, which reinforces the behaviors that place self-preservation above the collective good.

Though more recent works have recognized the entrepreneurialism and resourcefulness of migrant entrepreneurs, there is a need to further explore their ethical dispositions and the behavioral implications of marginality (Olarewaju & Muhumuza, 2024). Such research could examine how assistance networks, targeted policy designs, and mental health treatment could prevent the establishment of dark triad tendencies and promote ethical entrepreneurship among marginal communities. While theoretical explorations of migrant entrepreneurship and workplace ethics are becoming increasingly available, empirical studies focusing specifically on marginal migrant entrepreneurs in the Gulf or Middle East regions remain scarce. The sensitive nature of the topic—particularly regarding intra-community exploitation among co-nationals—may explain the ongoing limited visibility and lack of public documentation. To the best of the researchers’ knowledge, no published qualitative studies have directly examined this phenomenon in the context of the UAE, underscoring a significant empirical gap that this study seeks to address.

In conclusion, the literature has highlighted the significance of grasping the psychological and contextual aspects of unethical leadership in migrant entrepreneurs. The dark triad characteristics offer a helpful framework for examining exploitative behaviors, while the lack of light triad characteristics indicates the moral deficit in such leadership (Elbers, 2025). Placing these behaviors within the greater contexts of moral psychology, ethical leadership, and survival ethics, this research hopes to enable a more sophisticated understanding of entrepreneurship in marginal settings. Future research should further investigate intervention policies and policy changes that enhance ethical leadership without neglecting the socio-economic conditions that inform entrepreneurial behaviors (Rolle & Crump, 2023).

3. Methodological Approach: Primary Qualitative Ethnographic Research

This study adopts a qualitative approach, using purposive sampling to select participants who could provide rich, relevant insights. Data were gathered through semi-structured interviews, field observations, and reflective notes. Thematic analysis was conducted to identify recurring patterns and themes related to the research focus.

3.1. Research Design

This study adopts a primary qualitative research method grounded in an ethnographic approach within an interpretivist paradigm. An interpretivist perspective focuses on comprehending the subjective meanings, experiences, and social realities of individuals within contextual and cultural settings (Denzin & Lincoln, 2011), making it a foundational method for qualitative research and supporting ethnographic and case study designs (Creswell, 2013). In this context, ethnography offers the possibility of experiential observations and interpretation of the everyday realities of migrant entrepreneurs who are involved in informal economies. Through extended interactions and situational inquiries, this research aims to uncover not only obvious behaviors but also the moral thought, psychological orientations, and cultural processes driving dark triad styles of leadership. This research approach is best adapted to the examination of complex social realities in which behaviors are embedded within multi-layered socio-economic realities characterized by moral ambiguity.

3.2. Research Setting

The setting for this study was the outskirts of Sharjah, in areas closer to the central regions, where scattered and mobile businesses operate along highways, often in small, informal shops near the city. While these businesses may appear legal to customers, many operate beyond the scope of their licenses, making them difficult to monitor or regulate effectively. The research was conducted in informal working environments where migrant entrepreneurs are actively engaged in small-scale economic enterprises. Such environments comprise street-level enterprises, local markets, and labor supply contracts that are questionable, particularly along major inter-state highways. Such environments tend to function outside of formal regulatory frameworks and provide conducive environments for research into ethically gray leadership approaches. These places also facilitate the proximal observation of daily leadership behaviors, interpersonal communications, and decision-making in situ, which is critical for capturing the subtleties of moral disengagement as well as the evidence or absence of prosocial personality traits. The use of a quantitative approach supports purposive and theoretical sampling in niche and hard-to-reach populations such as undocumented migrants or informal entrepreneurs (Patton, 2015). It is very difficult to report these businesses to the relevant authorities, as they are mobile and all evidence of their existence can be readily erased. However, by staying in those markets and enquiring about services, the researcher was able to gather data effectively. In this regard, Hennink et al. (2020) proposed—although indirectly—methods to sample and justify niche field settings in marginalized, informal, or mobile economic environments. Their methods can be adapted to fit the tough sampling requirements of marginal migrant economies with activities that are informal and off-the-books. In more detail, those entities often cater to farms and ranches but will also provide any kind of labor supply as necessary, while the legal papers that they possess are very questionable.

