1. Introduction
Autism spectrum disorder is a neurodevelopmental disorder generally characterized by impairments in social interaction and communication skills, as well as restricted interests and repetitive behaviors. The notion of a ‘spectrum’ reflects the wide variation in these characteristics, establishing that there is a broad range of possible expressions of autistic tendencies and strengths in individuals with ASD. Starting in early childhood and continuing throughout life, this condition can lead to significant limitations in individuals’ social, academic, and daily functioning. According to data from the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), the prevalence of autism spectrum disorder (ASD) among 8-year-old children in the United States in 2022 was determined to be 32.2 per 1000 children (3.2%); this means that one in every 31 children received an ASD diagnosis (
Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2025). Recent studies in Türkiye emphasize that increasing family resilience is a critical protective factor that reduces parental burnout in families with children with special needs. Furthermore, it has been observed that an increase in parents’ levels of hopelessness directly triggers feelings of burnout, thereby disrupting the resource–risk balance within the family (
Yılmaz & Bahçalı, 2025).
Since ASD is a disorder that begins in early childhood and lasts a lifetime, it directly affects family life as much as the child’s daily life (
Özsoy et al., 2006). Parents of children with ASD experience higher levels of stress compared with parents of typically developing children or children with different developmental problems. While navigating the unique needs of a child with ASD requires significant adaptation, it is crucial to recognize that parents and children frequently establish profound and deeply rewarding emotional bonds. The narrative of parental burnout should not be exclusively attributed to the child’s neurodivergent traits (
Howard & Sedgewick, 2021). Various challenges in the care of children with ASD, such as the child’s cognitive inadequacies, irritability, dependency on the parent, hyperactivity, learning and language problems, the need for lifelong care, toileting and feeding issues, and the child’s constant desire to stay at home, can contribute significantly to increased stress in parents (
Al-Oran & Khuan, 2021).
This long-standing stress can lead to burnout, defined by Maslach, which is characterized by loss of motivation, hopelessness, and decreased functionality in individuals (
Maslach & Leiter, 2016). The core symptoms of parental burnout are an intense feeling of exhaustion related to the parenting role, a detachment focused only on physical care by avoiding emotional sharing in the relationship with children, and dissatisfaction with the parenting identity. The key point is that these symptoms contrast sharply with the parent’s past attitudes, and the parenting role is now seen as an unsustainable burden (
Roskam et al., 2018). The core symptoms of parental burnout are an intense feeling of exhaustion related to the parenting role, a detachment focused only on physical care by avoiding emotional sharing in the relationship with children, and dissatisfaction with the parenting identity. This description of core symptoms, specifically intense exhaustion, emotional detachment, and dissatisfaction with the parental identity, is explicitly supported by the conceptual framework established by
Roskam et al. (
2018). In the care of children with ASD, continuity, unpredictability of behaviors, difficulties in accessing education and health services, social prejudices, and lack of social support are among the main risk factors for parental burnout (
Karst & Van Hecke, 2012).
According to the “Balance between Risks and Resources” theory, parental burnout potentially arises from the imbalance between excessive parenting demands and limited parenting resources (
Mikolajczak & Roskam, 2018). Individuals experiencing parental burnout face a decrease in the sense of accomplishment and happiness, emotional distancing from children, and disappointment in the parental role (
Roskam et al., 2018). Additionally, negative consequences such as suicidal ideation, the urge to escape, alcohol and substance use, overeating, sleep disorders, and psychological escape behaviors can be observed (
Mikolajczak et al., 2018).
Chronic parental burnout not only negatively affects the physical and mental health of parents and can lead to more serious mental problems such as stress, anxiety, and depression, but also directly reduces the quality of parenting and the quality of interaction with the child (
T. R. Evans et al., 2023). It can increase conflict between spouses and lead to anger and irritability by lowering the parent’s threshold of tolerance. One of the most worrying consequences is the potential increased risk of neglect or verbal and physical violence toward children (
Mikolajczak et al., 2019).
Early studies on parental burnout initially defined the concept inspired by general parenting stress and burnout models in professional life, focusing particularly on the chronic fatigue and emotional drainage experienced by parents of children with special needs since the 1980s (
Pelsma et al., 1989). While research in this period highlighted the diagnostic characteristics of the child and the care burden as the primary source of burnout, the current literature has shifted its focus from only the child’s condition to the parent’s internal and external resources (
Mikolajczak & Roskam, 2020). Recent studies conducted in 2024 and 2025 emphasize the decisive role of sociodemographic variables such as income level, education level, and household structure on burnout, while also highlighting the critical importance of parents’ internal resources such as psychological resilience, self-efficacy, and perceived social support in balancing risks (
Findling et al., 2024). Current research conducted specifically in the Turkish sample shows that economic conditions and difficulties in accessing care services disrupt the resource–risk balance of parents, potentially increasing burnout levels, which, in turn, can directly affect parenting quality (
Yılmaz & Bahçalı, 2025).
