Caregivers Who Left: Hong Kong Older Adults, Their British Migrant Children, and Hong Kong Christian Communities—A Group Study from Psychological and Theological Perspectives

Abstract

Unpaid caregivers in Hong Kong, China (Hong Kong) are known to be under tremendous stress. The government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) has been funnelling resources to non-profit organisations to support these caregivers in recent years. Since 2020, the British government has provided British National (Overseas) passport holders with a pathway to gain citizenship in Britain, and many Hong Kongers, especially young families, have migrated to Britain. This migration includes many former caregivers of older adults who remain in Hong Kong. How do these left-behind elderly parents comprehend the loss of their main caregivers, an extreme case of empty nest? And how do faith-based, especially Evangelical Christian, organisations and churches, support these older adults and their adult children in transnational caregiving? This study employs an ethnographic approach through on-site fieldwork and semi-structured interviews with older adults whose children migrated abroad, social workers at faith-based organisations, and church pastors. These field observations and interviews are supplemented by case studies and interviews published in news outlets. Through this group study, though limited in sample size, this article argues for the importance of faith identity and religious community in supporting both older adults and their caregivers, whether situated locally or remotely, and how faith-based organisations support transnational caregiving through connecting both parties.

1. Introduction

One of the common traits that people tend to associate with Chinese culture is filial piety; that is, adult children are expected to care for and defer to their older adult parents. In the face of modernisation, individualism, and globalisation, how do ethnically Chinese Hong Kongers continue to think of their responsibilities as adult children? How does filial piety look in this day and age? And how does this Chinese cultural trait interact with the Christian faith?

In conducting our research on Hong Kong Christian communities and the recent wave of emigration through the intersection of psychology and theology, we focus on spirituality and meaning-making among older adults and their adult children who migrated to Britain. We explore how the left-behind elderly parents comprehend the loss of their main caregivers, as well as how faith-based, especially Evangelical Christian, organisations and churches, support these older adults and their adult children in transnational caregiving. In this article, we investigate this topic through qualitative research with a limited sample size, and provide an analysis that we find helpful for policymakers, academics, and non-profit organisations.

1.1. Hong Kong Older Adults from 2020 Onwards: Health and Care

Unpaid caregivers in Hong Kong, China (Hong Kong), such as adult children of older adults, are known to be under tremendous stress. In recent years, the government of Hong Kong Special Administrative Region (SAR) has been funnelling resources to non-profit organisations to support these caregivers. Adding to the societal context, since 2020, the British government has provided British National (Overseas) (BN(O)) passport holders with a pathway to gain citizenship in Britain, and many Hong Kongers, especially young families, have migrated to Britain. As a result, many former caregivers of older adults living in Hong Kong have migrated to Britain.

The recent introduction of the BN(O) visa has enabled Hong Kongers born before 1997, along with their immediate families, to migrate to Britain. Many adult children relocate while older family members remain in Hong Kong. This recent wave of migration, unlike the prior wave of economic migrants from 1984 to 1997, tends to involve working-class individuals. Older adults who choose not to migrate with their children often cite age and health concerns as key reasons for staying behind. Older adults who remain in Hong Kong may experience deep feelings of loss following the departure of their children. In many households where both parents work full time, grandparents play a central role as primary caregivers for their grandchildren. Compensating for the absence of working parents, grandparents serve as an essential support for families, and are proven to enhance grandchildren’s cognitive development, social adjustment, and overall quality of life, as they play the role of family historian, mentor, role model, nurturer, “national guard,” and “family watchdog” (Thang et al. 2011; Chen et al. 2022). It is further demonstrated that the effective functioning of families is enhanced with meaningful emotional contact between their multigenerational members (Klever 2015). When adult children migrate, this sudden disruption of family roles and relationships can lead not only to poorer overall family functioning within the household, but also to a sense of grief and a diminished sense of purpose. For some individuals, this emotional rupture extends beyond separation, reactivating or intensifying earlier traumatic experiences related to displacement, bereavement, or long-standing marginalisation (Chu and Cheung 2026).

Hong Kong Christian Service (2024) surveyed left-behind elderly parents, regardless of their religious background, to examine their service needs during the current migration wave. It reveals that, although the negative effects on left-behind elderly parents gradually lessen over time, 43.2% of left-behind elderly parents have no children residing in Hong Kong, and 63% remain at a ‘high risk’ of social isolation. 49.6% of the older adults show signs of depression; though decreased from 79.5% in 2023, the figure remains relatively high. Lacking the physical presence of their adult children, the frequency of contact with their emigrant children becomes a key factor in their level of happiness—those who have contact with their children at least once a week generally demonstrate a higher level of happiness, less depression, and a better social situation. However, nearly half of the survey participants either had difficulties using smartphones on their own or did not own smartphones at all, making it difficult for them to contact their children at a distance (Hong Kong Christian Service 2024). These findings may be understood in light of traditional beliefs, as encapsulated in the saying, “Fu mu zai, bu yuan you. You bi you fang,” (父母在，不遠遊，遊必有方) meaning that, while one’s parents are still alive, one should not travel far, and even if one travels far from home, one should inform one’s parents of the destination (Confucius 2016, p. 17), so that they would not be worried. It reflects the ethical priority of attending to parents’ emotional security and practical needs, especially in cases where ageing parents depend heavily on their children. The injunction does not prohibit independence or mobility but emphasises reassurance via communication and consideration within relational obligations. Although the literal meaning of this proverb has evolved in modern times, its core spirit of providing companionship and not causing parents undue worry remains relevant. In contemporary society, communication technologies may help bridge physical distance, but the essence of companionship, according to the older adults’ expectations, remains unchanged.

On the other hand, the migrant children experience a similar sense of loss as they have left their family members behind. As a migrant adult child reflected, “I really miss my own daddy and mummy too. I wish I could be by their side, but they won’t be coming here,” and all she can do is work hard and save enough money to buy a ticket to visit them in Hong Kong (Ka-Yan 2025). While migrant children and their parents move along different life paths and many consider that the geographical separation is inevitable, it remains difficult for them to come to terms with the feeling that they have left their parents behind. A survey reveals that 181 participants who migrated to Britain via the BN(O) route experience negative emotions as they try to adapt to life in Britain, due to reasons such as loneliness and concerns about personal finances; at the same time, some of them also reported guilt about leaving their family members, such as elderly parents, behind. While these BN(O) migrants are striving to put down new roots in Britain, they remain deeply connected to Hong Kong and describe feeling varying degrees of guilt, loss, and anxiety regarding their decision to leave Hong Kong (The Chaser Reporter 2023).

