Family Resilience and Hardship During the Severe Economic Crisis in Lebanon: Perspectives from Four Discussion Groups of Professionals

Abstract

Lebanon has experienced a prolonged series of crises marked by economic collapse, political instability, institutional failure, and repeated collective trauma. While families are often assumed to serve as key sources of support in such contexts, little is known about how they sustain resilience under conditions of chronic uncertainty. This qualitative study explores how Lebanese families experience hardship, adapt, and strive to remain resilient during the severe cumulative crisis in Lebanon. The study draws on four expert group discussions involving professionals in psychology, social work, community intervention, and social policy (N = 44). Using a systematic thematic analysis, the study developed a conceptual and context-specific model of family resilience shaped by macro-level factors, processes of adaptation and coping, and available support systems. The findings suggest that family resilience in this context is less about recovery and more about endurance and continuous adjustment. Strategies such as migration emerged as central yet emotionally and relationally challenging. Participants also highlighted significant limitations in institutional and policy responses to family needs, particularly the fragmentation of existing initiatives. Preserving the family and its resilience in Lebanon requires targeted and collaborative interventions, especially on the macro level, that extend beyond short-term emergency responses.

1. Introduction

In times of crisis, most social institutions face disruption (Mildenberger 2013), but the family often bears profound and lasting impacts (SOS Children’s Village 2025). Despite typically serving as support systems for their members, especially facing external circumstances, families themselves can suffer significantly from societal breakdown (Aulia et al. 2025).

Lebanon, a country in the Middle East, has endured a relentless sequence of crises over the past five decades, each leaving collective marks on its people, institutions, and social fabric (Tarabay and Golm 2024; Abboud Mzawak et al. 2025). Lebanon has faced a prolonged civil war (1975–1990) centered around sectarian conflicts. Then, it has faced several Israeli wars and incursions, namely in 2000 and 2006 (Kingston and Ochsenwald 2026; Hirst 1999; El-Khoury 2019). These events have led to loss, displacement, and collective trauma that continue to be felt across generations (El-Khoury 2019; Tarabay and Golm 2024; Abboud Mzawak et al. 2025).

All of these conflicts were entrenched in constant political instability and corruption. This has culminated in the most recent multifaceted and severe crisis that the country has faced. This most recent chapter of these cumulative crises began in October 2019, with the dramatic collapse of the Lebanese Lira. Since then, the currency has lost over 98% of its value (International Monetary Fund 2023), pushing an estimated 78% of the population into poverty by 2021 (UNICEF 2021). Annual inflation rates have soared to unprecedented levels, reaching 253.55% in June 2023 (Choueiri et al. 2023). Lebanese citizens have found themselves unable to access their own savings due to restrictions imposed by banks, a situation that has fueled widespread panic and uncertainty (Azhari and Bassam 2022). This crisis, as described by the World Bank, is one of the most severe globally since the mid-nineteenth century (World Bank Group 2021). Financial struggles and poverty are known as substantial challenges to families (Beasley et al. 2022). Thus, this economic collapse has compromised the financial security of households and impacted their everyday life and well-being (Karam et al. 2025; El Murr et al. 2025; Al-Khalil et al. 2025).

Furthermore, due to the uncertainties caused by the crisis, a notable wave of emigration, especially among the youth, took place (Arab Barometer 2022). These departures, while often necessary for survival or opportunity (Tabar 2010; Stilz 2022), have led to the fragmentation of many families. Deeply valued in Lebanese society, the family unit traditionally represents a primary source of emotional, social, and economic support. Families are basic units that play a central role in one’s life (DeFrain and Asay 2007). However, the cumulative weight of multiple crises has strained even these foundational structures. Many families have been forced to adapt to new realities marked by separation, financial instability, and psychological distress. In response to these mounting challenges, initiatives promoting family resilience and strength become important. Family strength refers to the positive qualities and coping capacities that allow families to be resilient (Lee and Han 2024). Several factors, including social and ecological ones, influence the resilience and strength of a family after experiencing adversity (Herdiana et al. 2018).

The way a family adapts to new challenges and copes with adversities, such as loss, crisis, and uncertainty, is often referred to as resilience. Family resilience refers to the ability of families to adjust to emerging difficulties and manage hardships (Vladislav et al. 2024). It encompasses a family’s capacity to endure and bounce back from challenging circumstances, adjusting to change or setbacks, and confronting unforeseen obstacles that may lie outside individual control (Walsh 2020).

