Understanding Youth Violence Through a Socio-Ecological Lens

Abstract

Youth violence—the deliberate use of physical force or harm by young people between the ages of 10 and 24 to intimidate or cause harm to others, both online and offline—is a critical public health issue in the United States. Yet, successfully predicting future violent offenders is a complex and challenging task, as the question of why some youths resort to extreme violence while others refrain from it—despite facing similar risk factors—remains widely debated. This article highlights both risk and protective factors of youth violence through a socio-ecological lens to offer a comprehensive understanding of the multifaceted factors driving youth violence in the United States. To understand the interconnectedness between individual factors and the broader environments in which individuals are embedded, we outline the risk and protective factors related to youth violence across five socio-ecological levels: (1) individual, (2) interpersonal, (3) neighborhood, (4) cultural, and (5) life course. Approaching youth violence from a holistic lens offers a greater opportunity to mitigate contributing factors and to address the deleterious impacts of this complex issue. Practice and research implications are discussed.

1. Introduction

Youth violence—the deliberate use of physical force or harm by young people between the ages of 10 and 24 to intimidate or cause harm to others, both online and offline—is a critical public health issue in the United States (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) 2024a, 2024b; World Health Organization (WHO) 2024). Youth violence encompasses verbal and physical aggression, bullying, physical fights, gang-related violence, threats with weapons, homicide, school shootings, and other threatening behaviors (CDC 2024a; U.S. Department of Justice 2024). These acts of violence have severe repercussions for the victims, their families, peers, and the broader community. Specifically, at the micro level, they can lead to immediate and long-term consequences, including an increased risk of mental health challenges, chronic diseases, poor academic performance, injuries, disability, and death for both perpetrators and victims (CDC 2024a; WHO 2024). At the macro level, persistent youth violence can be costly to society, as it reduces the nation’s productivity and increases expenses for healthcare and the criminal justice system (Pan et al. 2024; Parker et al. 2024; U.S. Department of Justice 1996). Moreover, youth violent behavior may persist in adulthood if left unaddressed (Liu et al. 2013).

Preventing and reducing violent behaviors in adolescence by addressing their root causes, such as early-life adversity, can lead to lasting positive outcomes in adulthood (Almeida et al. 2024; Liu et al. 2013). Understanding the causes of violent youth offending and identifying those at risk of extremist violence are vital for enhancing prevention and intervention strategies and informing policy development. Yet, successfully predicting future violent offenders is a complex and challenging task as the question of why some youths resort to extreme violence while others refrain from it—despite facing similar risk factors—remains widely debated (Lösel and Farrington 2012). Identifying individuals susceptible to violence and assessing the risks and threats they pose are critical for our nation’s safety and well-being. Focusing not only on deficits but also on youth strengths, this article highlights both risk and protective factors of youth violence through a socio-ecological lens to offer a comprehensive understanding of the multifaceted factors driving youth violence in the United States. It is important to note that this article aims to underscore how the issue of youth violence intersects with various socio-ecological levels by drawing on existing literature to present a holistic perspective. It is not intended as a substitute for a detailed systematic review or meta-analysis, but rather to lay the groundwork for future inquiry by bridging fragmented perspectives across disciplines and practice areas. We hope that this article can inspire dialogue, support greater coordinated approaches in research and intervention strategies, and encourage researchers and practitioners to adopt a more integrated, multi-level approach to understanding and addressing the issue of youth violence.

2. Socio-Ecological Approach

The socio-ecological model, rooted in the ecological systems theory developed by the American psychologist Urie Bronfenbrenner in the 1970s, can be used as a framework for understanding how various layers of an individual’s surroundings shape youth violent behaviors (van der Merwe et al. 2013). Originally developed to explain human development and the interactions between individuals and their social environments, Bronfenbrenner identified five interconnected systems that shape children’s development. Namely, the microsystem, which includes the immediate environment that directly affects an individual (e.g., family, peers, school); the mesosystem, which entails the interactions between different microsystems; the exosystem, which comprises social settings that indirectly influence an individual (e.g., neighborhood); the macrosystem, which encompasses the broader cultural norms, values, traditions, and laws that affect the structure and interactions of the other systems; and the chronosystem, which refers to the shifts and transitions that take place over a child’s lifetime (Bronfenbrenner 1977, 1986). According to the theoretical framework, individual behaviors are not driven solely by personal factors, but also by a combination of different factors across other levels (Bronfenbrenner 1994).