We have employed the lens of trauma theology in this study to investigate the loss experiences of left-behind elderly parents. Within contemporary clinical discourse, the American Psychological Association (2018) conceptualises trauma as arising from events “caused by human behavior (e.g., rape, war, industrial accidents) as well as by nature (e.g., earthquakes).” Similarly, in psychiatry, the American Psychiatric Association (2022) defines traumatic events as those involving “actual or threatened death, serious injury, or sexual violence.” While such definitions are essential for clinical diagnosis and treatment, it is arguable that they are unduly restrictive and oriented primarily toward the operational needs of the biomedical system, rather than adequately accounting for the complex, diffuse, and enduring forms of harm that individuals may experience over time (Holton and Snodgrass 2025).

Davis (2020) argues that we commonly understand trauma through clinical concepts of diagnosis, treatment, and cure to address both our modern physical and mental ailments, until we have lost the ability to narrate the experiences otherwise. The clinical language has narrowed our understanding of trauma, both in terms of its effects and who can experience it. In contrast, we believe that trauma is a dynamic concept that consistently changes as it traverses different disciplines, eras, and cultures (Bond and Craps 2020). Therefore, trauma should be reconceptualised and reframed by extending the understanding to the broader cultural and social frameworks. In this sense, we have no intention to negate or cancel the clinical framework, but we argue that trauma need not be confined to events involving “actual or threatened death, serious injury, or sexual violence” (American Psychiatric Association 2022). Trauma may also encompass the lived experiences of exclusion and marginalisation faced by minority groups within specific cultural contexts, thereby acknowledging forms of prolonged and often unrecognised suffering. By naming these experiences as trauma, we argue that such recognition can be life-affirming, restoring voice and dignity through the careful and intentional use of language (Holton and Snodgrass 2025).

Local Hong Kong Christian communities often understand the term trauma beyond the diagnosable mental health disorders from the clinical perspective, to include the deep disruptions to a person’s sense of safety, identity, and relationships, resulting from life events that resist easy articulation (FES HK 2025; Christian Times 2024; Out of Church 不在教會的日子 2024). For parents left behind by the BN(O) migration wave, prolonged separation from their children gives rise to emotional, social, and spiritual ruptures that inflict deep wounds on their daily lived experience, relationships, and sense of community belonging. These wounds may not present as clinically recognisable conditions such as post-traumatic stress disorder or depression, yet they nonetheless constitute a profound form of suffering that disrupts their sense of wholeness and well-being. Understood in this broader social and theological framework, trauma encompasses the cumulative effects of loss, abandonment, and displacement on both inner life and communal relationships. Naming these experiences as trauma affirms their pain as real and meaningful, and highlights the need for pastoral care, theological reflection, and social support alongside, rather than solely through, medical intervention (Chu and Cheung 2026).

1.2. Roles of Government and Faith-Based Organisations

In this line of investigation, how do faith-based, especially Evangelical Christian, organisations and churches in Hong Kong support these older adults in their trauma-recovery process, and how do they assist adult children engaged in transnational caregiving during such a vulnerable time for the parents? To address this question, it is first necessary to situate the discussion within the broader landscape of social service provision in Hong Kong. Social services provided by non-governmental organisations (NGOs) are a crucial component of older adult care in Hong Kong. The reliance on the voluntary sector for social service delivery in Hong Kong has evolved in response to shifting social, geopolitical, and economic contexts, giving rise to diverse forms of partnership and interdependency over time (E. W. Y. Lee 2005, 2012; O.-l. Ng 2008; Kornatowski 2010). The relationship between the government of the Hong Kong SAR and NGOs in the field of social services is characterised by a partnership model. The government of the Hong Kong SAR is responsible for policy formulation and funding provision, with the Social Welfare Department (SWD) serving as the principal implementing authority. The SWD oversees overall planning, policy development, the provision of major financial support through lump-sum grants, and the monitoring of service quality. NGOs, in turn, are responsible for the actual delivery of services, utilising both government funding and self-generated resources to provide a wide range of services for older adults, children and young adults, and persons with disabilities. This arrangement constitutes a government-led, NGO-implemented, and mutually collaborative service delivery model.

Protestant Christian communities have a long-standing tradition of providing social support in Hong Kong, complementing government provision across sectors such as healthcare, social welfare, and education. A significant number of non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in Hong Kong are affiliated with religious institutions, reflecting the territory’s history as a British colony prior to 1997, during which Christian-based social welfare initiatives were widely established. At present, Protestant organisations operate approximately 160 social welfare agencies, delivering services through more than 182 older adult centres and residential care homes (Home and Youth Affairs Bureau 2024; Information Services Department 2022). In addition, collaboration between churches and social welfare organisations is widespread. Together, they have established ministries specifically oriented toward older adults, with 47.1% of churches—amounting to 621 congregations—participating in such partnerships (Hong Kong Church Renewal Movement (HKCRM) 2025). Although the government of the Hong Kong SAR maintains a comprehensive social welfare system, Protestant Christian service organisations continue to be an integral part of Hong Kong society.

What distinguishes the caregiving practices of faith-based organisations from those of non-religious providers, including those observed amidst this migration wave, is that the former are informed by religious duty and cultural obligation, reinforced through biblical teachings and traditional values. As illustrated by Aspray and Elcott (2025), Christian traditions are guided by five fundamental principles in forming their attitudes toward migration: (1) Every human being is made in the image of God, irrespective of race, ethnicity, gender, nationality, beliefs, or background; (2) Christianity emphasises compassion and solidarity with marginalised populations of all kinds, including the older adults, people with disabilities, the homeless, and migrants, especially those who are forcibly displaced; (3) a Christian’s ultimate citizenship lies in heaven, to which all earthly citizenships are subordinate; (4) Christianity instructs believers to submit to earthly rulers and authorities, except in cases where such obedience would directly conflict with their duty to God; and (5) The vast majority of Christians adhere to some form of ordo amoris (“the order of loves”), which holds that an individual’s obligations toward their immediate family take precedence over duties to humanity at large.

Faith-based social service centres and churches in Hong Kong have been guided by these principles, consciously or unconsciously, to provide substantial support to the left-behind elderly parents and their caregivers, whether situated locally or remotely. The services are diverse: social and recreational activities, religious activities, health education services, community support services, and so on (Hong Kong Christian Service n.d.b; Methodist Centre n.d.). Rather than offering short-term or crisis-oriented assistance, such care is long-term and sustained. As the older adults are split from their primary caregivers due to migration, they are encouraged to maintain meaningful social connections and develop a renewed sense of belonging within their communities through ongoing engagement in activities such as interest groups, fellowship gatherings, and regular pastoral or social check-ins. Moreover, when feelings of loneliness intensify during festive periods due to the cultural emphasis on family reunion, these organisations provide alternative spaces for communal celebration, enabling older adults to experience shared festivity and mutual support within a reconstituted “family” network (Y. M. Lee 2025). In this way, faith-based services help left-behind elderly parents reconstruct their social worlds, establish alternative sources of emotional support and social identity, and, most importantly, seek new meanings in life, following their children’s departure.