3.3. Sampling Strategy

The sampling plan combined purposive and snowball strategies to ensure access to appropriate participants and adaptability in the field. Purposive sampling was used to locate migrant entrepreneurs that fulfilled certain inclusion criteria: (a) operating small businesses within an informal economic setting, (b) employing or contracting other vulnerable migrants, and (c) engaging (or seeming to engage) in exploitative or morally questionable practices. Snowball sampling was subsequently employed to expand the participant population through referrals from the initial contacts. The study aimed to enlist 15 migrant employees coming from low-income socio-economic backgrounds as participants, comprising a diverse range of nationalities, industries, and genders to ensure that the sample represented a broad spectrum of behaviors and experiences. The participants were from South Asian, East African, and Southeast Asian backgrounds, reflecting the migrant labor composition in Sharjah’s informal sector. While specific nationalities were not the primary focus, the sample included individuals from at least four distinct cultural backgrounds, allowing for a broader understanding of migrant experiences.

The proposed approach was particularly effective in engaging hard-to-reach participants and exposing underground networks facilitating exploitative leadership practices. Although techniques adapted by examining the nursing population seem somewhat unrelated, as nursing activities do not typically occur in informal settings, Coyne (1997) proposed methods for qualitative research that have been highly cited. In this study, only the sampling boundary guidelines were adopted, which helped to justify the selection of niche settings.

3.4. Data Collection Methods

Data were collected through the triangulation of ethnographic approaches, thus ensuring the depth and richness of understanding. Participant observation was the primary approach, with the researcher shadow-selecting entrepreneurs in their business operations. This allowed the researcher to observe their real-time conduct, decision-making strategies, leadership styles, and patterns of interaction with clients and workers. Specific attention was given to covert behavioral signals such as tone, gesture, and language that indicate entitlement, manipulation, or detachment. Ethnographic field notes supplement observations through the documentation of contextual data, affective milieux, and reflexive considerations on the part of the researcher (Spradley, 1980). They should be written daily and organized according to themes that are unfolding, such as power relations, communicative habits, and emotional responses (Emerson et al., 2011).

They should serve as dense interpretive resources, linking observed action to theory. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with the migrant entrepreneurs and a small group of their employees or coworkers. The interviews explored topics such as philosophy on leadership, making decisions, fairness and success attitudes, and affective and relational expressions (Kvale & Brinkmann, 2015). The entrepreneurs were asked to reflect upon their business strategy, moral justifications for controversial practices, and conceptions of their contribution to society. Peers or employees then provided contrasting perceptions, which may refute or affirm the entrepreneurs’ testimonies, thus offering a more balanced perception of interpersonal and ethical aspects.

3.5. Interview Questions

• Q1: Can you describe any experiences where business owners displayed a sense of superiority, entitlement, or lacked empathy toward others in your workplace or community?
• Q2: Have you observed any manipulative tactics used by business owners to control employees or customers, such as making false promises or playing mind games?
• Q3: Can you share any situations where business owners showed emotional coldness or indifference, especially toward employees facing hardship?
• Q4: Do you think the business owners you worked with showed compassion, humility, or altruism? Can you describe your experience?
• Q5: Have you ever heard business owners justify unethical behavior by saying it’s necessary or unavoidable? What reasons did they give?

3.6. Data Analysis

Data analysis was carried out using Braun and Clarke’s thematic analysis method (Braun & Clarke, 2008, 2019), a widely renowned qualitative research method that allows for the systematic identification, structuring, and interpretation of themes in rich datasets. The analysis was conducted in different stages: familiarization with the data through multiple readings of transcripts and field notes; creation of initial codes for frequent patterns; development of broad themes from related codes; theme naming and refinement; and integration with theory. Primary predicted themes included grandiosity and entitlement (narcissistic), manipulation and control (Machiavellian), emotional detachment and rationalizing (psychopathic), absence of prosocial values (lack of altruism, empathy, humility), and justification stories (moral disengagement processes).

All compiled data were analyzed both separately and in comparison to others, in order to determine how they blend to create a cohesive leadership style. The analysis was performed with respect to three primary theoretical frameworks. Bandura’s theory of moral disengagement was used to describe how business owners rationalize and continue to engage in unethical behaviors. Dark Triad Personality Theory was helpful for categorizing and making sense of specific behavioral patterns and their related psychological foundations. Finally, Ethical Leadership Theory provided a normative framework for deconstructing the presence or absence of values such as empathy, integrity, and a sense of responsibility. Together, these frameworks enabled a rich, multifaceted description of the data.