Family resilience has been conceptualized in several ways. One of the most prominent models of family resilience is Walsh’s Family Resilience Framework, which conceptualizes resilience as a dynamic process of “bouncing forward” of the family unit (Walsh 2016a, 2016b). The framework identifies key relational processes that mediate the impact of crisis. These processes are organized into three domains: family belief systems, which foster a shared sense of coherence and hope; organizational patterns, characterized by flexibility, connectedness, and the mobilization of social and economic resources; and communication/problem-solving. Importantly, this theory posits that family resilience depends on both external factors as well as intrafamilial dynamics and adaptation (Walsh 2016a, 2016b). Recent empirical studies in Lebanon further illustrate these processes. They show that family solidarity, shared caregiving, and intergenerational support serve as key mechanisms through which families maintain cohesion in times of crisis (Akesson and Sousa 2019). These practices are often embedded in cultural and religious norms that reinforce family solidarity under conditions of adversity (Gumiandari et al. 2024).

Similarly, the Boss et al. (2017) Contextual Model of Family Stress emphasizes that a family’s adaptation to a stressor is mediated by its available resources and its subjective perception of the event. It states that stressors are not inherently catastrophic; rather, their impact is shaped by the family’s internal context, including its structural organization, psychological defenses and values, and its external context, which encompasses broader cultural, economic, and historical forces. The model centers on the family perception of circumstances, meaning that how a family defines their situation within their specific environment is the most critical factor in moving toward either maladaptation or resilient reorganization (Boss et al. 2017).

Complementary to these approaches, the ecological models of resilience conceive family resilience as a dynamic process that can be influenced by the surrounding external factors, including the community and broader sociocultural environments (Ungar 2011; Younes et al. 2025; Bronfenbrenner 1981). Ecological models redefine resilience as an emerging from the interaction between individuals and their surrounding environments and systems (Ungar 2011; Bronfenbrenner 1981). Previous research in Lebanon and Arab countries has underlined the role of macrosocial factors in resilience (Younes et al. 2025). For instance, the ongoing socioeconomic crisis and political instability have been identified as influential ecological factors shaping family resilience (Nasr et al. 2024; Al-Khalil et al. 2025). At the same time, kinship networks function as critical ecological resources, providing essential support to families in the absence of stable institutional structures (Chab 2025).

Against these circumstances, two pressing questions emerge: (1) How have repeated and overlapping crises reshaped family life and its situation within their community in Lebanon? (2) What community- and social-level initiatives are needed to strengthen families in contexts marked by chronic instability? Failing to address these questions either in terms of research or practice risks leaving families trapped in precarity (Gale et al. 2023). Indeed, in the absence of context-sensitive initiatives, families may become unable to fulfill their protective, supportive, and socializing roles (Ivanova and Israel 2005; Lin 2024).

To address these questions, this study employs a qualitative approach, drawing on group discussions with experts who have extensive field experience in family support and community intervention programs. Group discussions with experts offer a holistic view that bridges theory and practice, drawing on their direct observations and experiences to identify concrete, context-specific interventions that can be implemented at the community and social levels (Von Soest 2023). The insights of these practitioners are particularly valuable as they provide a nuanced understanding of both the challenges families face and the most effective strategies for strengthening family resilience in crisis contexts (Von Soest 2023; Demuth and Mey 2015).

The analysis approach was primarily inductive, as this is an underexplored area of research (Given 2008). This approach was chosen given the exploratory nature of the research, and to generate a context-sensitive understanding of family resilience in a setting characterized by chronic and overlapping crises (Makri and Neely 2021).

Conducting research on this topic is important, considering that such crises are recurrent in the region, and the findings may inform interventions and initiatives that can be adapted for future crises both within Lebanon and across similar contexts in the Middle East.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Study Design

To capture the nuanced perspectives of the participants, which are based on their experience and work, a qualitative research design was adopted in this study (Jamshed 2014). Four discussion groups were held in April 2024. The groups each comprised professionals from a specific field or area of expertise. The groups adhered to intra-group homogeneity and inter-group heterogeneity, meaning that the professional profiles of participants in each group were similar to one another, while they were clearly distinct from those of other groups (Powell and Single 1996).

To help the researchers with the group discussions, guides were elaborated based on a literature review (Bird 2016). This literature review covered different experiences during the recent crises, their repercussions on families, as well as individual and community well-being. Consequently, the following grids emerged (

Table 1. Group discussion questions.

Group	Principal Questions
Group 1	From your experiences and observations, how do the ongoing socio-economic crisis and the Beirut port explosion result in psychological distress among individuals and families in Lebanon?
	How do these crises disrupt familial dynamics and relationships within Lebanese households? What are some common challenges faced by families in navigating these crises?
	What are the potential long-term impacts of familial struggles in the context of Lebanon’s crises, on the familial and societal levels?
Group 2	In the face of ongoing crises, what are some notable adaptive strategies employed by Lebanese families to navigate the challenges?
	How do social support and solidarity play a role in facilitating adaptation and resilience among Lebanese families during times of crisis?
	Reflecting on the collective experiences of Lebanese communities, how does the concept of solidarity, mutual aid, and community-driven efforts contribute to the adaptation process during crises?
Group 3	What are some services or institutions that have supported individuals and families facing separation and trauma in Lebanon?
	Considering the cultural context of Lebanon, how can adaptation strategies and support services be tailored to be more culturally sensitive and responsive to the unique socio-cultural dynamics of Lebanese society?
Group 4	What roles do various services and institutions play in supporting individuals and families affected by the crises in Lebanon?
	Reflecting on the current policy landscape, what are some key policy gaps or shortcomings that need to be addressed to better support families in Lebanon?