The aim of this study is to examine the burnout levels in parents of children with ASD and the relationship of this burnout with sociodemographic characteristics (age, gender, education level, income level, number of children, etc.). This study aims to contribute to the development of recommendations for supporting parents of children with ASD by filling the gaps in the literature.
4. Discussion
This study aimed to examine the burnout levels in parents of children diagnosed with autism spectrum disorder (ASD) and the relationship of this process with sociodemographic factors from a holistic perspective. The fact that our model explained 5.8% of the variance indicates that parental burnout is governed by numerous complex factors not captured in this study, such as ASD symptom severity, the level of perceived social support, and internal psychological resilience (
Weinberg et al., 2021). However, the primary aim of this research was to isolate and emphasize the role of ‘spatial resources,’ a factor frequently neglected in the literature. This low variance ratio supports the interpretation that while physical space is not a standalone solution, it is a critical component of a holistic support model. The data obtained within the scope of this research show that parental burnout is not limited only to individual or economic characteristics, but can also be affected by the physical living conditions of the family. In particular, contrary to many variables frequently emphasized in the literature, the fact that the number of rooms in the house plays a decisive role in burnout scores highlights the importance of spatial opportunities and personal space in protecting parents’ mental health.
This result is consistent with the ‘Balance between Risks and Resources’ (BR2) model, which defines parental burnout as an imbalance between excessive demands and limited resources, and emphasizes that physical living space is a critical ‘spatial resource’ for the parent (
Mikolajczak & Roskam, 2018). The relationship found between the number of rooms and burnout in our study parallels current studies in the literature that emphasize the negative effect of limited living space on parental mental health. Specifically,
Wauters et al. (
2022) revealed that the inadequacy of physical space and the feeling of crowding within the home are fundamental stressors that trigger parental burnout in parents of children with chronic health problems (
Wauters et al., 2022). Indeed, in a study conducted in a Turkish sample, it was found that a significant portion of families with children with disabilities found the physical conditions of their homes inadequate and experienced difficulties due to their residences being ‘narrow and small’ for their children’s needs (
Özsoy et al., 2006). When combined with the fact that the number of rooms was the only significant variable in our study, this situation supports the interpretation that the spaciousness of the physical space where daily life takes place plays a more primary role in protecting the psychological well-being of parents than socioeconomic indicators. It is also worthwhile linking these findings about the importance of space to an interactional model of disability. As
Shakespeare (
2012) suggests, constructing an alternative account of disability based on an interactional or relational understanding reveals that disability results from an interplay of individual and contextual factors. In other words, people are disabled by society and by their bodies. From this perspective, the individual variation within ASD interacts with different factors within the environment, such as the availability of physical space highlighted in this study. This interaction can help to explain the wide variety of ways in which families manage the complex business of parenting, learning, and development (
Shakespeare, 2012).
Research examining the effect of residential crowding on family dynamics in the literature has revealed that physical space limitations impair the psychological health of parents and increase intra-family tension (
Solari & Mare, 2012). The limited physical living space can make it nearly impossible for the parent to find a ‘psychological break area’ where they can step away from the parenting role, even for a short time. Since the caregiving process for children with ASD inherently requires high levels of attention and emotional labor, parents need a private space where they can regulate themselves during the day. Indeed, it has been determined in the literature that the inadequacy of privacy and personal space within the residence can reduce individuals’ capacity to cope with stress and accelerates emotional exhaustion by creating ‘spatial stress’ (
G. W. Evans, 2003). In particular, limited physical space can cause parents to experience more irritability and intolerance in their interactions with their children.
Behavioral characteristics, such as sensory sensitivities, temper tantrums, and excessive adherence to routines often experienced by children with ASD, make the importance of physical space within the home even more critical. During moments of loud reactions or sensory overload in the child, the absence of a separate room as a safe zone where both the child can calm down and the parent can distance themselves from these intense stimuli can escalate tension within the home. In the literature, the need for ‘quiet areas’ for the sensory regulation needs of children with ASD is emphasized; it is stated that the absence of these areas can increase the ‘state of alertness’ and chronic stress in parents (
Kanakri et al., 2017;
Mostafa, 2008;
Schaaf et al., 2012). Indeed, in another study, it was revealed that spatial inadequacies and physical clutter in homes where children with ASD live are environmental factors that can directly escalate parents’ stress levels (
Bagby et al., 2012).