Within these support arrangements, social service centres and churches function as an intermediary between left-behind elderly parents and their migrant children, who typically served as primary caregivers before migration. On the one hand, service providers remain attentive to the concerns, emotional ties, and caregiving responsibilities of migrant children, maintaining proactive communication with them. On the other hand, they provide ongoing support to left-behind elderly parents through regular visits, monitoring, and practical assistance. In practice, social workers and volunteers establish WhatsApp chat groups with migrant family members to share timely updates following weekly home or centre visits. These updates often include brief reports on older adults’ physical conditions, accompanied by photographs, which allow the migrant children to remain informed about their parents’ well-being despite geographical distance. This form of mediated communication enables migrant caregivers to respond promptly, for example, by contacting the older adults centre, coordinating medical appointments, or arranging follow-up care, thereby preventing the escalation of health-related crises (Lai 2025). Through this bridging role, social service centres are shown to have effectively sustained transnational caregiving relationships, reduced anxiety among migrant children, and enhanced the continuity and responsiveness of care for left-behind elderly parents.

Direct support services for caregivers who remain in Hong Kong are also a key component of the service providers’ mission to address the impacts of the recent migration wave. These services adopt a carer-oriented approach that seeks to enhance public recognition and affirmation of carers’ identities. Programmes commonly include physical and mental health promotion activities, as well as hobby and skill-development initiatives, which provide caregivers with structured opportunities for relaxation, stress reduction, and personal growth. In addition, these services create spaces for carers’ identity transformation, enabling individuals to reframe caregiving not merely as an obligation, but as a meaningful and socially valued role. Public education initiatives further complement these efforts by disseminating information on carer-related resources, support networks, and available services, thereby strengthening caregivers’ access to practical assistance and community support (Hong Kong Christian Service n.d.a, n.d.b).

2. Materials and Methods

This study aims to answer the following questions: (1) How do left-behind elderly parents understand their relationship with God? (2) How do Hong Kong Christian organisations support these left-behind elderly parents? (3) How do left-behind elderly parents understand their social identity, and the loss of such? This study employs an ethnographic approach through on-site fieldwork and semi-structured interviews with older adults whose children migrated abroad, social workers at faith-based organisations, and church pastors. These field observations and interviews are supplemented by case studies and interviews published in news outlets and other research projects, which allowed us to cross-check our interpretation of our data and deepen our understanding of the communities we study (Chu 2022). Our aim is to deliver a group study without the intention of extrapolating findings to a broader scope or providing inferential value. As a group study, instead of achieving statistical generalisability, the aim is to provide an in-depth understanding of the experiences and perspectives of the participants within this specific context from a detailed qualitative account. For the ethnographic field observations and semi-structured interviews, we participated in and observed selected Protestant Christian social service activities and church events to gain a deeper understanding of the field and the shared narratives that emerged within it. Participants were recruited through gatekeepers who were well-connected and able to identify individuals willing to take part in interviews. In total, we conducted eight interviews with nine participants across seven older adults centres and churches. One interview was conducted jointly with an older parent and a social worker, both female, from the same affiliated social service centre. The participants included two left-behind elderly parents of Hong Kong Christian migrants and seven pastors or social workers. Both interviewed left-behind elderly parents, one male and one female, actively engage in the religious communities, holding volunteer roles within churches or affiliated social service centres.

To ensure confidentiality, all participant names have been anonymised. As all interviews were conducted in Cantonese, we provide English translations of the direct quotes in this article for accessibility to an academic audience. These quotes are not paraphrased but are direct translations from the original speech. For the preliminary analysis, all interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed into narrative accounts. We conducted a thematic analysis to explore participants’ faith, social identity, support networks, and experiences of loss by examining both interview transcripts and fieldnotes. This process involved identifying how participants discussed these key themes and how they collectively constructed meaning around them. A theme, in this context, represents an element of the data that holds significance for the research question and reflects a recurring pattern of meaning or response across the dataset. Using NVivo 14 software, we coded the transcripts through both top-down and bottom-up approaches (Braun and Clarke 2006). The top-down approach applied pre-determined keywords aligned with the study’s main themes to generate a comprehensive description of the data, while the bottom-up approach involved coding recurrent words and ideas that emerged naturally from participants’ narratives, enabling an in-depth exploration of specific dimensions of the data. To enhance the rigour and mitigate researcher bias, the second researcher independently coded the transcripts, with discrepancies resolved through discussion. The interview data were further compared with archival materials, and any inconsistencies were examined closely, as they often revealed differing perspectives or underlying theological interpretations (Chu and Cheung 2026). Supplementary news outlet case studies were selected based on relevance to participants’ experiences and verified for credibility by cross-checking publication reputation and publication date. Insights from news sources were then synthesised with interview findings to identify convergences and divergences, serving as a cross-check to enhance the robustness and validity of the study’s conclusions.

To conduct research with ethically sound protocols, considering the vulnerability of participants is widely regarded as essential. By recognising the risks that the vulnerable groups under study may face, we have implemented effective evidence-based practices and taken additional precautions, so that participants were willing to share their experiences while maintaining their well-being. We employed snowball sampling facilitated by trusted service providers in the community, which enabled us to successfully recruit participants. Snowball sampling and other chain-referral techniques are commonly used to recruit hard-to-reach populations (Biernacki and Waldorf 1981; Heckathorn 2011). The effectiveness of snowball sampling, however, depends heavily on the relationship between researchers and participants. It is essential to ensure that participants’ interactions with both the research process and the research team are consistently positive, as their experiences directly influence both recruitment and retention. We ensure data anonymity and provide guidance on safeguarding the participants’ well-being in the consent letters before the interview. Moreover, previous research indicates that matching participants with interviewers who share a similar racial, ethnic, or cultural background may enhance participant comfort and help mitigate potential traumatic responses. This matching is associated with greater participant satisfaction, a stronger sense of being understood, and more positive perceptions of the research experience (Gunaratnam 2003; Bourgeault et al. 2010). In our study, sharing the same background as the participants further facilitated open dialogue.