).

2.2. Participants

The sample consisted of four group discussions, managed similarly to focus groups, with the total sample being forty-four individuals (N = 44). Participants were divided into groups based on their expertise and profiles, while adhering to the principles of intra-group homogeneity and inter-group heterogeneity.

The first group consisted of professionals who provided direct support services to individuals and families affected by the crisis, and observed their psychological and well-being challenges. The second encompassed experts who were engaged in community initiatives and observed community responses to the crisis, primarily through documentation rather than direct service provision. The third group included professionals who helped promote better adaptation and coping during the crisis. The fourth group consisted of social policy experts, defined as professionals working in Lebanon on the development, analysis, or implementation of social policies and guidelines, within governmental bodies or NGOs. The general characteristics of each group are described in

Table 2. Characteristics of the four group discussions.

Group	Number of Participants	Participants’ Profile
Group 1—Social and psychological repercussions of the crisis	9	Clinical psychologists, clinical psychology graduate students, social workers, and social scientists who provide direct clinical or support services to individuals and families affected by the crisis.
Group 2—Insights into the adaptation methods of Lebanese families and communities	12	Social workers working in NGOs and associations, and people involved in community initiatives in Lebanese communities during the crisis, who primarily observed and documented community responses rather than providing direct support.
Group 3—Promotion of effective adaptation strategies	12	Clinical psychologists, social workers, and social scientists who developed or implemented community-based interventions with families and communities to promote better adaptation and coping during times of crisis.
Group 4—Policy recommendations	11	Social policy experts with research and/or intervention experience in Lebanon during the crisis.

.

When initially contacted, participants were informed about the study aims and group discussion procedures. They were then reminded about these points before the interview. Both written and verbal consent were taken before the interview (Manti and Licari 2018). All measures were taken to ensure the confidentiality and anonymity of the participants, like replacing names with codes to protect their identities and personal information throughout the research process (Saunders et al. 2015).

The group discussions were conducted in quiet and suitable rooms at the Holy Spirit University of Kaslik (USEK), Lebanon, on 17 April 2024. Groups were managed similarly to traditional focus groups, with each being moderated by a moderator who asked the questions and ensured the discussion proceeded smoothly, allowing all participants to share their perspectives, and a co-moderator who focused on taking notes (Acocella and Cataldi 2021). All four groups were given a time limit of one hour, and all lasted that long.

2.3. Data Analysis

The interview data were transcribed and translated into English to facilitate analysis. A systematic thematic analysis approach, as described by Naeem et al. (2023), was used to identify patterns in participants’ accounts and to subsequently develop a conceptual model describing the challenges families face during crises and the processes that may strengthen family resilience. The analysis followed a structured process inspired by established thematic analysis procedures to generate conceptual models from qualitative data (Braun and Clarke 2006; Naeem et al. 2023).

The analytical process began with a detailed reading of the transcripts to familiarize the researchers with the data. Two researchers independently conducted the initial coding phase, during which segments of text were examined and assigned descriptive codes capturing key ideas, experiences, and observations reported by participants. Coding aimed to break down the data into meaningful units and to identify recurring ideas (Braun and Clarke 2006). Subsequently, the two researchers compared their coding and discussed any discrepancies to reach consensus. Disagreements about codes were resolved through discussion and by revisiting the original transcripts to ensure that interpretations accurately reflected participants’ perspectives. In cases where disagreements might have persisted, a senior supervisor was available to provide an additional perspective; however, this step was not required, as consensus was reached through discussion. Codes were then grouped into broader themes and sub-themes (Braun and Clarke 2006; Bardin 2013). Additionally, the frequency (symbolized as “n”) of each code or idea, meaning how many subjects who shared a similar idea or perspective, was noted.

Building on these themes, the researchers identified the relationships among the themes and organized them into a broader analytical framework. These relationships were integrated into a conceptual model illustrating how different contextual factors, challenges, and coping processes interact to shape family functioning during crisis situations (Naeem et al. 2023). Conceptual models derived from thematic analysis can provide a structured representation of the relationships among key themes identified in qualitative data and help explain the phenomenon under investigation.

Data collection across the four group discussions was considered sufficient, as meaning saturation was reached. Considerable redundancy across groups indicated that no substantially new themes, patterns, or insights, were being mentioned, confirming that the dataset provided adequate conceptual depth for addressing the research objectives (Saunders et al. 2015). The overall analytical process and the resulting conceptual model are illustrated in Figure 1.