In conclusion, data analysis was performed according to Braun and Clarke’s (2008, 2019) six-phase thematic analysis approach. The primary researcher independently conducted the coding process, drawing from both inductive insights and deductive themes grounded in the literature. Although no formal intercoder reliability test was applied, the rigor of the analysis was enhanced through peer debriefing and maintaining a structured audit trail documenting all analytic decisions. Trustworthiness was further supported through prolonged engagement in the field and informal checking with two participants to validate the emergent themes. These steps ensured that the interpretations were both reflexive and grounded in the participants’ lived experiences, offering a credible representation of the data.

3.7. Ethical Considerations

Due to the sensitive topic and vulnerability of the population, this study strictly adhered to ethical research principles. The purpose, design, and potential implications of the study were thoroughly explained to the participants, and participation was entirely voluntary. Informed consent was either verbal or written, depending on level of literacy and cultural sensitivity. Anonymity and confidentiality were strictly maintained. Pseudonyms were used throughout all field notes, transcripts, and publications, and identifying details were changed to protect the privacy and safety of participants.

The researcher was particularly mindful of power dynamics, making sure that participants were not pressured or endangered due to their involvement. Interviews and observations were carried out in secure, familiar settings (chosen by the participants themselves, whenever feasible). The researcher also engaged in reflexivity during the study, regularly considering and recording their positionality, biases, and emotional reactions. This is necessary in ethnographic research, as the researcher’s presence inevitably affects the field.

4. Results and Interpretations

Thematic analysis was employed to interpret the participants’ responses to the five guiding questions, focusing on observed behaviors and moral reasoning among migrant business owners. The approach enabled the identification of recurring themes related to entitlement, manipulation, emotional detachment, absence of ethical traits, and moral justification. These themes offer insight into how dark personality traits and survival ethics are expressed in marginal business environments. While the findings offer critical insights into the psychological orientations of marginal migrant entrepreneurs, they are based on a small, context-specific sample and should be interpreted as exploratory, rather than universally representative. The aim is not to generalize but, instead, to highlight patterns that warrant further investigation in larger or comparative studies.

4.1. Theme 1: Narcissistic Leadership

This theme aligns with P1 (migrant entrepreneurs exhibit narcissistic traits such as entitlement and emotional disrespect, which erode trust and foster exploitative leadership styles). The researcher asked the participants “Q1: Can you describe any experiences where business owners displayed a sense of superiority, entitlement, or lacked empathy toward others in your workplace or community?” The following responses were gathered: “My boss kept reminding us that we owed everything to him—he believed no one else would have hired us” (Participants 1,4, 5, 7, 8, 10). This is a very common response, indicating that the entrepreneur viewed their employees as inferior. Moreover, the employees collectively also added that “He thought he was better than everyone. If someone made a mistake, he would insult them in front of others” (Participant 2, 3, 6, 9, 11). The employers seem to use violence and offensive language. Moreover, the employees collectively provided statements such as “Once, a coworker asked for time off for a funeral, and he said, ‘This isn’t a charity, it’s a business” (Participants 4, 7, 8, 11, 12, 14). The employers run a very tight ship with no empathy.

Table 1. Support for narcissistic leadership.

Code	Sample Quotation	Theme
Grandiosity	“He believed no one else would have hired us”.	Narcissistic Leadership
Public shaming	“He would insult them in front of others”.	Narcissistic Leadership
Lack of empathy	“He said, ‘This isn’t a charity, it’s a business’”.	Narcissistic Leadership

lists the codes that support the narcissistic leadership theme, showcasing the narcissistic tendencies seen in leadership, which were reported in the form of excessive self-importance and disregard for employee emotions. Participants noted a strong belief in personal superiority and entitlement, often accompanied by public humiliation or emotional neglect. Such patterns align with the literature on narcissistic leadership, where power imbalances are maintained through dominance, not respect. Narcissistic leadership in marginalized entrepreneurial settings assumes a specific form, merging cultural legitimacy, economic insecurity, and personal ego into a precarious leadership style. Participants identified recurring patterns of grandiosity, where entrepreneurs set themselves up as benevolent agents while degrading their workers (either subtly or overtly).