Another challenge we encountered in this project is the definition of who should be classified as “old.” In Hong Kong, older adults include a diverse group, and those in the group vary in physical, emotional, occupational, and lifestyle qualities, which may present unique challenges and adaptations. At the policy level, the Hong Kong Census and Statistics Department defines senior citizens as individuals aged 65 and above in population statistics, and this age group is generally regarded as the main target population for older adults service planning. Nevertheless, certain services extend eligibility to those aged 60–64 (Census and Statistics Department, the Government of Hong Kong SAR 2023). For instance, residents aged 60 or above may apply for a JoyYou Card, which grants access to public transport at a reduced fare of HK$2 per trip under the Government Public Transport Fare Concession Scheme for the Elderly and Eligible Persons with Disabilities. This lack of a uniform age definition is also reflected in academic research. Some studies define older adults as individuals aged 65 and above (Oxfam Hong Kong 2022; Cheng et al. 2002), while others include those aged 60 and above (Chi and Chou 2001; Yang and Cui 2020). Still others adopt a higher threshold, focusing on populations aged 70 and older (Chu et al. 1998; Woo et al. 2002; Chu and Cheung 2026).

Moreover, many Hong Kongers are resistant to being labelled “old.” Negative and often stereotypical attitudes toward older adults are observed across cultures (Palmore 2001; Sharps et al. 1998). One common set of stereotypes, known as the “3Ds,” portrays older adults as dependent, depressed, and demented (Mui et al. 2008; Cheung et al. 2023). While traditional filial values in Hong Kong might suggest a positive attitude toward older adults, research shows otherwise. Studies indicate that ageism in Hong Kong is higher than in several Western countries (Löckenhoff et al. 2015; Chan et al. 2023), and young adults often hold negative stereotypes and perceive lower socio-economic vitality in older adults compared to peers in other Pacific Rim countries (S. H. Ng 1998). According to The Equal Opportunities Commission (2016), over one-third of respondents in Hong Kong experienced workplace age discrimination in the past five years. Locally, attitudes are complex; while many respondents acknowledge older adults’ contributions to family life, they also view them as demanding, and a majority hold negative perceptions of ageing (Law 1982; So and Shek 2011).

Consequently, some older adults prefer terms emphasising experience or active lifestyles rather than the label “old.” In fact, research shows that most older adults are healthy and mentally agile (Morrow-Howell 2000; Rowe and Kahn 1997). Many enjoy exercising, are eager to learn new things, and are willing to face various challenges. In response, Hong Kong offers programmes highlighting these qualities. For example, the “University of the Third Age” (U3A), run by the Hong Kong Council of Social Service, encourages older adults to cultivate or rediscover personal interests through a self-directed learning model emphasising “self-initiated,” “self-taught,” “self-managed,” and “self-organised” activities. Its motto—“Knowledge brings joy; active living fosters strength”—promotes the idea that older adults can remain active and independent while pursuing personal goals and talents (The Hong Kong Council of Social Service 2024). Given the social stigma attached to the label “older adult,” we relied on participants’ self-identification rather than imposing fixed age categories. This approach respects individual preferences and navigates the sensitive cultural context around ageing in Hong Kong.

3. Results and Discussion

As we move into the results and discussion, we wish to point out that, due to the small sample size, the inferential value of this study is limited to the group we studied. This group study is not meant to lead to generalizability or replication of findings, but instead, hopes that those from the Hong Kong context can resonate with the themes identified, while those from outside of the Hong Kong context can get a glimpse of how the situation could be like from one particular perspective. We find this sort of study valuable in scaffolding and developing further discussions on an emerging topic (Ferrie and Spreckelsen 2021).

3.1. Effects of Empty Nest at a Later Age and a Sense of Powerlessness (無奈)

Researchers have demonstrated the adverse consequences for psychosocial health faced by older adults without the presence of adult children in their household, particularly those who remain behind when their adult children migrate, which is commonly categorised as Empty Nest Syndrome (Piper 2021; Yang et al. 2022; Khatir et al. 2024). These negative outcomes are predominantly associated with reduced practical support and increased feelings of social isolation (Lu 2013; Rahman 1999; Tan 1992). Consequently, older adults with emigrant children tend to exhibit higher levels of depression (Zhai et al. 2015; Xie et al. 2010), anxiety (Wang et al. 2013), and loneliness (Cheng et al. 2015), along with lower life satisfaction (Liu and Guo 2008) and overall poorer mental well-being (Liu et al. 2007; Liu and Guo 2007), compared to those who reside with their children (Chu and Cheung 2025).

These challenges might be intensified in the Hong Kong cultural context, in which family responsibility and filial expectations are upheld as traditional values. The Chinese population has long been described as Confucian and collectivistic. Under the Confucian concept of wu lun (五倫), the five cardinal relations, a strong emphasis is placed on filial piety; as the saying goes, “bai xing xiao wei xian” (百行孝為先) which means filial piety comes first among all virtues. In the traditional belief in which role and order are highly valued, younger and more able members within the kinship network are expected to live together with their seniors to show respect and provide care. The multigenerational household has long been regarded as the most desirable living arrangement for Chinese families, in which children are the most ideal caregivers for older adults (Lam et al. 1998; Bai et al. 2020). Moreover, under the supremacy and overriding role of the parents, children were expected to obey their parents unconditionally, as revealed in the saying “tian xia wu bu shi zhi fu mu” (天下無不是之父母), meaning there are no faulty parents in this world (Shek 2006; Slote and De Vos 1998). In this sense, children’s responsibility to care for their parents in later life extends beyond the provision of practical support to encompass obedience, deference, and moral respect.

However, studies over the years point to a transformation or gradual weakening of filial beliefs in Hong Kong, as a result of colonisation and the forces of modernisation (Chan and Lee 1995; S.-l. Wong 1986). Due to industrialisation, traditional communities, in which relationships, social bonds, loyalty, and a sense of obligation were primarily kinship or clan-based, have disintegrated. This era is marked by the weakening of primary groups, the decline of community life and mutual care, the rise of individualism, contractualism, and rationalism, and the emergence of increasingly impersonal social relations within complex, urban, industrial societies (Mayo 1994; Pawar 2003). Within neoliberal discourses of individual achievement, flexibility, creativity, and openness are celebrated, whereas tradition, fixity, and rootedness are rejected (Corbett 2010; Allen and Hollingworth 2013; Pimlott-Wilson 2017). A particular type of expectation is placed upon young people to be self-reliant, adaptable, aspirational, and mobile citizen-workers (Ní Laoire 2020). As a result, the weakening of traditional familial ties has normalised and even encouraged youth mobility. Younger generations, less constrained by filial obligations, tend to prioritise self-realisation and advancement over co-residence with, or direct provision of, the care for their parents. In this sense, the current phenomenon in Hong Kong under study is seen as following the global trend in which older and younger generations hold differing ideologies, leading them to pursue distinct life trajectories.

