Lived Experiences of Women Victims of Gender-Based Violence in South Africa: A Qualitative Study

Abstract

Gender-based violence (GBV) is a critical public health concern in South Africa, which ranks among the countries most severely affected worldwide. Women and girls are reported to bear the greatest burden, with men predominantly identified as perpetrators. GBV is particularly prevalent in densely populated areas such as informal settlements, where adverse socioeconomic conditions create fertile ground for its proliferation. Despite the scale of this problem, to the researchers’ knowledge, few studies, especially qualitative ones, have been conducted in such contexts, even though informal settlements are widespread across the country. To generate nuanced insights into this phenomenon, the current study explored the lived experiences of women victims of GBV in Alexandra, one of South Africa’s largest informal settlements. The study was grounded in an interpretive paradigm, employed a qualitative approach, and adopted a single-case-study design. Participants were purposively selected from a population of women victims of GBV, and the sample size was determined through data saturation. Data were collected through individual, face-to-face semi-structured interviews and analyzed using reflexive thematic analysis (RTA) with Nvivo version 15 software and interpreted through the lens of feminist theory. The findings revealed that GBV has profound effects on women’s emotional, psychological and social wellbeing, extending beyond the immediate incidents to also affect their overall functioning, erode self-confidence, and limit opportunities for independence. The use of intimidation and coercion tactics by perpetrators trapped victims in a cycle of dysfunction which diminished agency, and fostered isolation. Interpreting these findings through a feminist lens highlights the systematic and recurrent nature of GBV, which cuts across personal, structural and relational dimensions. The findings underscore the urgent need for context-specific interventions that will help dismantle structures of abuse while supporting victims’ and/or survivors’ autonomy, recovery and, most importantly, capacity to rebuild identity and trust.

1. Introduction

Gender-based violence (GBV) is a global public health concern with serious psychological, emotional, physical, sexual, and economic ramifications for victims. Its effects are both direct and indirect, harming individuals while also reverberating through families and communities (Diko 2023). Indirect effects include psychological disorders such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and acute stress disorder (ASD), which have been linked to physical illnesses such as stroke and cardiovascular diseases (Enaifoghe and Adekola 2026).

Globally, women are disproportionately affected by GBV. Official statistics reveal that one in five women in relationships has experienced GBV (United Nations Women [UN Women] 2023). Similarly, the World Bank (2023) reports that one in three women will experience GBV in their lifetime. Atrey (2021) adds that 35% of women worldwide report experiencing either physical and/or sexual intimate partner violence or non-partner sexual violence, 7% have been sexually assaulted by non-partners, 38% of female murders are committed by intimate partners, and nearly 200 million women have undergone female genital mutilation (FGM). Regional data further highlight variability: 37% in the Eastern Mediterranean, 37.7% in South-East Asia, 29.8% in the Americas, 36.6% in Africa, 44% in Sub-Saharan Africa, and 53% in South Africa (Zinyemba and Hlongwana 2022). Victims may suffer violence from intimate partners or strangers (Fatty and Twum 2023), underscoring the global proliferation of GBV. These figures highlight the disproportionate burden borne by women and underscore the urgency of examining GBV in local context for specificity.

GBV is commonly accompanied by threats of violence, coercion, and arbitrary deprivation of liberty, whether in public or private spaces (United Nations Economic Commission for Europe [UNECE] 2021, p. 17). It is broadly defined as “violence perpetrated against a person based on their sex or gender” (Dlamini 2021, p. 1). South Africa ranks among the countries with the highest levels of GBV (Mkwananzi and Nathane-Taulela 2024; United Nations Women [UN Women] 2023), a reality shaped by its sociopolitical history and entrenched socioeconomic disparities. The severity of the issue was emphasized by President Cyril Ramaphosa in his 2023 State of the Nation Address (SONA), where he described GBV as the country’s “second pandemic” (Ellis 2020). Police statistics reinforce this concern, reporting 11,430 rape cases in the third quarter of 2025 (October–December), with increases noted in KwaZulu-Natal, Mpumalanga, and the Western Cape despite an overall decline of 373 cases (South African Police Service [SAPS] 2026). These figures, however, represent only reported cases, and many incidents remain undocumented. While statistics convey the scale of GBV, they do not capture how women themselves experience and interpret violence in everyday life. Understanding these narratives is not only essential but will also help complement the quantitative data.