To ensure the trustworthiness of the data analysis, several measures were taken. First, two researchers independently coded the data and discussed any differences to ensure the findings reflected the participants’ views. Second, the researchers kept a record of all coding. Third, they ensured that every interpretation was as accurate as possible by conducting a collaborative team review. Finally, the analysis was grounded in the participants’ accounts by regularly referring back to the original transcripts (Lincoln and Guba 1986; Bingham 2023; Coulston et al. 2025).

2.4. Positionality Statement

It is important to note that the four members of the research team are Lebanese and have themselves witnessed and experienced, to varying degrees, the socioeconomic crisis affecting Lebanese families. While this closeness to the experience provided contextual insight, it also necessitated a reflexive process to mitigate potential interpretive biases and ensure the participants’ voices remained distinct. Throughout the analysis, the researchers engaged in regular discussions and revisited the original transcripts to ensure that interpretations remained grounded in participants’ accounts rather than solely in the researchers’ own experiences of the crisis.

3. Results

The collected data reveal how families experience, adapt to, and sustain resilience amid prolonged and recurrent cycles of crises and other forms of disruption within their broader social and institutional contexts. The following conceptual model was deduced from the qualitative data collected. The main themes were determined and the relationships between them were elaborated based on the data, rather than being established a priori. It consists of six interrelated themes. Effectively, it positions the family amid crisis as the central theme, affected by both (i) causal conditions and (ii) contextual factors. Through processes of (iii) resilience, (iv) adaptation and coping, families mobilize internal and external resources along with the (v) needed institutional support received to maintain a sense of continuity and identity. This links to the role of (vi) social policies and interventions in promoting family strengthening. Figure 2 illustrates the interplay between the above-mentioned themes, presenting a contextual model of Lebanese family resilience amid crisis, and reflecting, in turn, the recurring nature of crisis and the ongoing evolution of family resilience.

3.1. Causal Conditions

Numerous triggers and root causes, including political instability, economic collapse, systemic insecurity, and repeated crises accompanied by collective trauma, pushed families into crisis (n = 11). In fact, participants consistently described Lebanon as existing in a state of continuous instability.

“From the day I was born till this day I haven’t witnessed a ‘normal’ day in this country.”—Clinical psychologist, Group 1

This cycle of crises includes, but is not limited to, the economic collapse, devaluation of the national currency, and widespread unemployment, which were repeatedly cited as immediate triggers of distress (n = 6). They highlighted the fact that “families are living day by day” (Clinical psychologist, Group 1), which showcases how economic instability fuels the sense of uncertainty and loss of control in their daily lives. Based on the group discussions, the consequences included the inability to afford basic healthcare and education, a shift in financial dependence with increased responsibility on teens and young adults, and sensitivity to relatives’ economic situations, along with the economic limitations affecting family interactions and social practices (e.g., cost discouraging visits).

“It saddens me to see that we’re at a point where even the most basic needs have become a luxury that most people [and families] can’t afford.”—Social worker, Group 1

Beyond the economic collapse and hardships, participants also identified repeated collective traumas, which include the civil war, the 2006 Israeli war, the 2020 Beirut port explosion, the recent war and geopolitical context, the institutional failure, and the ongoing political corruption and volatility (n = 8). These consist of cumulative factors that have eroded national and familial trust, leading to disappointment. Furthermore, participants noted that these historical and continuous crises have produced intergenerational anxiety, where both adults and children internalize fear and hypervigilance (n = 3).

“The anxiety and suffering that the parents went through because of the war and are going through again are being passed down to their children.”—Clinical psychology graduate, Group 1

According to the participants, these macro-level conditions create a state of uncertainty, fear, and vulnerability that disrupts family functioning, initiating a process of distress, change, and adaptation (n = 6).

“There is no escape from the negative and it is impossible to distract yourself from anxiety and negativity.”—Clinical psychology graduate, Group 1

3.2. Contextual and Institutional Factors

The second theme that emerged from the group discussions relates to the broader sociocultural and institutional factors, including, but not limited to, religious communities, social networks, educational systems, and social norms.

In this regard, collectivist values and intergenerational solidarity remain prominent in Lebanon; hence, these structures were identified by participants to often provide both constraints and protective resources that mediate how families interpret and respond to crises (n = 25). Participants emphasized that, within this broader sociocultural environment and unlike in Western values, the family remains the most reliable and stable unit in the face of political and institutional collapse (n = 3).

“Even when everything else fails, family is what keeps people standing.”—Social scientist, Group 3

Nonetheless, participants acknowledged that this reliance on family and informal networks often compensates for systemic weaknesses, “knowing that there is no trust in the legislative system”. As a matter of fact, they underscored that institutions that are meant to provide the needed support, such as schools, healthcare systems, and government bodies, are frequently fragmented and unable to do so. As a result, families are left to self-adapt and reorganize.