This expression of narcissism is consistent with clinical definitions in the Narcissistic Personality Inventory (R. N. Raskin & Hall, 1979), wherein self-esteem and dominance are buttressed by a deficiency in emotional mutuality. In a particular account, an employee explained how her boss would brag about being the “only one who dared to hire migrants”, presenting their exploitative behavior as a token of beneficence. This is a perversion of “benevolent narcissism” in which power disguises itself as generosity, tending to be used to suppress opposition and preserve dominance.

These narcissistic characteristics are not only interpersonal but structural—often, they translate into long-standing hierarchies in migrant economies, in which desperation lowers workers’ resistance to emotional exploitation. Narcissistic leaders tend to style themselves as irreplaceable and foster psychological dependence among their employees. The findings has indicated that narcissistic leaders can display charisma and vision but, ultimately, favor self-interest over collective development. In migrant-run businesses with limited supervision, such inclinations go uncorrected, causing long-term emotional damage, reduced team cohesion, and a fear culture. In such environments, empathy is set aside, criticism is suppressed, and loyalty is coerced rather than achieved, degrading the moral underpinnings of the workplace.

4.2. Theme 2: Machiavellian Strategies

This theme aligns with P2 (deceptive strategies, calculated manipulation, and self-serving decision-making define many interactions with workers, reflecting high levels of Machiavellian behavior). The researcher asked the employees “Q2: Have you observed any manipulative tactics used by business owners to control employees or customers, such as making false promises or playing mind games?” The employees responded by saying “He promised us bonuses if we worked extra hours, but nothing ever came of it” (participant 2, 5, 7, 9, 10, 12, 15). Moreover, manipulation behaviors were evident, with the employees adding “Sometimes he’d tell two workers that the other one was complaining, just to make us fight” (Participant 1, 3, 6, 8, 9, 12). Finally, “She would deny saying things and twist our words, making us feel like we were wrong” (2, 4, 6, 8, 9, 12, 14, 15). The final quote paves the way to examine the female migrant employer who also operates via the dark triad, demonstrating that women in these economies are also capable of manipulation.

Table 2. Support for Machiavellian strategies.

Code	Sample Quotation	Theme
False promises	“He promised us bonuses… but nothing ever came”.	Machiavellian Strategies
Divide-and-rule	“He’d tell two workers the other was complaining”.	Machiavellian Strategies
Gaslighting	“She would twist our words and deny what she said”.	Machiavellian Strategies

lists the codes related to Machiavellian strategies, showcasing that the narratives reflect strategic manipulation and coercion through false promises and gaslighting. These tactics reveal an intent to maintain control through confusion, mistrust, and emotional exhaustion. By engineering interpersonal conflicts and denying accountability, the leaders create a toxic environment fueled by fear and uncertainty. Machiavellianism in entrepreneurial marginality was repeatedly mentioned by participants as a means of control and social engineering. Entrepreneurs frequently applied manipulation to socially engineer compliance in employees, often through intentional deception, misleading bonuses, or artificially created competition among employees.

For instance, they described being offered bonuses or promotions that never materialized, only to later discover the promises had been made simultaneously to others as a tactic to overwork and compete. Such behavior is consistent with Christie and Geis’ (1970) original theory of Machiavellianism, where manipulation is not impulsive but calculated, affectless, and goal-directed. In unregulated labor environments, where control bodies are typically non-existent or ineffective, Machiavellian tactics flourish. Migrant entrepreneurs—especially those who have risen from similar precarious situations—may see such methods as necessary means of sustaining a competitive edge or preventing collective resistance.

The “divide and conquer” strategy was especially common, in which employers quietly set employees against one another, thus undermining their solidarity and trust. Such maneuvers appeal to larger dynamics in neoliberal workplaces, where competition is made a means and cooperation is played down. By intentionally evoking mistrust among staff members, such leaders facilitate dependency and exert dominance to the detriment of collective well-being. This Machiavellian culture not only promotes exploitation, but also creates a culture of learned helplessness: workers internalize blame for manipulative systems, diminishing their capacity to challenge or even recognize abuse. They may eventually even accept these tactics as normal or rightful, illustrating the ways in which manipulation in management can redefine not just workplace culture, but also personal identity and psychological resilience.