Adding further context to this discussion, N. Chow (2006) suggests that filial piety has declined in contemporary society, particularly as the increased educational attainment of younger generations has reduced the role and status of older adults. Older adults’ perceived wisdom and influence in family decision-making have diminished compared to the past. While it seems to be the case that adult children in Hong Kong still show the tendency to respect and listen to their parents, they might not put their parents as the first priority and might not show absolute respect and obedience (Ng et al. 2002). Under these circumstances, filial behaviour among Hong Kong Chinese is increasingly understood as an emotionally grounded form of repayment rather than adherence to a prescribed moral responsibility, shaped in part by the extent of parental support previously received and adult children’s perceived capacity to reciprocate in later life (Wong and Chau 2006; N. Chow 2006; Ng et al. 2002).

The generational differences between left-behind elderly parents and the younger generation intensify the distress experienced when children migrate to a different cultural context. This experience involves not only feelings of abandonment, but also a profound sense of diminished dignity, as parents perceive that their preferences and authority no longer carry the weight they once did—particularly in contrast to the deference and care they themselves provided to their own parents in the past. In general, Hong Kong older adults expressed contradictory emotions when discussing their preferences for older adults care: on one hand, they hoped to receive support from their adult children. On the other hand, they recognise that such an expectation is unrealistic (Leung et al. 2019; Bai et al. 2020).

These findings establish a foundation for understanding that the quantified psychological outcomes associated with loss among left-behind elderly parents are embedded within the nuanced cultural context of Hong Kong. Many older parents hold strong expectations of being cared for in later life, grounded in their own socialisation and, accordingly, their support of their own parents when they were younger. When these expectations are unmet, the experience is not merely one of practical loss, but of moral and emotional rupture. Moreover, this perceived failure of reciprocity causes damage to parents’ self-image, as they come to feel less valued and less central than traditional Chinese cultural norms would suggest. Compounding this distress is the erosion of parental authority and the loss of the unconditional obedience once culturally expected of children.

Left-behind elderly parents in our study often reflect a sense of powerlessness. Traumatic events are shaped and defined by survivors’ subjective experiences of powerlessness, humiliation, shame, betrayal, and so on, in response to those events (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration 2014). Consequently, a trauma-informed approach necessitates close attention to experiences of powerlessness and helplessness (Twis et al. 2023). In Chinese, the term 無奈 (wu nai) captures a distinctive sense of powerlessness, referring to the reluctant acceptance of circumstances that one is unable to control or change. This expression was frequently used by interview participants to articulate their feelings in response to the current migration wave. Felix (alias), a pastor at an Evangelical Free Church of China, shared one case in which a Christian younger sister migrated overseas, leaving the responsibility of caring for her elderly parents in Hong Kong to her older, non-Christian sister. After their father passed away, the younger sister could only join the memorial service via Zoom. Felix noted that the family felt powerless and, although they recognised that it was her personal decision to migrate, they still harboured anger that she did not return to Hong Kong for the funeral.

In another case, Felix described a woman from another church who emigrated to England, leaving her elderly mother behind. Before leaving, she asked her friends to take care of her mother. However, both her relatives and her mother felt helpless and resentful, questioning why she left without taking direct responsibility for her mother’s care. Felix reflected that the problem lay in the lack of proper planning or communication about caregiving arrangements before leaving. He added that, in some situations, such sudden decisions to migrate—often made in haste and without adequate time to prepare—can leave family members feeling abandoned. Gregory (alias), a social worker in an Evangelical Free Church of China organisation, echoed this view, reported that it is generally harder for some older adults to accept the emigration of their adult children when the announcement is sudden and unforeseen. In such circumstances, the intensity of distress can overwhelm older adults’ coping capacities, generating profound feelings of powerlessness. These experiences, Felix and Gregory emphasised, constitute a form of trauma, highlighting the need for recovery and support interventions. Beyond logistical planning, addressing these experiences requires sensitive attention to the emotional and relational dimensions of family separation, recognising that trauma in this context is shaped not only by physical absence but also by the disruption of trust, caregiving roles, and familial bonds.

3.2. Transnational Caregiving and Faith-Based Organisations

Transnational caregiving refers to the provision of care across national borders, typically by migrants who maintain ongoing relationships and responsibilities toward family members in their country of origin (Baldassar 2007; Brijnath 2009), facilitated through technology and sustained by long-distance communication (Baldassar 2008; Baldassar et al. 2007). With rising global mobility and ageing populations in many countries, transnational care has emerged as a critical and expanding dimension of the global care economy (Williams 2011; Yeates 2012; Merla et al. 2020). While previous research has extensively explored how migrants sustain relationships with children and spouses left behind, the experiences of adult migrants caring for ageing parents remain comparatively underexamined (Miyawaki and Hooyman 2023).

Baldassar (2007) categorises four main kinds of transnational care: practical, financial, personal (‘hands on’), emotional, and moral support, each affiliated with different degrees and forms of communication and interaction. Regular communication, traditionally through telephone calls, faxes and letters, and more recently via email, mobile phone messaging, and other digital platforms, is the most common way migrants can provide practical and emotional support to their family members across borders. Financial support is often conveyed through gifts and remittances, while personal care can only be given directly in periods of physical co-presence. Although visits play a crucial role in delivering all forms of care, in transnational contexts, they seldom include hands-on caregiving except during short periods of family reunion (Baldock 2000). Moreover, caring for, defined as the assumption of responsibility for ensuring that others receive adequate care—through financial support, decision-making, or service coordination—represents a managerial dimension of care (Miyawaki and Hooyman 2023).

Transnational caregiving, unlike in-country care, is often associated with the sense of loss, guilt, and worry (Brijnath 2009; Miyawaki and Hooyman 2023; Baldassar 2015). As Lindsay-Hartz (1984) argues, the sense of guilt is characterised by a violation of the moral order. Migrants often experience guilt because the physical separation and absence resulting from migration severely limit their ability to fulfil caregiving responsibilities toward their elderly parents, which traditionally emphasise physical co-presence. The emotional tension experienced by migrant caregivers is shaped by diverse religious and cultural factors, which vary according to the specific context. For example, migrants in our study, who are Hong Kongers and practising Christians, generally experience overlapping expectations drawn from both Christian and Confucian traditions, each emphasising a moral obligation to care for their parents. In particular, Christianity shapes caregiving practices through biblical teachings such as the command to “honor your father and (your) mother” (Ephesians 6:2; Exodus 20:12, New Revised Standard Version), situating care within both spiritual and cultural expectations (Esiaka and Luth 2024; Trimm 2017). In light of these responsibilities, how can Hong Kong emigrants who are separated from their parents ensure care is effectively delivered, and their moral obligations are properly fulfilled? What is the corresponding role of social services to support not only the older parents, but also the migrant children, who are the primary caregivers?