Yet, it was reported that the capacity of families to rely on these informal mechanisms is challenged by broader societal shifts. For instance, participants mentioned that these pressures are compounded by the widespread migration of youth, who are leaving the country to find a better economic future. Indeed, families are going through additional separation, generating emotional strain, feelings of guilt, continued worry, and disrupted support systems (n = 7).

3.3. Family in Crisis as a Dynamic Site of Resilience

In terms of challenges, the group discussions mentioned the fact that families navigate a wide range of emotional and psychological consequences due to the recurrent crises: many experience chronic stress, anxiety, and ongoing feelings of uneasiness, while others mentioned living in fear or in a state of constant anticipation of danger (n = 15).

“Everyone has developed anxiety because nothing is certain and unpredictable.”—Clinical psychologist, Group 1

According to the participants, families tried to adapt and endure in numerous ways, namely the pursuit of normalcy and goals (n = 2); enhanced family cohesion and unity by prioritization of family despite challenges and providing emotional support (n = 6); and intergenerational strength through teaching the next generation to cope as well as empowering children within the family structure, with them taking on supportive roles (n = 3).

“Even when adapting may be the worst thing to do… that’s just what they do in their everyday lives in order to survive and keep going.”—Clinical psychology graduate, Group 1

3.4. Adaptation and Coping

According to the participants, families used various strategies to adapt to the challenges. Some shed light on the perceived shifts in gender and parental roles. Indeed, they mentioned that women are nowadays more present in the workforce, and parents are now focusing more on emotional needs over material ones. They noted that these role adjustments often emerge gradually within households as families collectively attempt to redistribute responsibilities in response to financial strain and uncertainty. Participants also underlined the fact that “children are now empowering and supporting their parents” (Social worker, Group 2). For instance, many young students are looking for jobs in parallel with their education to financially support their parents. Yet, they also emphasized the fact that this adaptation often occurs “out of necessity rather than empowerment” (Social worker, Group 2).

Furthermore, participants listed several adaptation and coping strategies, including humor or making jokes about suffering, religion and spirituality, and day-by-day survival. For example, some participants described how individuals often use humor to lighten the emotional burden of daily hardships, transforming difficult experiences into shared jokes as a way to momentarily distance themselves from distress.

They also mentioned an additional collective component to the adaptation modalities that often includes community solidarity and mutual support. This collective dimension was described as particularly visible in everyday acts of support between relatives, neighbors, and extended family members, which help families navigate economic and emotional pressures. Moreover, participants mentioned additional lifestyle or financial adaptations, including opting to stay at home as a practical solution to avoid costly outings to save money in light of the economic crisis.

Migration of youth away from the context of crisis in Lebanon was also mentioned as an adaptation. Youth emigrated to find a better financial future abroad, and potentially, support their families financially. Indeed, migration was often noted by participants as an opportunity and means of survival; yet, participants mentioned that it also introduces additional emotional burdens, including, but not limited to, loneliness, worry, and deeper fragmentation of family ties. In this context, migration was frequently portrayed as both a coping strategy for families and a difficult emotional compromise for young adults who feel responsible for contributing to household survival. As a result, participants highlighted the “migration guilt” (Clinical psychology graduate, Group 1) as members abroad experience persistent anxiety for their relatives in Lebanon.

3.5. Family Support

Alongside individual coping strategies, participants emphasized the importance of the external support that help families in the crisis. These support systems operated through extended family networks, community solidarity, and informal assistance, and complemented the families’ own adaptation efforts.

(a)

Non-Governmental Organizations (NGOs)

Many NGOs emerged as key actors in providing emergency aid, psychosocial support, and, in some cases, free therapy, especially following the Beirut explosion and subsequent socio-economic collapse (n = 6). However, challenges include fragmentation, duplication of efforts, and inconsistent follow-up, leading to insufficient support as a result. Indeed, according to the professionals in the group discussions, the absence of collaboration and long-term funding mechanisms often led to temporary projects that address immediate rather than systemic and long-term needs. Participants frequently described NGOs as “doing what the government should be doing” (Policy expert, Group 4), but struggling under the weight of increasing demand and insufficient resources.

(b)

Mental Health and Social Services

Therapy and community-based support groups are increasingly made available, yet families continue to face economic barriers, social stigma, and limited guidance (n =2). Furthermore, participants highlighted that volunteers often lack the required psychological training, and even professionals suffer from insufficient organizational support and request high supervision costs (n = 1). Participants mentioned that “treating mental and psychological illness has become a luxury” (Clinical psychologist, Group 1). As a result, these challenges hinder the sustainability of mental health support.