Consistent with global trends, GBV in South Africa disproportionately affects women and girls, with men identified as perpetrators. Between 12 and 28% of South African women report having been raped in their lifetime, while 28–37% of men admit to committing rape (Abrahams et al. 2024). The persistence of GBV is exacerbated by systemic weaknesses in the justice system (Enaifoghe 2019). Police and courts have, at times, shifted blame onto victims by asking questions such as “Why were you alone?” or “Why were you out so late?” (Govender 2023). Such practices discourage reporting and perpetuate silence. Patriarchal gender norms (which are still prevalent in most South African ethnic groups) further compounds this conundrum, leading to the normalization of violence against women and children and embedding GBV within social structures (Sepeng et al. 2022). These systemic failures not only perpetuate violence but also silence women’s narratives, making it imperative to give them agency in expressing their lived experiences.

Recent police statistics ranked Alexandra 11th among GBV hotspots in South Africa (South African Police Service [SAPS] 2023). Seekings and Thaler (2014) note that, in informal settlements, socioeconomic conditions often foster environments where GBV is tolerated rather than condemned. Densely populated informal settlements, coupled with weak accountability mechanisms, allow perpetrators to act with impunity. Despite the prevalence of GBV in such contexts, limited research has focused on localized, qualitative accounts of victims’ lived experiences. This study sought to address this gap and contribute to scholarships in this area. This research is drawn from a larger qualitative project on GBV in Alexandra. While the broader project explored lived experiences, vulnerability factors, coping mechanisms, and access to support services, the current study focuses specifically on the lived experiences of women victims of GBV in Alexandra. The aim of this study was to explore and document these experiences, highlighting victims’ narratives, meanings, and foregrounding their subjective realities.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Research Paradigm

The study was grounded in an interpretive research paradigm, which provided a framework for exploring in-depth meaning as shaped by participants’ perspectives and lived experiences (Nieuwenhuis 2020). Such a paradigm is particularly suited to sensitive and complex social issues such as GBV, as it allows participants’ voices to emerge authentically and without distortion (Saunders et al. 2019). Within this paradigm, knowledge is co-created with participants rather than imposed through pre-existing assumptions, ensuring that their realities are represented with integrity. By adopting an interpretive paradigm, the researchers rejected a one-size-fits-all model of inquiry and instead embraced the nuance, diversity, and complexity inherent in the experiences of women victims of GBV.

2.2. Research Approach

The study adopted a qualitative approach. As Flick (2018) explains, qualitative research emphasizes depth of interpretation and seeks to understand social phenomena from the perspectives of those directly affected. Creswell and Poth (2018) further note that a qualitative approach is particularly valuable when the goal is to explore values, experiences, and human behaviors in context. Since the aim of this study was not to generalize findings but to capture detailed, context-sensitive narratives, a qualitative approach was most appropriate. It enabled the researchers to examine how women victims of GBV interpret and make sense of their social realities. Against this backdrop, the study focused on documenting the lived experiences of women victims of GBV in Alexandra. By employing a qualitative approach, the researchers amplified victims’ voices, providing them with the opportunity to share their stories and situate those stories within their broader social and cultural contexts.

2.3. Research Design

The study employed a single-case-study design, with Alexandra in South Africa defined as the case. This design is particularly well suited to investigating the nuanced realities of GBV as they unfold within Alexandra’s unique socio-spatial dynamics. As Saunders et al. (2019) note, case study designs are ideal for examining contemporary issues where contextual factors are integral to understanding the phenomenon. Focusing on a single case allowed the study to generate in-depth, context-specific insights into how structural conditions such as poverty, overcrowding, and historical marginalization breeds and shape experiences of violence. The design also aligns with the study’s interpretivist paradigm and qualitative approach, as it prioritizes participant perspectives and lived experiences (Adu 2019). In contrast to positivist frameworks, the qualitative case study design facilitates emergent insights, uncovers latent patterns, and amplifies marginalized voices, critical elements in unpacking the hidden dimensions of GBV (Denzin and Lincoln 2018). By situating Alexandra as the bounded case, the study underscores the importance of socio-spatial context in shaping the manifestation of GBV.

2.4. Study Setting(s)

This study was conducted in Alexandra. Locally, the area is often referred to as “Alex” or “Gomorrah” by residents. Established in 1912, Alexandra carries deep historical significance within South Africa’s broader apartheid legacy. This area was selected as the study site due to its dense population and the heightened prevalence of violence, which is closely linked to its socioeconomic, socio-spatial and socio-cultural profile. According to Statistics South Africa [Stats SA] (2023), one in five women in a relationship in Alexandra has experienced violence from an intimate partner, while many others have endured emotional, sexual, or economic abuse at the hands of acquaintances or strangers. Given this high incidence of violence and the complex social dynamics of the area, Alexandra was considered a suitable context from which rich, localized and/or context-specific insights into the lived experiences of GBV victims could be drawn.