The emigrant children in our study generally consider faith-based organisations as a bridge between them and their left-behind elderly parents after their migration, an extension of the care they can give. Many of them were eager to arrange various forms of support for their parents through these organisations, often asking staff to check on their parents’ well-being, assist with daily matters, or teach them how to use smartphones to maintain contact, among other basic tasks. Elijah (alias), a social worker in a Baptist organisation, reported that his team is providing such support to the left-behind elderly parents with a flexible approach, to be respectful of their preferences. Some older adults prefer not to have frequent visits, feel they can manage independently, or have active lifestyles that make regular contact less necessary. They try to ensure that older adults do not feel controlled or monitored by their children abroad, but rather supported in maintaining independence. When both the older adults and their family agree to receive visits, the centre first assesses the older adults’ needs and location to connect them to nearby community resources. They often refer service users to district or neighbourhood older adults centres, which offer a range of programmes and social work services. When immediate assistance or follow-up is needed, the local older adults centre’s staff can provide quicker, on-site support. Overall, the centre focuses on balancing the needs and expectations of both parties—offering care and resources without imposing unwanted interference in the older adults’ lives.

It is also important, according to the service providers, to educate older adults about technological skills in the digital era, because essential information, such as health-related resources, and social interactions are largely mediated through digital means (Lee et al. 2025). Beyond enhancing older adults’ autonomy, digital competence can also help alleviate the caregiving burden borne by family members and formal caregivers. When older adults are able to access health information, manage appointments, and maintain social connections independently online, they rely less heavily on others for routine assistance and emotional reassurance. A survey points out that 56.8% of older adults with migrant children believe that acquiring skills in new communication technologies to maintain regular contact with children living abroad is the most effective coping strategy (Hong Kong Christian Service 2023). Regular virtual contact not only reduces feelings of loneliness among older parents but also provides reassurance to migrant children, thereby easing the emotional strain on both sides. In response, many faith-based social service centres also offer training workshops to teach older parents to use smartphones and online social networking platforms, in order to keep in touch with their emigrant children despite the distance. By fostering digital self-sufficiency and emotional connectivity, these initiatives contribute to reducing both the practical and psychological demands placed on caregivers of older adults.

Furthermore, these care units entrusted by migrant children organise religious activities for the left-behind elderly parents, to help them learn about the Christian faith. Religion is significant in helping older adults reconcile the loss experience through three sources of emotional support: from God, from their children, and from other religious members. Firstly, religion provides older adults with profound emotional comfort through their relationship with God. One of their major concerns in later life is declining health and the fear of facing illness or death alone, without their children’s companionship. Older adults who identify as Christian tend to adopt a more optimistic outlook toward death, considering it not as an end but as a reunion with God and their deceased friends and relatives (Pevey et al. 2008; Pargament 1997). As Benjamin (alias), a pastor in a Baptist Church, reports, some older adults even approach this topic with humour, joking with one another that “You have to line up for your seat; it’s not just whenever you say so that Jesus will take us.” Their anxiety about mortality is alleviated, and their fear is transformed into acceptance and even anticipation with the help of religion.

Second, religion helps older adults cope with physical separation from their children by reframing distance through faith. Although parents and children may live apart geographically, older adults believe they remain spiritually connected within God. Felix observes that this shared faith creates a strong sense of reassurance: Jesus is believed to be watching over their children elsewhere while at the same time caring for the older adults at home through the church community. They have this conviction that, “If Jesus is moving your children to another place, Jesus is responsible; He will be with them, and while you’re here, He is here with you too.” As they come to understand that they are united within God with their children, it reduces feelings of abandonment and helplessness, allowing them to relinquish excessive worry and trust in divine protection.

Third, religious communities offer vital social supports that help older parents rebuild their daily lives after their children leave. As life priorities shift, older adults invest more time and energy in religious relationships and activities. They actively organise social events, gaining companionship and a renewed sense of purpose. Chasity (alias), a pastor in an Evangelical Free Church of China, notes that older congregants frequently travel, dine, and enjoy leisure activities together. For instance, a group of older adults once hired a chauffeured car for a day trip to Zhuhai, China, a neighbouring city. In addition, older adults increasingly use digital tools to maintain close local connections. WhatsApp chat groups allow them to stay in touch between gatherings, share life updates, and coordinate future activities, strengthening bonds beyond face-to-face meetings. These effective approaches show that, although younger generations are less likely to fulfil the religious and cultural expectations of caring for older family members, religion continues to hold institutional importance, given that faith-based organisations that now assume caregiving responsibilities are themselves founded on strong religious principles.

3.3. Live-In Domestic Help from Southeast Asia

Many older adults in our study also received live-in domestic help as a source of support when their children are absent. It is common practice in Hong Kong to employ foreign domestic helpers (FDHs) from Southeast Asian countries, such as the Philippines and Indonesia, to undertake a range of household responsibilities, which can be summarised as the three “C’s”: cleaning, cooking, and caring (Anderson 2000; Bauer and Österle 2013). According to the Census and Statistics Department, the Government of the Hong Kong SAR (2025), there are approximately 368,000 foreign domestic helpers. In addition to the protections provided by labour legislation, FDHs are entitled to additional benefits under their employment contracts, including free accommodation, meals, and medical care provided by their employers (Labour Department 2025). As they are required to live in their employers’ houses, with one day off per week, they are relied upon as a substitute or supplement for family caregiving, especially when adult children emigrate.

While FDHs often provide companionship and emotional warmth, such support can be limited due to language barriers, cultural differences, and power hierarchies. Their support is also contractually bound and potentially unstable due to the potential for contract termination, as the employers understand “this job cannot keep [the FDHs] here for life, and that their home is not truly [the FDHs’] home” (Cheung 2025). Some older adults might even feel reluctant to rely emotionally on helpers due to the nature of the employer-employee relationship. Moreover, as FDHs come from diverse cultural backgrounds and may hold different family ideals, their co-residence with employers often requires cross-cultural adaptation by both helpers and employers, which may, in turn, negatively affect the employers’ psychological well-being (Constable 2007; Chang and Groves 2000; He and Wu 2019). Employers often experience mental exhaustion, arising from the need to instruct FDHs and adapt to their presence (Cheung 2025). Some older adults hold the belief that having a “stranger” in the house is never ideal; they only hire a foreign domestic helper when absolutely necessary (Lam 2018). A social worker at an Evangelical Free Church of China organisation, Hannah (alias), observes that, even if the children of the left-behind elderly parents have arranged the service of FDHs before their departure, “they also feel dissatisfied, because they believe that only their children can be relied upon.” Therefore, as FDHs partially fill the caregiving gap left by emigrating children, providing substantial instrumental care, in the form of daily routines and physical assistance, they might not be able to fully replace the lack of emotional and social care.