4.3. Theme 3: Psychopathic Detachment

The third theme explores P3 (affective coldness and lack of remorse allow entrepreneurs to distance themselves from the suffering of workers, perpetuating harm without empathy). The question asked was “Q3: Can you share any situations where business owners showed emotional coldness or indifference, especially toward employees facing hardship?” The responses were “When a worker got injured on-site, he just said, ‘Well, that’s your fault for not being careful” (Participant 2, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 12, 15). In addition, being undocumented, the worker did not have any health insurance. Moreover, “A colleague lost a family member, and the boss still expected her to show up on time” (Participant 1, 3, 4, 7, 9, 10, 12). Finally, “One guy collapsed from heat exhaustion, and the boss didn’t even pause—just kept shouting instructions” (Participant 3, 6, 8, 12, 14, 15).

Table 3. Support for psychopathic detachment.

Code	Sample Quotation	Theme
Blaming the victim	“That’s your fault for not being careful”.	Psychopathic Detachment
No emotional allowance	“Still expected her to show up on time”.	Psychopathic Detachment
Indifference to health	“Didn’t even pause—just keep shouting”.	Psychopathic Detachment

lists the codes related to psychopathic detachment, as reflected through a lack of emotional resonance and blatant disregard for workers’ physical and emotional conditions. Such leaders appear to distance themselves from the consequences of their actions, normalizing harsh treatments and refusing to accommodate basic human needs. Psychopathic detachment is perhaps the most psychologically injurious characteristic reported by participants, who described incidents of emotional coldness, lack of concern in crises, and utter indifference to human suffering. This theme extends beyond normal insensitivity, indicating a more profound and more chilling emotional disconnection that is consistent with characteristics in the Psychopathy Checklist—Revised (PCL-R) such as callousness, lack of remorse, and superficial charm.

Entrepreneurs with this behavior not only did not stand by their employees in times of distress, but they also actively dismissed or even blamed them for their own failures. Such reactions promote a perception that vulnerability is a liability to be taken advantage of, rather than a state to be cared for. In marginal migrant entrepreneurship, psychopathic detachment might serve as a protective strategy, developed through years of personal adversity, displacement, and structural marginalization. Yet, when internalized and projected externally, it is an excuse for emotional abandonment and moral insensibility. Although such characteristics manifest themselves in leadership within business, they lead to toxic environments in which human interests are sacrificed totally for the sake of profit or dominance. In one striking instance, a worker who fainted from heat stroke was not only disregarded but was also yelled at for “slowing things down”, a reaction that indicates a toxic normalization of emotional disregard and hyper-productivity.

Over time, this detachment can seep into the organizational culture, socially forcing workers to repress their needs, downplay their suffering, and consider abuse acceptable. The outcome is an organizational ecosystem that is impoverished in moral oxygen, where survival prevails over empathy and where cruelty masquerades as “tough leadership”. In these cultures, emotional safety does not exist and long-term psychological wounds are inevitable.

4.4. Theme 4: Absence of Light Triad Traits

This theme explores P4 (a notable absence of empathy, humility, and altruism among migrant entrepreneurs contributes to a moral vacuum in their business conduct). In the investigation, the researcher asked the employees “Q4: Do you think the business owners you worked with showed compassion, humility, or altruism? Can you describe your experience?” The collective response was “He never once said thank you or gave credit, even when we did extra work” (participant 1, 4, 6, 9, 13, 15). Moreover, they stated “She was all about profit. Helping others or showing empathy was out of the question” (participant 2,5, 7, 9, 10, 13, 15). Finally, “Even during Ramadan, he refused to adjust hours or show flexibility for fasting workers” (participant 3, 6, 8, 12, 14, 15).

Table 4. Support for absence of light triad traits.