While GBV is undoubtedly a global phenomenon, Alexandra exhibits distinctive features that set its manifestation apart from patterns observed elsewhere. Its socioeconomic profile, marked by high unemployment, entrenched poverty, and extreme overcrowding where multiple families share limited housing, heightens dependency, fuels conflict, and erodes privacy, thereby compounding the risk of violence, particularly GBV. The convergence of these factors, alongside the precarious conditions of informal settlement life, amplifies both the severity and frequency of abuse. Unlike contexts where GBV may be shaped primarily by interpersonal relationships or cultural norms, in Alexandra, the structural environment, characterized by resource scarcity, spatial compression, and historical marginalization directly shapes victims’ lived experiences. Taken together, these dynamics underscore that GBV in Alexandra cannot be understood solely through cultural or relational lenses but must be situated within the broader socio-spatial realities of informal settlement life.

2.5. Population

In qualitative research, a population typically comprises individuals with direct experience or knowledge of the phenomenon under investigation, thereby enabling a rich and contextualized understanding (Flick 2018; Adu 2019). For this study, the target population comprised adult women victims of GBV residing in Alexandra, an informal urban settlement in South Africa. This choice was guided by the study’s aim to obtain in-depth perspectives from those most directly affected, ensuring that their voices and lived realities were authentically represented.

2.6. Sampling and Sampling Technique

This study employed a non-probability sampling technique—specifically, purposive sampling, which is widely recognized as appropriate for qualitative research that seeks to explore complex, context-specific phenomena (Tracy 2019; Creswell and Poth 2018). Purposive sampling involves the deliberate selection of participants with significant, first-hand experience of the phenomenon under investigation (Ahmad and Wilkins 2024; Samuel and Merkebu 2025). As Flick (2018) and Braun and Clarke (2022a) emphasize, this technique enables researchers to focus on information-rich cases, ensuring that the data collected are both relevant and in-depth.

2.7. Sample and Recruitment

In total, 15 participants were recruited through purposive sampling, after gatekeeper permission was obtained from the City of Johannesburg Metropolitan Municipality. Access was facilitated by established community networks, local support organizations, and social workers within Alexandra, which ensured both legitimacy and trust in the recruitment process. The sampling strategy aimed to capture internal diversity across age, relationship status, and socioeconomic background, thereby reflecting the heterogeneity of women’s experiences of GBV in Alexandra. The inclusion criteria required participants to be women aged 18 years or older, reside in Alexandra, and be a victim of GBV. They also needed to provide informed consent, demonstrate willingness to participate, and possess a basic understanding of English as this was used as a medium of instruction given South Africa’s multilingual context. These criteria ensured that participation was both ethically sound and contextually appropriate.

The sample size was guided by the principle of data saturation, defined as the point at which no new insights or themes emerged from additional interviews (Creswell and Poth 2018; Braun and Clarke 2022a). Interviews continued until recurring patterns were consistently observed, confirming that the data were sufficiently rich and contextually grounded to address the study objectives. While qualitative research does not aim for large samples, achieving saturation provides a robust justification for sample adequacy, balancing depth of insight with practical feasibility (Saunders et al. 2019; Nieuwenhuis 2020). By situating Alexandra as the bounded case and applying purposive sampling within this context, the study was able to generate nuanced, context-specific understandings of GBV that foregrounded participant perspectives and lived realities.

2.8. Data Collection

The primary method of data collection was individual semi-structured interviews, which offered a balance between a consistent set of guiding open-ended questions and the flexibility to explore participants’ experiences in depth (Braun and Clarke 2022a). An interview guide was developed and piloted to ensure clarity and appropriateness. The interview guide consisted of questions such as “May you share with me in detail the GBV incident you have experienced?” Interviews were conducted face-to-face in locations within Alexandra that participants identified as safe, private, and convenient. Establishing a comfortable environment was essential to encourage openness and honesty, particularly given the sensitivity of the topic (Nieuwenhuis 2020). Each interview lasted between 40 and 50 min and was conducted in English. With participants’ consent, interviews were also audio-recorded to capture the richness of the narratives, including emotional nuances and context-specific expressions, which are often lost when relying solely on notetaking (Tracy 2019). Due to the sensitive nature of the study, a clinical psychologist was available in the field during the data collection phase to ensure that anyone who was triggered received the necessary intervention at no cost to them.

2.9. Data Analysis

Data were analyzed using reflexive thematic analysis (RTA), an interpretative method that requires deep engagement with the data to identify recurring themes (Braun and Clarke 2022b). The process unfolds across six stages: familiarization with the data, generating initial codes, searching for themes, reviewing themes, defining and naming themes, and producing the final report. To ensure immersion in the first stage, the researchers repeatedly listened to audio recordings and transcribed them verbatim, noting initial impressions and points of significance. This stage facilitated a thorough understanding of the data and laid the foundation for subsequent coding.