Another important finding of our research is that classical sociodemographic variables such as income level, education level, and parental age, which are frequently reported to be closely related to parental burnout in the literature, did not create a statistically significant difference in burnout scores. This result contradicts many studies arguing that low socioeconomic status increases burnout (
Karst & Van Hecke, 2012;
Özsoy et al., 2006;
Roskam et al., 2021). The fact that income level was non-significant in our study warrants deeper contextualization within the Turkish sociocultural and systemic framework. In Türkiye, children diagnosed with ASD are legally entitled to state-funded special education and rehabilitation services, regardless of household income. This universal access likely acts as a significant buffer against the financial strain typically associated with private therapeutic interventions. Furthermore, the prevailing collectivist family structure in Türkiye often entails close physical proximity to extended family members. This dynamic frequently provides informal respite care, emotional solidarity, and resource sharing, which can profoundly mitigate the direct impact of economic inadequacies on parental emotional exhaustion (
Doyumğaç et al., 2026). Research arguing that parental burnout is more closely related to parental personality traits and cultural context rather than socioeconomic indicators points out that the effect of sociodemographic factors on burnout may remain limited (
Kawamoto et al., 2018). Indeed, a recent study conducted in a Turkish sample also found that sociodemographic characteristics such as income level, educational status, and age of parents did not create a significant difference in burnout (
Cici & Ozdemir, 2024). The lack of a significant difference in education level on burnout may be interpreted as the information advantage possessed by highly educated parents being balanced by the expectation of ‘perfect parenting’ and the psychological pressure developing accordingly, as emphasized in the literature (
Sorkkila & Aunola, 2020). This situation suggests that the caregiving burden brought by having a child with ASD poses a similar risk for parents from all walks of life, independent of the family’s socioeconomic status. No statistically significant difference was found between the burnout levels of mothers and fathers in the study. This finding shows that the chronic stress and emotional burden created by caring for a child with ASD creates a similar effect on both parents, regardless of gender. Although some studies in the literature state that mothers are at higher risk (
Olsson & Hwang, 2001), studies conducted in recent years emphasize that fathers also exhibit similar burnout levels with their more active participation in the child care process (
Hastings, 2003). This can be explained by the intertwining of parenting roles in the modern family structure.
The high prevalence of unemployed mothers (84.7%) in our sample suggests that the majority of participants spend a significant portion of their daily lives within the residential environment. This prolonged exposure likely intensifies the impact of spatial constraints; for parents who are constantly at home, the lack of a ‘psychological break area’ or a private room for self-regulation can more rapidly deplete emotional resources and accelerate burnout.
The lack of a significant relationship between the child’s age and the time elapsed since diagnosis and burnout scores can be explained by the ‘adaptation process’. Over time, parents overcome the intense shock and uncertainty they experience in the first years after diagnosis and develop coping mechanisms for the child’s special needs (
Lavee et al., 1996). This situation, referred to as the ‘healing effect of time’ in the literature, is associated with an increase in parents’ crisis management skills and their more effective access to social support networks (
Gray, 2002). The non-significance of sociodemographic variables in this research may have resulted from the sample group exhibiting a similar structure as they were selected from applications within the same region. The participants having similar socioeconomic and education levels may have restricted statistical variation and masked the true effect of the variables.
Limitations: This study has some limitations. First, the cross-sectional design of this study limits the ability to reach definitive judgments regarding the causality of the relationship between the number of rooms and parental burnout. The cross-sectional design of this study limits our ability to draw definitive causal inferences regarding the relationship between the number of rooms and parental burnout. While our theoretical framework posits that limited physical space exacerbates burnout by depriving parents of a psychological break area, the possibility of bidirectional or reverse causality must be acknowledged. It is plausible that families experiencing lower baseline levels of burnout—potentially due to stronger internal resources or fewer co-occurring child behavioral challenges—may possess greater socioeconomic mobility, occupational stability, and psychological capacity to relocate to larger residences. Conversely, severe and chronic parental burnout may impede a family’s energy and financial ability to improve their physical living conditions. In future studies, it is recommended to use longitudinal designs, increase the representation of fathers, and include mediating variables such as psychological resilience in addition to the physical living space. Second, the fact that the data were collected through self-report scales raises the possibility that participants may have responded with social desirability concerns and the associated risk of bias. Additionally, the sociodemographically homogeneous structure of the sample and the fact that the vast majority of participants consisted of mothers restrict the generalization of the findings to the entire parent population. Additionally, the sample size (n = 131) is relatively small for a multi-variable regression analysis, which may restrict the statistical power of the results. Additionally, the predominance of mothers (77.9%) and the regional focus on Samsun limit the generalizability of these findings to fathers or to different sociocultural settings. Furthermore, while we focused on the ‘number of rooms,’ this study did not account for housing density (inhabitants per room) or qualitative environmental factors such as noise insulation and natural light, which are pivotal in environmental psychology and therapeutic architecture. Future research should incorporate these metrics alongside psychological mediators like marital satisfaction to provide a more holistic explanation of burnout.
Lastly, while focusing on the ‘number of rooms,’ we did not account for housing density or qualitative factors like noise insulation and natural light, which are pivotal in therapeutic architecture. Future research should incorporate these metrics to better define parents’ ‘psychological break area’.