Hong Kong has seen news reports of strained relationships between older adults and FDHs, including cases of physical abuse both by older adults against FDHs (C. W. Chow 2014) and vice versa (Ho 2025). Choy et al. (2022) demonstrate that the majority of the FDHs in their research experienced abuse or exploitation, most commonly verbal threats and wage theft. Conversely, some FDHs and their employers show a genuine emotional connection. In the recent tragedy of the Tai Po Wang Fuk Court fire, 10 FDHs were confirmed dead (Lo et al. 2025). Their employers expressed deep sorrow over the loss, describing their strong emotional ties (Ma and Tang 2025). Survivors reported risking their own lives to rescue the older adult employers under their care and being treated as if they were their most cherished family members (Chan 2025). Whether FDHs are perceived as labourers (maids) or as companions (friends) depends on the mutual trust and respect within their caregiving relationships. Consequently, their roles remain inherently uncertain (Ho et al. 2018).

Faith-based organisations complement the support provided by FDHs by addressing the emotional and social gaps that paid caregivers might not be able to fill. They tailor their approaches to the diverse needs of older adults. For instance, Felix explained that since domestic helpers often have Sundays off, the church actively encourages older adults who have limited mobility to participate more in fellowship activities. For older adults who live alone, they provide additional support by inviting them to join interest groups, for example, board game gatherings. Through these interest groups and regular activities, the church provides opportunities for social engagement and meaningful connection, helping to alleviate isolation among older adults who live alone. At the same time, these gatherings can also benefit domestic workers. When helpers accompany the older adults to church or participate alongside them in the activities, they also gain opportunities to socialise, build relationships, and engage in recreational or spiritual activities. As previously mentioned, many FDHs come from the Philippines, a predominantly Christian country, such settings not only provide them with a sense of familiarity and belonging but may also allow their faith to influence the older adults they serve. Thereby, the services provided by faith-based organisations effectively support the emotional well-being of domestic workers, while also fostering a shared sense of community between helpers and the older adults they care for and creating a mutually supportive environment. By creating structured spaces for both recreational and social interaction, faith-based organisations thus provide emotional support and connection for both older adults and the domestic workers who assist them, reinforcing well-being across multiple layers of care.

3.4. Other Factors Contributing to Trauma

As life expectancy increases, loneliness, anxiety, and depression might not only be from adult children leaving Hong Kong but also from having smaller social networks, which intensify their traumatic experience. Loneliness has a strong correlation with symptoms of depression and anxiety (Cacioppo and Hawkley 2009; Cacioppo et al. 2006; Chang et al. 2019; Wolters et al. 2023). It has been identified as an important and growing public health problem, associated with an increase in the risk of premature mortality (Cacioppo and Cacioppo 2018). Although loneliness and social isolation share limited variance, as an individual can perceive themselves as lonely even when among other people, socially isolated individuals generally report feelings of loneliness (Rochelle 2023; Cacioppo and Cacioppo 2018; Dahlberg and McKee 2014; Green et al. 2001). On one hand, social participation is significantly associated with life satisfaction and better health (Rochelle 2023; Gayathri and Karthikeyan 2016). On the other hand, being socially connected has significant positive impacts not only on psychological and emotional well-being, but also on physical well-being; consequently, social support is reliably related to lower rates of morbidity and mortality (Holt-Lunstad et al. 2015; Hajek and König 2017).

We believe that there are other factors contributing to the sense of loneliness of the left-behind elderly parents than merely the emigration of their adult children. In 2022, amidst the COVID-19 pandemic and the recent BN(O) migration, a survey of nearly five thousand older adults in Hong Kong revealed that 34% were experiencing at least one condition of depression, anxiety, or loneliness (The University of Hong Kong 2022). The pandemic inevitably restricted many older adults’ access to support networks, including friends, neighbours, and community services (Auyeung et al. 2020). While some actively sought social connection, others remained disengaged. Several older adults reported rarely leaving their homes and drastically altering their daily routines due to fears of infection (Cheung et al. 2022). Ageism is also a significant factor contributing to loneliness and emotional distress among left-behind elderly parents during the COVID-19 pandemic. A study shows that some older adults faced unemployment or underemployment and encountered difficulties securing a new job, particularly due to their age, which further compounded their vulnerability and sense of isolation (Chan et al. 2022). Moreover, many older adults are less familiar with smartphones and digital technology, making it difficult for them to access up-to-date health information during the pandemic. As a result, when their children migrate, these older adults are often left without crucial support during a particularly vulnerable period of their lives, heightening feelings of loneliness, anxiety, and uncertainty. Amid the dual impact of COVID-19 and the migration of their children, older adults in Hong Kong are experiencing a unique form of isolation, accompanied by mental health challenges that differ in nature and intensity from those seen in previous migration waves in other countries. Although conditions are improving following the end of the pandemic, the effects on their psychological well-being may be longer-lasting.

Another highly plausible factor that may contribute to increased loneliness among older adults in Hong Kong lies in its unique historical background. Hong Kong is commonly described as ‘a city of flow,’ which reflects that the history of Hong Kong is largely one of migration (Chan and To 2025; Siu and Ku 2008). It has historically been a preferred destination for Chinese emigrants looking to flee perceived unrest in the Chinese Mainland and pursue economic opportunities. After several major waves of migration, approximately 400,000 first-generation immigrants from the Chinese Mainland arrived in Hong Kong in the late 1970s (S. Wong 2007). Researchers have demonstrated that older adults in Hong Kong have the smallest social support networks and the lowest mental health status among Chinese older adults from other cities in China, for example, Guangzhou and Beijing (Chi and Lee 1989). Fragmented family and kinship networks were common among these older adults, many of whom were separated between the Chinese Mainland and Hong Kong (Ngan and Kwan 2002). Although most older adult respondents reported having relatives in the Chinese Mainland or Macau, China, Chi and Boey (1994) observed that only a small proportion maintained regular contact with them, and the periods of separation were often prolonged. Although direct research on the relationship between cross-border family separation and loneliness among older adults in Hong Kong remains limited, existing evidence allows for a reasonable inference that such separations cause increased loneliness. Many first-generation migrants who are now in old age may face similar challenges, particularly as limited digital literacy restricts their ability to maintain contact through mobile phones or online platforms. As a result, an important source of social support—family members residing in the Chinese Mainland—continues to be constrained. In the context of recent migration waves, these older adults may experience a compounded loss of familial support: not only are their adult children migrating to overseas destinations, but connections with their families of origin in the Chinese Mainland remain weak. This convergence of factors places them at heightened risk of loneliness and social isolation during a particularly vulnerable stage of life, posing further challenges to the older adults’ recovery from the traumatic experience and constituting a unique form of trauma as compared to other social contexts.