Following familiarization, initial codes were generated by marking and tagging significant text segments. This open and flexible process allowed for multiple codes to be assigned to the same extract, ensuring that nuances were not overlooked (Braun and Clarke 2022a). Codes were then collated into broader themes and subthemes, which underwent rigorous validation to confirm logical consistency and alignment with participants’ perspectives. Ambiguous or weakly supported themes were refined, merged, or discarded. Each theme was then defined and named to capture its essence, with verbatim excerpts included to preserve participants’ voices. The final stage involved producing an integrated, analytical report that emphasized interpretation over description, ensuring that the findings addressed the research questions with clarity and depth. The analytic process was systematically repeated to enhance accuracy and ensure reliability of the findings.

2.10. Trustworthiness

Trustworthiness in this study was ensured through four key criteria: credibility, transferability, dependability, and confirmability (Adu 2019; Creswell and Poth 2018; Flick 2018). Credibility was ensured through prolonged engagement, triangulation, member checking and reflexivity. Prolonged engagement involved spending extended time with participants in their local contexts. This immersion allowed the researchers to observe daily realities and build rapport, thereby enhancing the authenticity of accounts (Tracy 2019). Triangulation, meanwhile, was achieved by combining semi-structured interviews with contextual observations of community spaces, enabling cross-verification of emerging themes. In the same vein, member checking was conducted by sharing preliminary interpretations with participants, who confirmed accuracy and clarified misrepresentations. In addition, peer debriefing sessions with academic colleagues provided external critique, challenging assumptions and refining analytic interpretations. Reflexivity was maintained through continuous journaling, where the researchers documented positionality, assumptions, and potential biases.

Transferability was facilitated by providing thick descriptions of Alexandra’s socio-spatial environment, participant demographics, and lived experiences of GBV. These detailed accounts will enable readers to judge the applicability of findings to other socio-economic or geographical contexts (Saunders et al. 2019). On the other hand, dependability was ensured through a comprehensive audit trail that recorded all methodological decisions and coding procedures. This documentation demonstrated consistency in the analytic process and allowed external reviewers to trace the logic of interpretation (Flick 2018; Adu 2019; Creswell and Poth 2018). Peer review of coding frameworks further validated analytic decisions and reduced researcher bias. Finally, confirmability was addressed through reflexive practices such as journaling, which helped researchers bracket personal biases and ensure interpretations remained grounded in participants’ narratives. The audit trail also provided transparency by showing how evidence supported conclusions rather than researcher preconceptions. Collectively, these strategies helped reinforce the study’s trustworthiness, ensuring that findings were rigorous, contextually grounded, and authentically represented participants’ lived realities.

2.11. Ethical Considerations

Before participating in the study, all participants were informed of the key ethical considerations guiding the research, including confidentiality, anonymity, informed consent, privacy, beneficence, and non-maleficence among others. Each participant received an information leaflet outlining the purpose and procedures of the study, which they were required to read. Any questions raised were addressed openly and honestly by the researchers to ensure clarity. Following this, participants were presented with an informed consent form, which they signed to confirm their voluntary participation, based on a full understanding of what was expected of them. They were also explicitly informed of their right to withdraw from the study at any stage without facing any negative consequences.

Ethical approval for the study was granted by the College of Human Sciences Research and Ethics Committee (CREC) at the University of South Africa, under reference number #:5674. This approval underscored the study’s adherence to established ethical standards and ensured that participants’ rights, dignity, and well-being were safeguarded throughout the research process.

3. Results

Demographic Details of Participants

The demographic characteristics of the sample are presented in

Table 1. Demographic information of participants.

Participant No.	Gender	Age	Relationship Status	Level of Education
1	F	26	Single	Matric
2	F	26	Single	Diploma
3	F	40	Single	Grade 9
4	F	22	Not Specified	Diploma
5	F	28	Single	B.Ed. Degree
6	F	28	In a Relationship	Matric
7	F	25	Single	Matric
8	F	18	Single	Matric
9	F	32	Single	Higher Certificate
10	F	36	Single	Matric
11	F	51	Married	BTech. Degree
12	F	30	Single	Honors Degree
13	F	29	Single	ABET
14	F	31	Single	Diploma
15	F	40	Single	Grade 9

Key: F = Female; B.Ed. = Bachelor of Education; BTech = Bachelor of Technology; ABET = Adult Basic Education and Training.

. Fifteen (15) participants took part in the study. All were female and resided in Alexandra. The youngest was 18 years old and the oldest 51. In terms of relationship status, 12 were single, 1 was in a relationship, 1 was married, and 1 chose not to specify. Educational attainment ranged from matric as the lowest level to an honors degree as the highest.

Table 2. Table of themes and subthemes.