Code	Sample Quotation	Theme
No appreciation	“He never once said thank you or gave credit”.	Absence of Light Triad Traits
Lack of altruism	“Helping others or showing empathy was out of the question”.	Absence of Light Triad Traits
No compassion	“He refused to adjust hours for fasting workers”.	Absence of Light Triad Traits

lists all the codes supporting the absence of light triad traits, underscoring the absence of prosocial behaviors that typify light triad traits—namely, altruism, humility, and compassion. There was a general leadership style of low human warmth or ethical concern, facilitating a business culture of extraction rather than shared growth. The absence of light triad traits was invariably underscored by the participants, who described their leaders as rigid, self-centered, and emotionally unavailable. Kaufman et al. (2019) coined the light triad concept and suggested that these characteristics are essential in human-centered leadership and healthy interpersonal relationships. Alternatively, participants’ narratives included leaders who broke faith with religious responsibilities, ignored affective needs, and saw selfishness as weakness. Such leadership not only quenches moral development, but also does injustice to social solidarity in already disenfranchised work communities.

Maybe the most disconcerting observation was how religious or cultural values—which are usually perceived as sources of compassion—were over-ridden in the name of efficiency or profit. For instance, several workers explained how fasting throughout Ramadan was overlooked or even mocked by their employers. This is symptomatic of an overall disconnect with communal identity and religious belonging in favor of an extreme individualist, profit-centric ideology. Such attitudes are promoted by leaders who create cultures in which virtue is framed as inefficient and in which declarations of care or solidarity are misconstrued as professional vulnerabilities.

Sociologically, this describes a move from Gemeinschaft (value-oriented community) to Gesellschaft (instrumental, business-like), especially in marginal economic regions (Tönnies, 1887/1957). In such a system, migrant workers are not members of a moral or cultural community but, instead, are seen as disposable labor units. The lack of light triad characteristics, then, is not merely an individual personality deficiency—it is symptomatic of a general breakdown in moral and social capital in precarious economic systems. The long-term consequences are dire: with no emotional reciprocity, trust begins to fray, collective resilience degrades, and the work environment becomes a soul-crushing, alienating space.

4.5. Theme 5: Moral Disengagement as a Coping Strategy

This theme explores P5 (exploitation is rationalized through system blaming and normalization (“everyone does it”), allowing moral self-regulation to be bypassed in pursuit of economic survival). The participants were asked “Q5: Have you ever heard business owners justify unethical behavior by saying it’s necessary or unavoidable? What reasons did they give?” The participants stated the following: “He said, ‘If I don’t exploit, someone else will. That’s just how it is” (participants 2, 4, 6, 8, 10, 13, 15). Moreover, “They blamed the systems saying it forces them to break the rules to stay alive” (participant 1, 3, 5, 7, 9, 10, 13, 15). Finally, “He justified underpaying us by saying, ‘You’re getting more than what locals would offer anyway’” (participant 1,5, 7, 9, 11, 12, 15)—which is a false claim, as labor laws are known to be strict in the area.

Table 5. Support for moral disengagement as a coping strategy.

Code	Sample Quotation	Theme
Justifying exploitation	“If I don’t exploit, someone else will”.	Moral Disengagement
Systemic justification	“Saying the system forces them to break the rules”.	Moral Disengagement
Comparative moral defense	“You’re getting more than what locals would offer”.	Moral Disengagement

lists the codes that support moral disengagement, which appears as a psychological shield that is used by entrepreneurs to justify exploitative behaviors and sidestep their guilt. These rationalizations demonstrate the broader normalization of unethical behaviors within survival-based economies, where leaders adopt harmful practices and attribute them to external systemic pressures. One of the most psychologically astute themes was the intentional moral disengagement applied by entrepreneurs to justify their immoral behaviors. The respondents most often heard claims such as “If I don’t exploit, someone else will”, or “The system forces me to be this way”. Such claims are prototypical instances of moral justification—one of the essential processes of Bandura (1999) theory of moral disengagement. Here, the entrepreneurs reinterpreted exploitation as survival, reconstructing vicious acts into respectable—even necessary—strategies.

This is most typical in risky environments, where moral fuzziness prevails and in which social or legal constraints are not present or cannot be applied. By passing off responsibility—to the market, to the system, to the broader economic conditions—migrant entrepreneurs distance themselves from responsibility for their own actions. This psychological distance enables additional exploitation without shame or guilt, as ethical considerations are circumvented in the name of appearing necessary. This moral disengagement is not an epiphenomenal trope; rather, it reconfigures the ethics of marginalized work. As it happens repeatedly, it becomes a normative, even common-sensical social convention supported by both the proprietors and workers themselves, who possibly really believe that exploitation is inevitable and ethics are luxuries beyond their means.