The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2024b) employs a four-level prevention framework to understand violence and assess the effectiveness of health promotion and prevention strategies. The CDC model highlights that violent behavior stems not just from personal factors but also from broader social and environmental influences (including relationship, community, and societal factors), and thus, understanding and addressing violent behavior necessitates multi-level prevention and intervention approaches. The model has proven to be a valuable framework for addressing complex issues, shaping behavioral change interventions (Fenta et al. 2023), and identifying key enablers and barriers (Ellison et al. 2021; Lun et al. 2022). To date, the ecological approach is widely applied in different disciplines, including social sciences, social work, psychology, and public health (e.g., Jensen 2007; Paat 2013; Richard et al. 2011; Walker et al. 2019), and remains useful in guiding different fields, including international and intercultural education, teaching intervention, and sexual revictimization (Panopoulos and Drossinou-Korea 2020; Pittenger et al. 2016; Tong and An 2024), among others. It has also been applied in research across various fields, including cancer prevention, violence prevention, health promotion, community engagement, obesity prevention, and consumer behavioral change (Kilanowski 2017; McCormick et al. 2021; Ohri-Vachaspati et al. 2015). To understand the interconnectedness between personal factors and the broader environments in which individuals are embedded, we outline the risk and protective factors related to youth violence across five socio-ecological levels: (1) individual, (2) interpersonal, (3) neighborhood, (4) cultural, and (5) life course. Figure 1 depicts the socio-ecological model, which serves as the guiding conceptual framework for this article.

3. Individual

3.1. Adverse Childhood Experiences

Many serious, violent, and chronic offenders are victims of trauma and have experienced childhood maltreatment, including abuse and neglect (Fox et al. 2015; Yao et al. 2022). In fact, an overwhelming number of juveniles involved in the justice system have higher prevalence rates of childhood adversity and trauma (Baglivio and Epps 2016; Fox et al. 2015). Children who encounter adverse childhood experiences may suffer significant functional impairments and face a range of life course complications, including social, health, and behavioral issues, which can perpetuate a cycle of disadvantages difficult to overcome (Duke et al. 2010; Duron et al. 2021). There is evidence that childhood physical abuse and other forms of maltreatment increase the risk of violent offending after accounting for prior delinquent behavior (Teague et al. 2008). Adverse childhood experiences are linked to interpersonal violence perpetration and other related risk behaviors during adolescence in many youth offenders, including bullying, delinquency, physical fighting, and carrying weapons/handguns (Duke et al. 2010; Jones et al. 2023; Leban and Delacruz 2023).

3.2. Gender and Sex Differences

Gender and sex differences in juvenile offending are evident in variations in offense types, frequency, and underlying causes (Baidawi et al. 2023; Bright et al. 2017; Zimmerman and Messner 2010). Consistent empirical evidence indicates that males are more likely than females to engage in offending behavior and become involved with the criminal justice system throughout their life course (Broidy et al. 2015; Devers 2011). Additionally, in juvenile offending, males are more likely to commit violent and serious property crimes, while females are more likely to be involved in status offenses and minor property crimes (Ehrmann et al. 2019). Understanding gendered pathways to justice involvement and the types of offenses committed by maltreated children is essential for shaping tailored interventions, supportive practices, and effective policies, reducing recidivism, and ensuring a more equitable justice system (Ehrmann et al. 2019). The gender-specific risk factors, socialization processes, life experiences, and distinct abuse histories that may contribute to their pathways toward violent offending also differ among males and females (Chesney-Lind 2006; Hadi and Chesney-Lind 2020; Messerschmidt 2005). While females in the justice system report a higher rate of childhood sexual abuse, trauma, sexual assault, and interpersonal victimization, their male counterparts are more likely to report having witnessed violence (Baglivio and Epps 2016).