Theme	Subthemes
GBV is a multi-dimensional and recurrent phenomenon
2. Psychological effects of GBV	2.1 Effects of GBV on victims functioning across contexts 2.2 Erosion of autonomy and loss of personal control 2.3 Diminished self-worth, identity, and trust

on the other hand, presents the emergent themes from the data analysis process.

• Theme 1: GBV is a multi-dimensional and recurrent phenomenon

The participants’ descriptions of their GBV experiences revealed its multi-dimensional and recurrent nature, encompassing physical, sexual, emotional, and psychological forms of abuse. Their narratives highlighted that GBV was not an isolated occurrence but rather a repeated pattern unfolding over time and across diverse contexts, including intimate relationships, family settings, and public spaces. Importantly, participants noted that the violence often began with emotional or psychological abuse, which later escalated into physical and/or sexual violence. Many participants also reported experiencing multiple forms of abuse simultaneously, reinforcing the complex and overlapping dimensions of GBV. This recurrence and simultaneity validated the multi-layered character of the violence, underscoring its pervasive impact. For instance, one participant explained:

“I was abused by my partner physically, emotionally and sexually.”

(Participant 1, 26 years)

Another participant echoed similar sentiments but went further, describing how the violence intensified over time, shifting from subtle and less visible forms to overt physical harm. The participant explained:

“It started off by being emotional blackmail and ended up being physical.”

(Participant 3, 40 years)

Within the same context, other participants reported experiences of GBV that were predominantly characterized by physical violence. They described incidents of being slapped, pushed, or physically attacked by their partners. The following verbatim excerpt from one participant illustrates this:

“My partner slapped me and pushed me against the wall.”

(Participant 7, 25 years)

In more severe instances, some participants reported experiencing violence that was life-threatening. The following verbatim extract from one participant illustrates this:

“I was involved in an incident in a relationship and was stabbed with a knife.”

(Participant 10, 36 years)

For one participant, the violence was so severe that it occurred even in the presence of their children. Such exposure risks perpetuating a vicious cycle of violence, as children often model their parents’ behavior in handling conflict. Observing violence in this way may lead them to mistakenly believe that aggression is an acceptable means of resolving difficulties. This concern is reflected in the following verbatim response from the participant:

“He will beat me up in front of the kids.”

(Participant 12, 30 years)

The participants’ accounts portray GBV as a recurrent and layered experience, marked by repeated exposure to multiple forms of abuse and violence across diverse settings. These experiences were not isolated incidents but part of their everyday realities, shaping the contours of their lived experiences within Alexandra.

• Theme 2: Psychological effects of GBV

The participants’ narratives revealed that experiences of GBV resulted in profound psychological trauma and enduring emotional distress. The emotional and psychological effects were described as persistent, extending beyond the immediate incidents of violence and continuing to affect their mental wellbeing, sense of safety, and emotional stability. Several participants recounted ongoing fear, anxiety, and heightened emotional responses that lingered long after the abuse. One participant explained how her past GBV experience continues to shape her reactions in everyday situations:

“Even if someone shouts or is shouting, I get anxious because of the GBV trauma I experienced.”

(Participant 1, 26 years)

Other participants echoed similar sentiments, describing the mental and emotional difficulties they endured and continue to face as a result of GBV-related trauma. Reported symptoms included anxiety and diminished self-esteem, which persisted long after the abusive experiences. This ongoing impact is reflected in the following verbatim response from one participant:

“I experienced trauma, anxiety and lower self-esteem.”

(Participant 7, 25 years)

Another participant concurred, describing how the GBV they experienced had a profound impact on their mental health. The following verbatim extract from this participant highlights the psychological effects:

“That’s a traumatic thing that affected me mentally.”

(Participant 10, 36 years)

For some participants, GBV led to a heightened emotional state marked by persistent fear, to the extent that they found it extremely difficult to be alone. The following verbatim response from one participant illustrates this experience:

“I now also fear being alone.”

(Participant 11, 51 years)

For some participants, the psychological strain they endured as a result of GBV led to the development of debilitating mental disorders. As one participant revealed:

“My GBV experience got me depressed.”

(Participant 12, 30 years)

For some participants, the most challenging aspect of GBV was the long-term psychological impact, which they found particularly difficult to manage or cope with. This enduring strain is reflected in the following verbatim response from one participant:

“The mental aspect of the whole experience is what was quite hard.”

(Participant 15, 40 years)

Taken collectively, participants’ responses indicate that GBV had a profoundly negative and enduring impact on their psychological, mental, and emotional wellbeing. Its effects extended far beyond the immediate incidents of violence, influencing their functioning across multiple contexts and shaping their lives well beyond the direct experiences of abuse.