This is an alarming finding, as it illustrates how structural violence is reproduced through internalized logic rather than raw power. The shift from “this is wrong” to “this is just the way things are” reflects the decay of ethical limits and the routinization of violence. It also mirrors the inability of broader institutions—be it legal, social, or religious—to impose ethical norms on marginalized business environments. If left unchecked, this disconnect will descend into a culture of pervasive abuse, unaccountability, and ethical deterioration that becomes institutionalized rather than anomalous.

5. Discussion

The findings of this study tell a compelling—though somber—story about leadership in the context of marginal migrant entrepreneurship. It is found that, while structural disadvantages necessitate autonomy and innovation, they may also serve to erode moral boundaries and facilitate the construction of toxic personality features. Ethnographic evidence suggests that narcissistic tendencies—with grandiosity and entitlement foremost among them—are not a rare occurrence but, instead, common leadership traits (Yengkopiong, 2024). Migrant business leaders—with little external visibility or regulatory oversight—seemed to construct inflated self-images to mask insecurity and demand loyalty. Narcissistic leadership was expressed in terms of power struggles over symbolic power, public humiliation, and disregard for emotional well-being. Such behaviors, while harmful, are commonly viewed as representative of success or resilience in non-formal settings (Hollingsworth, 2024).

Machiavellian methods also extended complicities on moral grounds. Entrepreneurs deceived and nurtured suspicion to retain control. Divide-and-rule, promising the moon and fibbing, and intentional deceit serve to create a matrix of coercive dominance (Karkoukli, 2024). Such practices are never regarded as harmful by their initiators, instead being normalized as an acceptable business tactic, with manipulation viewed as a prerequisite for survival. Such internalization indicates the widespread normalization of manipulation in competition-oriented, regulation-free economies. Most chilling, likely, was the existence of psychopathic detachment—manifesting in intellectual coldness expressed as contempt for the safety, grief, and bodily welfare of workers. When care is replaced with the law of survival, human weakness becomes a problem (Calabria & Marks, 2024). Finally, a near complete absence of light triad traits was evidenced in the interviews, suggesting moral emptiness on a fundamental level.

In particular, there was no evidence of altruism, humility, or compassion, even when cultural or religious exigencies would have been to their advantage. The players painted a work environment in which reward and common decency were thin and moral considerations were burdensome (Belk, 2024). Finally, moral disengagement was the psychological keel that allowed these actions to become habitualized without guilt. Entrepreneurs continued to justify their behaviors by convincing themselves of fate stories (“If I don’t do it, someone else will”). These justifications shifted the blame from themselves and rendered their immoral actions customary, or even moral.

This is not merely indicative of individual culpability but, instead, widespread ethical lapse, nourished by institutional callousness, cultural transformation, and economic need. Together, the research results imply that marginality is a moral sieve as well as a psychological stressor. Migrant entrepreneurs embrace dark triad leadership styles not only due to inborn tendencies, but as their context facilitates such behaviors (A. Khan et al., 2023). Ethical leadership here is not so much an issue of personal agency as it is one of systemic potential: one which is denied by precarious survival schemes all too frequently. This research therefore contributes to our understanding of how structural and individual forces intersect to generate toxic entrepreneurial cultures, and requires us to rethink how ethics can be promoted in economically marginalized communities (Böhm et al., 2022).

This study advances our understanding of dark triad traits in informal economic settings, with the findings extending the psychological dark triad theory into the underexplored context of informal migrant enterprises. The findings revealed that narcissism, Machiavellianism, and psychopathy are more than relevant in marginal migrant economies. However, this study also introduced a conceptual focus on migrant marginal entrepreneurship, as it was perceived that this concept has not been previously used by academics. Henceforth, this study defines a novel subgroup within entrepreneurship studies, helping future scholars to frame informality and exploitation through the lens of social positioning and psychological traits. Theoretically, this study acts as a bridge between moral disengagement and social network theories. The link between the erosion of ethical behaviors and intra-group rationalizations should be emphasized, as these findings go against the existing literature which romanticizes migrant solidarity. Therefore, the presented findings reject universal positive assumptions about migrant entrepreneurship, revealing a highly complex and paradoxical relationship with the exploited migrant workers. These findings shed light on migrant-on-migrant exploitation from an entrepreneurship view.