(c)

Governance and Policy Gaps

At the macro level, participants in the group discussions reported systemic policy failures when it comes to family support, which perpetuate both family distress and institutional inefficiency (n = 8). Participants identified several challenges, including the overreliance on material aid rather than psychosocial and developmental support, as well as the weak collaboration between ministries, NGOs, and local institutions. As an example, to enhance collaboration, a few participants stressed the importance of establishing a platform for communication.

“It would be helpful to create platforms for regular communication and information sharing among institutions, services, and NGOs involved in family support and crisis management”—Political scientist/policy expert, Group 4

3.6. Social Policies, Interventions, and Pathways to Family Resilience

The last category that emerged from the group discussions pertains to the suggested structural and policy-level strategies that can strengthen family resilience in Lebanon’s chronic crisis context. Participants underlined the following:

(a)

Coordination and Systemic Reform

Participants stressed the need for consistent and accountable governance mechanisms to unify the fragmented humanitarian and social support. They also proposed the creation of a central syndicate or coordinating body to harmonize NGO efforts, ensure collaboration across different sectors, and monitor accountability. In addition, a shift toward decentralized governance and conflict-sensitive approaches was deemed crucial for local reforms. Participants also mentioned that these systemic reforms should also involve cross-ministerial dialog between social affairs, education, and health, ensuring that strengthening family-centered resilience becomes a shared national objective.

(b)

Proactive and Inclusive Support Systems

The group discussions additionally noted the importance of accessible psychosocial support and the availability of inclusive and trauma-informed environments. Based on the participants’ suggestions in the discussion, this can be achieved through the following recommendations deemed valid by the participants:

• Establishing safe spaces where individuals and families can share experiences of loss, displacement, and recovery.
• Developing targeted psychosocial programs for mothers and mediation services for marital or intergenerational conflicts.
• Leveraging technology and social media platforms to centralize information, amplify outreach, and connect families with services.
• Designing policies that prioritize psychosocial well-being alongside material aid, ensuring interventions start at the individual and family level.

4. Discussion

This study aimed to explore how families in Lebanon navigate the recurring crises that have marked the country in recent years, particularly since October 2019. Through four expert group discussions involving psychologists, social scientists, NGO representatives, and policy specialists, the challenges families face and the strategies they employ to adapt were examined. Additionally, the study focused on potential interventions at the community and policy levels that could minimize the impact of such crises on families and promote family resilience. The findings further highlighted the impact of severe economic, political, and institutional stressors on Lebanese families (Karam et al. 2025; Al-Khalil et al. 2025; El Murr et al. 2025), while also describing migration as both an attempted solution to escape the country’s hardships and a source of emotional pain and fragmentation within family systems (Tabar 2010; Stilz 2022). Overall, this study contributes to a context-specific understanding of family resilience, in a prolonged crisis setting.

Participants consistently described how the economic collapse, characterized by rapid inflation, unemployment, and financial insecurity, has eroded the basic conditions necessary for family stability and predictability. Notably, the Beirut port explosion, which occurred amid this ongoing crisis, was highlighted as a particularly disruptive collective trauma that amplified pre-existing vulnerabilities, triggered widespread displacement, and deepened feelings of fear and uncertainty (Abboud Mzawak et al. 2025; Tohme et al. 2024). In parallel, the separation resulting from emigration, or the departure of family members seeking stability abroad, has further destabilized family balance and dynamics, intensifying the emotional and relational challenges families face in sustaining resilience over time (Démurger 2015). Together, these broader crisis conditions cause hardship and reshape family life.

The consequences of these prolonged crises were evident in their impact on both individual well-being and family functioning. Experts noted elevated levels of psychological distress, including anxiety, emotional exhaustion, hopelessness, and chronic uncertainty about the future, which undermine coping capacities and emotional regulation (El Murr et al. 2025; Karam et al. 2025; Al-Khalil et al. 2025). Importantly, the data suggest that such distress is not episodic but cumulative, shaped by repeated exposure to instability and unresolved collective trauma (Tarabay and Golm 2024), which places families in a persistent state of alertness and adaptation rather than recovery. These psychological and relational pressures create the conditions under which families must actively reorganize their roles, resources, and coping strategies in order to persevere.

In response to these ongoing struggles, families employed a range of strategies to sustain resilience and preserve a sense of continuity amid disruption. One prominent pattern identified in the discussions was reliance on extended family networks, which frequently serve as vital sources of financial and logistical support (Kim et al. 2016). This support from the extended family is quite common in collectivist cultures like Lebanon’s (Sanogo et al. 2025; Digard 2003). In many cases, these networks compensate for the absence of effective state protection and institutional safety nets, providing families with needed support. Participants also highlighted deliberate efforts to preserve family unity despite internal tensions exacerbated by crisis conditions. These adaptive strategies reflect a strong cultural emphasis on family solidarity, which remains a key protective factor even when external conditions are highly unstable. This was a clear manifestation of family resilience (Walsh 2016a, 2016b).