3.5. Research Obstacles and Participant Hesitancy

Another challenge we encountered in this research project is the unwillingness of some organisations we contacted to participate, which limits the scope of our study. While their reasons vary, their stance is consistent: they aim to protect the older adults they serve. The first risk, as they perceive it, is political. One organisation that declined our invitation cited concerns that participating in the research might risk violating the national security law, particularly if the interview content touches on politically sensitive topics. The second risk is emotional. Since the older adults may still be coping with the traumatic experience of their children’s departure, the organisation wishes to safeguard their well-being and prevent the triggering of negative emotions. Moreover, we found that older adults were somewhat hesitant to discuss their personal experiences. Some felt they were not articulate or educated enough to offer insights worth analysing, while others experienced a sense of honour or shame, making them reluctant to speak negatively about their children to outsiders. As the Chinese proverb goes, family shame should not be aired outside (jia chou bu ke wai yang 家醜不可外揚). Ethnically Chinese people tend to be more sensitive to feelings of personal shame arising from the actions or inactions of others (Bedford 2004), which can make it more difficult for them to share their experiences with others during times of adversity. This difficulty is specific to the cultural context of our study.

Building trust between the research team and members of vulnerable groups is a key component of this process. Beyond basic eligibility and inclusion criteria, we actively considered how participants’ past experiences, emotional well-being, and perceptions of safety shape their willingness to participate. Our research follows the methodology of trauma theology, as described by Cross (2025), as a practice of waiting, witnessing, and embodying. We emphasise patience and presence, giving participants space to process their experiences at their own pace. We provide time and autonomy for thoughtful engagement, recognising that sharing deeply personal and often painful life stories requires trust, respect, and safety. Creating a welcoming and empathetic environment is central, where participants feel genuinely comfortable expressing themselves. This involves attentive listening to both their narratives and the ways they communicate emotions, opinions, and identities. We are sensitive to how participants wish to be perceived, understanding that expressions of faith, grief, and resilience are intertwined with social and cultural expectations. By acknowledging these dynamics, we aim to represent their lived realities and the nuanced ways faith and experiences of loss are understood and articulated. This approach ensures participants’ voices are honoured, allowing theological reflections rooted in personal suffering and communal meaning-making to emerge naturally (Lee and Chan 2011). It enriches our understanding of trauma theology as a lived, embodied experience, affirming the dignity of those navigating separation, loss, and hope beyond diagnostic categories (Chu and Cheung 2026). Attending to these factors not only enhanced the ethical integrity of our study but also contributed to more meaningful engagement and richer, more authentic data collection.

4. Conclusions

Supporting left-behind elderly parents in this migration wave has become an urgent and important policy issue. Insights from our interview participants suggest several directions for developing appropriate forms of support. First, we must acknowledge the important role that churches and faith-based organisations play in supporting older parents in need. Research indicates that Hong Kong older adults generally dislike being placed in old age homes and nursing homes, as they are perceived as “dumping stations and places to die” (Wu et al. 2004, p. 500). Although many ethnically Chinese older adults recognise institutional care as a possible alternative to home care in later life, it remains a major source of anxiety and fear. Benjamin makes a similar observation, noting that older adults often show reluctance to attend these older adults care institutions and report that “the things people talk about there are mostly negative.” However, our study demonstrates that non-residential faith-based organisations and churches can effectively enhance older adults’ overall well-being. Through community and spiritual support, ageing is no longer understood solely as a decline toward death; instead, older adults can experience personal growth, social connection, and a sense of purpose. When the end of life comes, they may view it as a reunion with deceased friends and God, but no longer something to fear.

Government agencies should then consider providing more funding, training, or partnership opportunities to strengthen the community services provided by these non-residential faith-based organisations as a supplementary support to the established live-in older adults care system, particularly in organising social and recreational activities. As Hannah suggests, one of the most effective ways to support older adults during such a period of difficulty is to organise more activities and events that enable them to explore personal interests and spend time with other community members. Such initiatives may help them develop new sources of engagement and purpose in later life, particularly after the loss of the caregiving roles they previously held in supporting their children and grandchildren. At the same time, these activities can facilitate the expansion of their social networks, allowing them to receive emotional support and cultivate a renewed sense of meaning and belonging.

Second, in industrialised and neoliberal societies where achievement and productivity are celebrated, one factor contributing to the distress experienced by older adults when their children migrate is the internalisation of such societal values. Older adults may come to assess their self-worth primarily in terms of their functional capacity, such that when one’s ability declines, one’s value as a person also diminishes. Chasity strongly challenges this assumption and says, “If God allows a person to live to such an old age, God would not do something without purpose. There must be a reason in His will.” Rather, it may invite us to pay closer attention to aspects of life that are not reducible to efficiency or output and are easily overlooked in a productivity-driven society, such as relational presence and life experience. Such a transformation in mindset, however, cannot be achieved overnight, nor can it be accomplished by a single group alone. It requires gradual reflection and small but meaningful changes across society. In the present case under study, two groups may play a particularly crucial role: migrant children and social service providers, as they maintain the closest relationships with the left-behind elderly parents. Through ongoing communication, care, and inclusion, they can help older parents recognise their value as intrinsic. Simply being alive—continuing to love, to relate to others, and to experience the world—already carries meaning and dignity. Such affirmation may therefore be an essential step toward building a more compassionate society in the context of transnational family separation.

Finally, we understand the limitation of our group study, which is, due to limited samples, there would be limited inferential value or ability to extrapolate findings to a broader scope. Nonetheless, we consider this study to be helpful for academics and policy makers, since “qualitative research is to learn from particularity […] quantitative approaches can average differences, [and] qualitative research values insights from a single conversation or act” (Taylor 2025). Valuing peripheral insights from marginalised communities is important, resisting their voices from being averaged out by majority voices in, for example, quantitative studies with large sample sizes. Through this article, we argue the importance of faith identity and religious community in supporting both older adults and caregivers, whether situated locally or remotely, and how faith-based organisations support transnational caregiving by connecting both parties. This study provides resources for policy makers, academic researchers, and non-profit organisations with resources to comprehend social issues that have arisen in recent years, allowing them to consider how the government, organisations, and individuals can play a role in this social phenomenon. We hope that, based on the original research we conducted, further research findings can contribute to the betterment of Hong Kong Christian communities, the society as a whole, and those in diasporic communities.