This study urges policy makers to acknowledge the hidden exploitation of migrant labor by migrant entrepreneurs in informal economies. The word “informal” suggests that exploitation is invisible, as it occurs in economies and situations away from the authorities and law enforcement with subjects that are vulnerable and not sufficiently educated to inform the authorities. Although training and awareness for informal business owners might mitigate the risk of exploitation occurring, it will still be far from reality as these business owners are fully aware of the law but choose to ignore it as they are not visible to the public. Therefore, I would suggest that new laborers should be well-informed by their own home countries regarding illegal work relationships and ways to avoid such work attachments. The problem seems to start with the home countries and not the host, although the host is blamed for problems that are carried over from the migrant’s home countries. It is believed that a way to stop such exploitation is for law enforcement to penetrate such economies and monitor their business environments. As the system is already very strict against labor exploitation, community-based grievance mechanisms or legal aid clinics could be encouraged, especially for undocumented or vulnerable migrant workers. It is time for NGOs to study the exploitation of migrant laborers from a new perspective, never underestimating the influence of dark triad traits on migrant business owners regarding their own countrymen. At the edge of formality, ethics are not lost—they are negotiated, obscured, and sometimes silenced. Marginality does not absolve responsibility; it simply reframes it in quieter, more complex terms. To understand migrant entrepreneurship we must look not only at survival, but also at the moral choices made in its name.

6. Conclusions

From the findings of this study, it is evident that marginal migrant entrepreneurship—though spawned by resilience—can lead to the development of dark triad leadership tendencies under conditions of economic adversity and social exclusion. Narcissism, manipulation, emotional detachment, and moral disengagement were prevalently observed, signifying how survival environments erode ethical boundaries. The absence of light triad tendencies indicates a broader moral shortfall in such an environment. This study highlighted the need for action regarding not only economic inclusion but also ethical growth in informal economies. Ethical leadership needs to be fostered together with entrepreneurship for dignity, equity, and social cohesion in marginalized communities.

6.1. Limitations and Strengths

A principal limitation of this research is that it involved a small, context-dependent sample, thus limiting its generalizability. Ethnographic methods, although deep in detail, also bring about subjectivity and the possibility of researcher bias. Further, due to the sensitive topic, the research may have encouraged self-censorship from the participants. However, the power of the research comes from the immersive nature and the triangulation in data collection, which allowed for a better understanding of dark triad leadership qualities in situational contexts. Through an examination of the overlap between personality, psychology, and migrant marginality, the study makes a distinctive, interdisciplinary contribution to the literature on both ethical leadership and migrant workers in under-theorized informal economic contexts. Furthermore, this study also recognizes that the influence of cultural background on dark triad trait expression is an important yet under-explored dimension. Due to this study’s scope and sample size, a comparative cultural analysis was beyond its aims. Future research could more deeply examine how cultural value systems shape the moral reasoning and leadership behaviors of migrant entrepreneurs.

6.2. Recommendations

To contain the decline in moral standards in marginal entrepreneurial environments, support systems that enhance ethical leadership must be put in place. Migrant entrepreneurs need training programs focused on emotional intelligence, empathy, and ethical decision-making. Policy measures must be directed toward legal integration and economic protection for informal workers in order to mitigate the systemic pressures that trigger dark triad tendencies. NGOs and community groups need to build peer accountability networks in order to halt the normalization of exploitation. Finally, ethical leadership must be infused into microfinance and small enterprise development programs, such that entrepreneurship becomes not only economically feasible but also ethically sustainable among marginalized migrant populations.

6.3. Future Implications

Future research must examine intervention approaches that reduce dark triad leadership styles through psychosocial interventions and regulatory processes. Longitudinal studies must be undertaken to examine how prolonged marginality affects or reorients personality characteristics and moral behaviors over time. Analyses of cross-cultural differences might also provide insights into how different cultural norms mediate or enhance moral disengagement. Policymakers need to focus on incorporating ethical leadership standards in entrepreneurial training programs, as well as legislation targeting informal economies. Such therapeutic and community-based interventions are also highlighted, which should be designed in such a way that light triad traits are promoted; in this way, migrant entrepreneurship may lead not only to economic integration, but also ethical welfare.