3.3. Psychopathology

The developmental pathology perspective seeks to understand the causes and nature of behavioral maladjustment in children, emphasizing the interplay between risk factors and developmental processes over time (Fox et al. 2015). Trauma can have a lasting effect on a child’s biological and psychological development and, in some cases, can lead to neural impairment that interferes with the regulatory processes critical for sustaining their well-being (Cicchetti and Rogosch 2012). Empirical evidence suggests that children who have been abused and neglected experience detrimental developmental outcomes, including psychopathology (Lippard and Nemeroff 2020; Silva and Calheiros 2020). In fact, about one-third of youths involved in juvenile justice centers also met the criteria for post-traumatic stress disorder due to trauma in childhood (Dierkhising et al. 2013). At the individual level, empirical data suggest that some mental health conditions (e.g., conduct disorder, oppositional defiant disorder, and antisocial personality disorder) and neurodevelopmental disorder (e.g., attention-deficit/hyperactivity disorder) are risk factors associated with heightened levels of youth violence (Appelbaum 2013; Fairchild et al. 2019; Young and Cocallis 2022). Alcohol drinking (binge or non-binge) and polydrug use have been found to be associated with an increased likelihood of violent offending in adolescence (Bachman and Peralta 2002; Peralta and Cruz 2005; Salas-Wright et al. 2016). The Bureau of Justice Statistics (2023) estimated that 60% of youth in juvenile facilities met the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, Fifth Edition (DSM-5) criteria for substance use disorder in the year preceding their entry into custody, with over one-third (36%) meeting the criteria specifically for alcohol use disorder during that period. Substance use disorders frequently co-occur with other mental health disorders or behavioral issues and are strongly associated with a heightened risk of violence as a result of impaired judgment and the psychological effects of the substances consumed (Zhong et al. 2020). However, it is important to note that many violent acts, including acts of extreme violence such as school shootings, are perpetrated by youths who are undiagnosed, and cannot be attributed to mental health, disabilities, or substance use alone (Aarten and Liem 2022; Appelbaum 2013; Bushman et al. 2016; Collins et al. 2020).

3.4. Personality and Disposition

According to self-control theory, individuals with low self-control and poor impulse regulation are less capable of delaying gratification. Instead, they prioritize immediate rewards over long-term consequences and are more likely to engage in high-risk, impulsive, and antisocial behaviors (Buker 2011; Gottfredson and Hirschi 1990). Temperament traits such as impulsivity, sensation-seeking, hyperactivity, and risk-taking are significant predictors of violence because they are linked to poor impulse control, which increases the likelihood of thrill-seeking and aggressive behaviors (Khurana et al. 2019; Lösel and Farrington 2012). In addition to facing greater challenges in developing interpersonal skills and making meaningful social connections, children with poor impulse control face a wide range of behavioral, social, and emotional difficulties (Chen et al. 2021; Vaughn et al. 2014). By contrast, temperament traits characterized by sociability, positive mood, reduced irritability, and low impulsivity can serve as protective factors that help buffer against multiple social risk factors (Lösel and Farrington 2012). Further, although individual developmental and cognitive factors (e.g., diminished empathy, low self-control, guilt, heightened aggression, impulsivity, and sensory sensitivity) are linked to violent acts, complex environmental influences (e.g., substance abuse, access to weapons, and chronic and traumatic stress) can escalate the risks and reinforce maladaptive behaviors (Benarous et al. 2024; Bierman and Slotkin 2023; Fairchild et al. 2019; Lupien et al. 2018; Van Dorn et al. 2012).

3.5. Biological Risks

Biological risk factors, including genetic influences, hormonal activities, neurotransmitter processes, and prenatal or perinatal complications, may contribute to individual differences in vulnerability to youth violence. However, the role of biological factors is complex, as they rarely operate independently and often interact with other social factors (e.g., parenting and family socialization) to shape outcomes (Glowacz et al. 2013; Lösel and Farrington 2012). The gene-by-environment (GxE) approach to youth violence has been utilized to explain antisocial behaviors in adolescents. Research postulates that genetic influences tend to play a more prominent role in advantaged communities, where lower environmental risks allow greater variability in the expression of genetic traits. In disadvantaged communities, on the other hand, genetic predispositions may be amplified by environmental stressors—such as limited access to resources, exposure to violence, and environmental toxins—which may increase the likelihood of antisocial behavior (Burt 2022).