At the same time, migration emerged as a double-edged resilience strategy. For many families, sending members abroad or relocating entirely represents a pragmatic response aimed at ensuring safety, securing income, and creating more stable futures (Tabar 2010; Stilz 2022). This form of resilience through mobility can alleviate immediate financial strain and expand support resources through remittances. However, participants emphasized the emotional costs, relational strain, and fragmentation that often accompany such decisions (Démurger 2015). While migration may strengthen resilience in material terms, it simultaneously involved a strong separation, which caused significant distress (Firestone and Firestone 2012). In this sense, migration illustrates how specific coping strategies may simultaneously reinforce and strain family resilience, highlighting the complex and sometimes contradictory pathways through which families adapt to crisis conditions.

In light of these conditions, community actors, including NGOs and community initiatives, were identified as playing a key role in supporting families during crises. These actors provide essential material assistance, psychosocial support, and opportunities for collective coping, all of which contribute to sustaining family resilience in the absence of strong public systems (Chutiyami et al. 2025). Their role has become substantial in contexts of crisis affecting families. However, participants highlighted several challenges that undermine these efforts, most notably coordination gaps between actors that lead to duplicated, fragmented, or short-term interventions. Additionally, concerns were raised regarding dependency risks, whereby families may rely heavily on external aid without being supported in developing longer-term adaptive capacities. Many initiatives were described as project-based and vulnerable to funding instability, leaving families exposed once programs come to an end. This underscores the importance of sustainable, integrated, and long-term community-based initiatives that move beyond emergency response toward family strengthening.

Beyond community-level interventions, participants emphasized the need for systemic approaches (Ungar 2011) that embed resilience within broader structural frameworks (Gale et al. 2023). This shapes the broader environment in which families attempt to adapt, influencing both the availability of support systems and the long-term sustainability of resilience processes. They pointed to governance reforms, improved regulation and coordination of social services, and the integration of conflict-sensitive and peace-oriented education as critical enablers of long-term stability. Current responses were largely perceived as reactive rather than preventive, focusing on crisis management instead of addressing the underlying conditions that perpetuate vulnerability. A shift toward prevention-oriented policies is essential for creating an environment in which families can adapt, reorganize, and thrive despite ongoing uncertainty.

4.1. Family Resilience in a Context of Chronic Crisis

Much of the family resilience literature conceptualizes crisis as a disruptive but time-bounded event, followed by phases of recovery, reorganization, and growth (Walsh 2016a, 2016b). In such models, resilience is often implicitly linked to the restoration of stability or the re-establishment of pre-crisis functioning. One of the subtilities of this study was the focus on resilience within a context of chronic and overlapping crises, where recovery cannot be immediate.

Indeed, Lebanese families are operating in a state of prolonged instability. In this context, resilience does not primarily manifest as recovery from a discrete shock, but rather as endurance under conditions of sustained uncertainty. Families are required to adapt continuously, often without the prospect of resolution, which places them in a permanent state of adjustment rather than transition. Families do not “bounce back” from crisis; instead, they recalibrate, redistribute, and normalize uncertainty as part of everyday life.

The understanding of family resilience in the prolonged crisis context in Lebanon involved multiple interacting elements, most notably the influence of macrosocial and external factors. In this sense, the findings align with ecological perspectives on resilience, which emphasize that resilience does not arise solely from internal family characteristics but is strongly tied to their broader environments (Bronfenbrenner 1981; Ungar 2011). Participants repeatedly described how economic instability, institutional fragility, and migration pressures shape the conditions under which families attempt to cope and reorganize. These macrosocial dynamics appear to structure both the challenges and the hardship families face and the resources available to them.

At the same time, the internal dimensions of resilience described in Boss et al.’s and Walsh’s frameworks were also visible in the findings. Families relied on relational processes such as emotional support, shifts in roles, shared meaning-making, and flexible organization of responsibilities. However, in the Lebanese context, these processes did not appear to lead to recovery from crisis or to a clear phase of post-crisis adaptation. Rather, they functioned primarily as mechanisms through which families recalibrate, redistribute responsibilities, and normalize uncertainty as part of everyday life. In other words, the processes highlighted in these theoretical models remain relevant, but their function appears different in contexts characterized by prolonged instability. Instead of enabling families to “bounce back,” they help families maintain cohesion and continuity while navigating a crisis that remains ongoing. Importantly, this finding aligns with previous research in Arab crisis contexts, where families were not able to fully adjust through adaptation strategies but simply pursue their daily lives (Tuzi 2023; Younes et al. 2025).

Another key point of this study lies in its examination of migration as a seemingly central adaptation strategy in such contexts, which seems to be the case in economically disadvantaged countries (Benček and Schneiderheinze 2024; Tabar 2010). These findings challenge the view of family resilience that assumes physical proximity, shared daily life, or co-residence as prerequisites for family strength. Instead, it supports a systemic view in which resilience is embedded in community, environmental, and societal structures (Bronfenbrenner 1981; Ungar 2011).