• Subtheme 2.1: Effects of GBV on victims functioning across contexts

Participants described how experiences of GBV significantly disrupted their functioning across educational, occupational, and social contexts. Fear, emotional distress, and psychological strain were reported to interfere with daily routines, leading to withdrawal, avoidance of public spaces, and missed personal and professional opportunities. For one participant, this dysfunction was particularly evident in academic settings, where she struggled to concentrate, her grades declined, and she eventually lost the desire to attend school. The participant stated:

“My marks dropped because I could not concentrate and I just didn’t want to be at school.”

(Participant 8, 18 years)

Another participant concurred, describing how the emotional impact of GBV left her unable to focus. The following verbatim extract highlights this experience:

“I couldn’t even focus; it was just too much for me emotionally.”

(Participant 13, 29 years)

For some participants, the effects of GBV led to missed employment opportunities and aspirations. One participant recounted how a GBV incident directly prevented her from pursuing a job opportunity. She stated:

“I didn’t even go to an interview.”

(Participant 14, 31 years)

In the same vein, several participants described how GBV affected their social behavior, leading them to avoid public spaces and restrict their movement due to fear and safety concerns. The following verbatim response from one participant captures this experience:

“My GBV experience was bad, and now, sometimes I avoid going out in public as I am fearful.”

(Participant 7, 25 years)

Within the same context, another participant expressed heightened caution when moving alone, particularly at night, due to the GBV she had endured. She stated:

“Due to my GBV experience, I just avoid walking alone, especially at night.”

(Participant 11, 51 years)

Likewise, another participant avoided public spaces and chose to spend more time indoors. She stated:

“As a result of the abuse I experienced, I now avoid social settings. I am always in the house with the kids.”

(Participant 12, 30 years)

Collectively, the above narratives demonstrate that the effects of GBV are far-reaching, disrupting victims’ functioning across multiple settings. These effects also come at a cost to victims’ opportunities, as some avoided attending job interviews due to diminished self-confidence. Regrettably, failure to pursue such opportunities hampers their chances of independence, leaving them financially dependent on perpetrators and vulnerable to ongoing abuse with no foreseeable end. These accounts also reveal that the consequences of GBV are both overt and covert, as victims not only endure external limitations but also grapple with profound internal struggles arising from their experiences.

• Subtheme 2.2: Erosion of autonomy and loss of personal control

The participants’ narratives revealed that GBV was accompanied by an erosion of personal agency, control, and autonomy manifesting in feelings of hopelessness and helplessness. Many described situations in which fear, intimidation, and power imbalances restricted their ability to make decisions, speak out, or take action to protect themselves and their children. These experiences were characterized by compliance, driven by fear and a sense of entrapment within abusive circumstances. Several participants further reported that their age, circumstances, or emotional state at the time of the abuse contributed to their inability to assert themselves or speak up. The following verbatim response from one participant captures this experience:

“I was young at that time. I couldn’t speak for myself.”

(Participant 2, 25 years)

Similarly, another participant described feeling incapacitated and remaining silent despite the ongoing abuse. She stated:

“I could not speak up for myself.”

(Participant 3, 40 years)

Fear of further violence emerged as a significant factor influencing participants’ inaction. Several explained that they complied with demands or engaged in behaviors against their will due to fear of retaliation and escalation. The following verbatim response from one participant illustrates this experience:

“Sometimes I would do things I don’t want to do because I was afraid of him.”

(Participant 5, 28 years)

Some participants described feeling uncertain and powerless when attempting to decide whether to leave abusive situations, particularly when children were involved. Their accounts reflected a deep sense of helplessness and entrapment. The following verbatim response from one participant illustrates this experience:

“I did not know what to do or where to go with the kids.”

(Participant 12, 30 years)

Threats of continued or escalated violence further reinforced participants’ sense of restricted autonomy. One participant explained:

“When I wanted to leave, he threatened me with more violence.”

(Participant 7, 25 years)

Within the same context, another participant described the consequences of attempting to assert herself. The perpetrator’s apparent aim was to exert control by instilling fear. She stated:

“If you speak out of turn… you’ll get punished for it.”

(Participant 15, 40 years)

The participants’ narratives suggest that perpetrators maintained control through intimidation, fear, threats of escalation, and other coercive tactics. As a result, many victims remained in abusive situations, fearing the consequences of leaving or voicing their opinions. This dynamic eroded personal agency, control, and autonomy, fostering a sense of entrapment, hopelessness, and helplessness. Ultimately, victims found themselves caught in a vicious cycle of ongoing dysfunction.

• Subtheme 2.3: Diminished self-worth, identity, and trust

The participants’ statements revealed that experiencing GBV led to a profound erosion of self-worth, personal identity, and the ability to trust others, particularly men. They described how repeated exposure to abuse shaped the way they viewed themselves, their value, and their relationships. These changes were often internalized and continued to influence emotional responses and interpersonal interactions. Several participants also reported declines in self-esteem and self-confidence, describing feelings of worthlessness and self-doubt following their experiences of GBV. One participant explained:

“Because of what I experienced, I started believing that I wasn’t worth it.”