Some research has identified specific genes that are associated with aggression. The monoamine oxidase A (MAOA) gene, for instance, plays a critical role in mood regulation by encoding an enzyme responsible for breaking down neurotransmitters such as serotonin. There is evidence that males with low-activity variants of the MAOA gene, or congenital MAOA deficiency, are more likely to exhibit antisocial and violent behavior, particularly when they have experienced childhood maltreatment (Byrd and Manuck 2014; Kolla and Bortolato 2020). Epigenetic research has shown that early life experiences can lead to chemical modifications in the genome, which significantly influence gene expression later in life. Further, longitudinal studies indicate that physical or emotional abuse occurring before the age of five can lead to persistent DNA methylation alterations in some stress-regulation genes (Peng et al. 2018).

4. Interpersonal

4.1. Family Socialization

Family socialization plays a critical role in shaping youth behavior and psychosocial development (Martinez-Escudero et al. 2020). Empirical studies postulate that inept parenting practices, including authoritarian parenting, inadequate supervision, harsh physical discipline, and inconsistent monitoring, combined with parental rejection, are associated with early-onset delinquency. In contrast, certain protective factors, such as consistent discipline, parental disapproval of antisocial behavior, and low levels of physical punishment, can mitigate the risks (Hoeve et al. 2009; Lösel and Farrington 2012; Sarwar 2016). Additionally, quality parent–child relationships and secure attachment can contribute to healthy emotion regulation and child development (Ferreira et al. 2024), while parents’ constructive coping can support children’s non-aggressive behavioral development (Lösel and Farrington 2012). Despite the growing social acceptance and prevalence of divorce, parental divorce remains linked to an increased risk of delinquency (Amato 2001; Burt et al. 2008). Family systems theory views the family as an interconnected unit where the well-being, dynamics, communication patterns, and relationships of its members collectively shape the family as a whole. Dysfunction, on the other hand, can arise when these elements are disrupted (Watson 2012).

Parents frequently act as key role models in their children’s upbringing and influence their children’s values, behaviors, and attitudes through both overt and covert means (American Academy of Child & Adolescent Psychiatry 2017; Morris et al. 2017). Abusive experiences and upbringing may facilitate the development of psychopathology, impair social development, and elevate the risks of mental health issues (Duke et al. 2010; McCrory et al. 2012). In a similar vein, witnessing household violence has been linked to the development of behavioral challenges (both internalizing and externalizing behaviors), delinquency, and involvement in the juvenile justice system (Baglivio and Epps 2016). Abusive families, for instance, often struggle to regulate their children’s anger (Milojevich and Haskett 2018), which can hinder their children’s emotional development and increase the risk of externalizing violent behavior (Fox et al. 2015). Patterson’s reciprocal-coercion theory postulated that youth violence is learned and inadvertently reinforced through an ongoing cycle of negative interactions in which harsh and coercive parenting responses escalate challenging behaviors in children (Patterson 1982; Snyder and Patterson 1995). Parental criminality and gang involvement can also reinforce delinquent behavior by normalizing criminal behavior and increasing youths’ likelihood of engaging in unlawful behaviors (Alleyne and Wood 2010; Murray and Farrington 2005). In addition to the increased risk for maladaptive behaviors, exposure to parental incarceration is a strong predictor of antisocial outcomes and delinquency among youths (Baglivio and Epps 2016; Geller et al. 2009; Murray and Farrington 2005).

4.2. Peers

According to social learning theory, crime is learned through imitation, wherein individuals exposed to deviant attitudes—particularly from influential figures such as family members and peers—are more likely to engage in criminal or deviant behavior through repeated observation and reinforcement (Sellers and Winfree 2010). Repeated exposure to violent behavior can lead individuals to perceive aggression as a justified or acceptable means of resolving conflicts (Bautista-Aranda et al. 2023). Peer antisocial behavior is a key predictor of serious and violent offenses among youths (Lösel and Farrington 2012). Associating with delinquent peers and peer pressure further increases the risk of antisocial behavior and gang involvement (Alleyne and Wood 2010; Dong and Krohn 2016). Youths may select peers based on similar interests and attitudes (Lösel and Farrington 2012). From an early age, aggressive children often face peer rejection, thereby limiting their opportunities for positive socialization and escalating their social alienation (Powers and Bierman 2013). As rejected and aggressive youths enter adolescence, they often form social ties with other rejected and aggressive peers, which can increase their likelihood of modeling antisocial and/or high-risk behaviors and engaging in violent acts (Farmer et al. 2011; Rios and Galicia 2013). It must be noted that youths rejected by peers do not necessarily engage in extreme violence, but such behavior is more likely when it coincides with individual risk factors such as impulsivity and environmental risk factors such as substance abuse and access to weapons (Bushman et al. 2016). Some youths may be more likely to be accepted by peers who engage in deviant behavior. Deviant peers can act as both role models for and enforcers of violent behavior (Lösel and Farrington 2012). Having a close, non-deviant friend or being part of a peer group that rejects antisocial behavior, on the contrary, can serve as a protective factor against youth violence and delinquency (Daspe et al. 2019; Hinnant and Forman-Alberti 2019).