The final contribution of this study lies in linking processes of family adaptation and resilience to potential areas of intervention. The perspectives of professionals clearly highlight several structural and institutional gaps that shape these resilience processes. Community-based initiatives, social support networks, and coordinated organizational responses can play an important role in supporting families’ adaptive capacities. These findings therefore point toward the importance of strengthening the surrounding social infrastructure that allows families to mobilize resources, maintain relational stability, and navigate uncertainty.

4.2. Social and Practical Implications

The findings emerging from this study highlight the importance of strengthening family resilience within Lebanon’s prolonged crisis context through coordinated social and community-based support systems. The results suggest that family resilience should be recognized not merely as an assumed cultural trait or an unintended by-product of hardship, but as a process that can be supported through targeted social interventions. Initiatives that focus exclusively on material assistance or emergency response may overlook the psychosocial, relational, and intergenerational processes through which families absorb and respond to crisis. A family-centered perspective may therefore help practitioners and organizations design interventions that reinforce, rather than unintentionally weaken, existing adaptive capacities.

At the social and community levels, the research underscores the importance of community-based initiatives that build on existing social capital, informal family networks, and collective coping mechanisms. Participants frequently highlighted the role of local solidarity, extended family support, and community initiatives in helping families navigate prolonged instability. Strengthening these informal support systems, including through community organizations, local initiatives, and civil society actors, may help mitigate both psychological and economic pressures, particularly in contexts where state structures are perceived as limited or inconsistent.

At the organizational level, the findings also point to the value of improved coordination among NGOs, community organizations, and service providers working with families. Participants described a fragmented landscape of assistance in which multiple actors intervene simultaneously but often with limited coordination. Greater collaboration and information sharing across organizations could help reduce duplication of efforts and improve the accessibility and continuity of support for families.

Finally, the findings suggest that many of the challenges described by participants are embedded within broader structural conditions, including economic instability, migration pressures, and institutional fragility (Figure 3). While this study does not directly examine policy-making processes, the accounts of practitioners highlight how these structural conditions shape the everyday realities in which families attempt to cope and adapt. Addressing these broader contextual pressures may therefore be important for ensuring that family-level coping strategies are not required to compensate indefinitely for systemic vulnerabilities.

4.3. Limitations

This study’s primary strength is its reliance on expert perspectives who have had extensive practical experience with families and communities. Despite this, the research still possesses some limitations. First, the sample was limited to four group discussions, which, despite generating rich qualitative data, cannot encompass the full diversity of viewpoints across Lebanon’s varied social, cultural, and geographical contexts (Lim 2025).

Second, the influence of group dynamics must be considered with group discussions, as it may have influenced some responses. For instance, some participants may have aligned with dominant views or withheld contention due to the group’s dynamics (Braun et al. 2015).

Third, despite adopting a structured data analysis approach to minimize bias, as a qualitative study, the analysis process will undoubtedly involve some level of subjectivity. Indeed, the results are somewhat dependent on the researchers’ interpretation, and completely objective results are impossible to achieve (Sutton and Austin 2015). Moreover, as the researchers are themselves Lebanese and have experienced, to varying degrees, the broader societal crisis affecting families, their interpretations may have been influenced by their own contextual familiarity with the phenomenon under study, despite their efforts for objectivity (Goundar 2025).

Finally, future research should incorporate the voices of families themselves and apply triangulation with additional qualitative or quantitative data from the field (Arias Valencia 2022). A key limitation of the present study is that it relied exclusively on expert perspectives rather than direct accounts from Lebanese families experiencing the crisis. Although these professionals provided valuable insights based on their extensive fieldwork and interactions with families, their observations may not fully capture the lived experiences, perceptions, and coping processes of families themselves, especially those in their daily lives. Thus, including focus groups or interviews with families would allow future research to better understand how resilience is experienced and negotiated within households and how families interpret the challenges they face. Such approaches could also explore how these processes vary across different regions and demographic groups, which was not possible within the scope of the present study design.

5. Conclusions

This study highlights how Lebanese families navigate prolonged and overlapping crises amid economic collapse, institutional failure, and collective trauma. Drawing on expert perspectives, the findings show that families function as dynamic sites of resilience, attempting to adapt in the context of crises both through family dynamics and through the support of the broader community and institutional initiatives. However, without coordinated interventions, families risk remaining in a state of hardship without proper recovery. If this study has one overriding message, it is that while families struggle and attempt to adapt in the context of recurrent crises, preserving the family unit and its resilience requires targeted, coordinated, and collaborative interventions that extend beyond short-term emergency responses. Future research should conceptualize the family as a core unit of social capital and social tissue, and examine the effectiveness of family-centered interventions to promote resilience and adaptation.