(Participant 7, 25 years)

Another participant echoed similar sentiments, expressing how the GBV she endured eroded her confidence. She stated:

“After the GBV, my self-confidence was gone.”

(Participant 12, 30 years)

Participants also described how their experiences reshaped perceptions of relationships and trust, particularly toward men. Some expressed deep-seated mistrust and emotional withdrawal. The following verbatim response from one participant reflects this experience:

“GBV changed how I view men in general, it taught me not to trust a man.”

(Participant 9, 32 years)

Another participant concurred, reflecting on how GBV altered her perceptions of men. She explained:

“It messes with you, the way you see men.”

(Participant 15, 40 years)

For another participant, the experience of GBV not only altered her perceptions of men but also led to an aversion to relationships and a pessimistic outlook on future partnerships. She stated:

“I do not even want to see a man anymore in my life and I also don’t want to be in any relationship anymore.”

(Participant 10, 36 years)

The participants’ narratives reflected diminished self-worth, disrupted identity, and a loss of trust, illustrating how repeated experiences of GBV foster emotional isolation and avoidance. These accounts further suggest that GBV significantly undermined participants’ sense of self, identity, and capacity to form trusting relationships, shaping how they perceived and navigated both relationships and social interactions.

4. Discussion

The findings reveal that GBV is a recurrent and layered experience, manifesting in multiple forms including physical, sexual, emotional, and psychological across diverse settings. For participants, these were not isolated incidents but part of their everyday realities, shaping the contours of life within Alexandra. This affirms Sisic et al. (2024) conceptualization of GBV as a continuum of violence rather than a series of discrete events. Applying feminist theory to these findings enables an appreciation of GBV as a systemic and recurring phenomenon (McGlynn and Rackley 2017). In line with this, the findings also show that GBV has a profoundly negative and enduring impact on participants’ psychological, mental, and emotional wellbeing. These effects extended beyond immediate incidents, spilling into multiple aspects of functioning and continuing to shape lives long after the direct experiences of abuse. Such outcomes underpin the results of the study by Machisa et al. (2017), who found that GBV produces lasting mental health consequences, including ASD, PTSD, depression, and anxiety. However, these outcomes should not be viewed as signs of individual weakness but predictable responses to sustained oppression and violation. Viewed through a feminist lens, the findings highlight how systemic control fosters fear, vigilance, and vulnerability, reshaping victims’ psychological landscapes and daily lives.

The findings further demonstrate that GBV disrupts functioning across various contexts, often at significant personal cost. For example, some participants avoided job interviews due to diminished self-confidence. Such missed opportunities hindered their independence, leaving them financially dependent on perpetrators and vulnerable to ongoing abuse. It is evident that the consequences of GBV were both overt and covert in the sense that victims endured external limitations while simultaneously grappling with internal struggles arising from their experiences. These findings are consistent with the assertion by the World Health Organisation [WHO] (2013), which reports that GBV has negative socioeconomic consequences, including educational disruptions, reduced productivity, and social exclusion. Consistent with feminist theory, the findings illustrate how GBV entrenches structural inequality by limiting women’s opportunities and excluding them from social spaces while maintaining their suffering. Perpetrators maintained control through intimidation, fear, threats of escalation, and other coercive tactics. As a result, many victims remained in abusive situations, fearing the repercussions of leaving or voicing their opinions. This dynamic erodes personal agency, autonomy, and control, fostering a pervasive sense of entrapment, hopelessness, and helplessness. Consequently, victims become trapped in a vicious cycle of dysfunction that perpetuated their vulnerability.

Moreover, the findings reveal that GBV leads to diminished self-worth, disrupted identity, and a loss of trust. Repeated exposure to the abuse fostered emotional isolation and avoidance, undermining participants’ sense of self and their capacity to form trusting relationships. These shifts reshaped how victims perceived and navigated both interpersonal relationships and broader social interactions. This aligns with the findings of the studies by Cohen et al. (2018) and Güler et al. (2022), who found that GBV reshapes women’s relational capacities and self-conceptualization. These findings provide empirical support for feminist theory, suggesting that the internalization of patriarchal messages contributes to the erosion of women’s self-worth and reshapes their capacity for intimacy and trust, particularly with men. Viewed holistically, the findings illustrate that women’s lived experiences of GBV in Alexandra are complex, recurrent, and deeply embedded within psychological, social, and structural dimensions. They affirm feminist theory’s emphasis on the systemic nature of GBV, demonstrating how violence operates, not only as a recurring phenomenon, but also as one deeply entrenched across multiple spheres of women’s lives.

4.1. Study Limitations

This study has several limitations, which must be acknowledged. First, the use of a single-case-study design focusing exclusively on Alexandra limits the generalisability of our findings. While the case study helped provide rich, context-specific insights into GBV, the results cannot be assumed to represent experiences in other South African informal settlements or global contexts. The emphasis was on depth rather than breadth, which constrains external validity. Second, the sample size of 15 participants, although adequate for qualitative inquiry, reflects only a segment of women’s experiences in Alexandra. This could mean that certain perspectives, particularly of more marginalised or isolated victims, were underrepresented.

Third, reliance on individual semi-structured, face-to-face interviews as the sole method of data collection may have limited the scope of perspectives. While interviews allow for the nuanced exploration of lived experiences, they are prone to issues such as social desirability bias or reluctance to disclose sensitive information. Participatory methods might have provided complementary insights into the everyday dynamics of GBV in Alexandra. Fourth, while appropriate for exploring lived experiences, the interpretive paradigm and reflexive thematic analysis approach inherently involves researcher subjectivity. Although reflexivity and audit trails helped mitigate this, the researchers’ positionality and interpretive lens may have influenced theme development and the framing of findings. Finally, the contextual specificity of Alexandra, marked by overcrowding, poverty, and historical marginalisation, means that the findings are deeply embedded in this socio-spatial environment. While this enhances contextual richness, it also restricts transferability to settings with different structural conditions. Collectively, these limitations highlight the importance of situating the findings within Alexandra’s unique context, while recognising that broader applicability requires caution and further comparative research.

4.2. Methodological Recommendations

Methodologically, we recommend that future studies consider using probability-based sampling techniques to select the sample, either through mixed-method or quantitative designs, to allow for generalization of findings. Future studies should also consider increasing the sample size, which would help strengthen representativeness and allow for comparison across diverse demographics. Likewise, future studies should move beyond Alexandra to include other informal settlements with similar socioeconomic and sociodemographic profiles. This would allow for cross-contextual comparisons and lead to a nuanced understanding of variations in GBV experiences. Additionally, future studies should consider using longitudinal designs, which will help in tracing the trajectory of women’s lived experiences overtime, capturing their evolvement and offering nuanced and/or richer insights into the mechanisms that maintain their vulnerability and structural inequality.

4.3. Theoretical Recommendations

Theoretically, it is recommended that future studies deepen the engagement with feminist perspectives by adopting an intersectional feminist lens to help bring forth valuable insights into how factors such as race, socioeconomic status, geographical location, class and inequality intersect with gender to shape GBV experiences. Expanding the analytical lens to include policy and structural domains would help elucidate how institutional responses, or a lack and/or absence thereof, contribute to the reinforcement of GBV. Additionally, exploration of coping mechanisms is recommended; this will assist not only with the understanding of survival strategies but also with the conceptualization of constrained forms of agency—particularly within patriarchal systems. These theoretical extensions would help refine feminist theory’s explanatory strength, helping situate GBV as both systemic and intersectional, while also highlighting GBV vulnerability alongside resilience.

4.4. Practical Recommendations

Practically, an evaluation of community-based interventions aimed at reducing GBV and supporting victims at informal settlement level is recommended for future studies. More focus on mental health outcomes is also recommended, with specific focus on examining how feminist-informed interventions can help address the enduring psychological effects of GBV, such as depression, ASD, PTSD and anxiety. Attention should also be paid to the investigation of the socioeconomic effects of GBV, which include disruptions to employment, education and social participation, thereby establishing a link between individual experiences and broader structural inequality patterns. By foregrounding these practical dimensions, future research can help generate insights that can help strengthen service provision, inform policy, and design context-specific interventions that can help dismantle systematic barriers while protecting and empowering victims and/or survivors.

5. Conclusions

This study explored the lived experiences of women victims of GBV in Alexandra in Gauteng Province, South Africa, revealing that GBV is a recurrent and layered phenomenon that permeates everyday life through physical, sexual, emotional, and psychological abuse. The findings demonstrate its profound and enduring impact on victims’ psychological, emotional, and social wellbeing, extending beyond immediate incidents to disrupt functioning, erode self-confidence, and limit opportunities for independence. Perpetrators maintained control through intimidation, fear, and coercion, leaving victims trapped in cycles of dysfunction that undermined agency, autonomy, and hope. Repeated exposure to abuse further diminished self-worth, disrupted identity, and eroded trust, fostering emotional isolation and avoidance that reshaped how participants perceived themselves, their relationships, and their broader social interactions. Collectively, these insights underscore GBV as both a pervasive social problem and a deeply personal psychological struggle, highlighting the urgent need for interventions that address external structures of abuse while supporting victims’ recovery, autonomy, and capacity to rebuild trust and identity.