4.3. Bullying

Bullying has been associated with various forms of delinquency, including substance use (Duah 2023; Lee et al. 2022; Moore et al. 2017). Teens who bully are more likely than their counterparts to be involved in juvenile court for delinquency-related charges (Dembo et al. 2021). Bullying victimization can lead to violent and aggressive behavior through heightened negative emotions and the desire for retaliation (Litwiller and Brausch 2013). Adolescents with a history of bullying victimization are more likely to exhibit violent behavior toward others, creating a cycle where victims of bullying may also become perpetrators to cope with their victimization, a phenomenon termed “bully-victim overlap” (Voisin et al. 2023). Through general strain theory, Agnew (1992) postulated that experiencing strain can lead to emotions such as anger, frustration, depression, and anxiety, which can create pressure for corrective actions. Victims of violence may feel angry and frustrated, which can trigger aggressive acts of retaliation, while bullies may perpetrate violence to assert a sense of power and control. Cyberbullying, which involves using technology, such as texting, email, chat rooms, and social media, to harass others and inflict harm through computers and cell phones (Patchin and Hinduja 2011), poses the same risks as physical bullying, as the perceived online anonymity allows youths to act out with little fear of immediate retribution (Hinduja and Patchin 2009).

4.4. Gang Membership

Youths typically start spending time with gang members around the ages of 12 or 13, and in some cases, even earlier, before officially joining the gang between the ages of 13 and 15 (Howell 2010). According to interactional theory, gang membership evolves through a continuous process of influence from multiple sources, including residence in disadvantaged neighborhoods, attending under-resourced schools, experiencing family difficulties, weakened social bonds, and an unsupportive learning environment, creating a cycle that promotes and reinforces delinquent behavior (Thornberry 1987; Thornberry and Krohn 2001). Gang involvement is facilitated by several processes, including (1) selection, where gangs target and recruit individuals who are already involved in delinquent behavior; (2) facilitation, where gangs create opportunities for delinquency for youths not previously engaged in such behavior; and (3) enhancement, where high-risk youths are recruited into gangs and become more delinquent (Gatti et al. 2005). Gang members tend to be more anti-authority, which makes them more inclined to engage in criminal activities and behaviors that challenge social norms. Yet, such gang membership provides youths with a sense of respect and status (Alleyne and Wood 2010). Moral disengagement may hinder youths from considering the moral implications of their actions and make them more likely to disregard their current ethical standards in pursuit of the rewards associated with gang affiliation (Macfarlane 2018).

4.5. Schools

The nature and quality of youths’ relationships with schools can influence their commitment to upholding social norms. Specifically, negative school relationships can elevate their risks for serious and violent youth offending (Higgins et al. 2020). According to control theory, weakened social bonds can increase individuals’ propensities to engage in deviant behavior through the erosion of key factors that promote conformity, such as attachment, commitment, involvement, and belief in societal norms (Hirschi 1969). Strong bonds with schools, by contrast, may weaken the influence of deviant peers on violent and delinquent behavior by fostering close social connections that reinforce positive behavior and deter deviance (Fergusson et al. 2007). Academic achievement, robust school engagement, intrinsic motivation, a positive school climate, and a structured environment with teacher support and clear rules have been identified as protective factors against violence and delinquency, creating not only non-criminal opportunities but also discouraging criminal behavior (Lösel and Farrington 2012).

In addition, schools are known to be common venues where youths are exposed to violence, and school climate is an important variable in shaping youth violence (Astor et al. 2021). Common forms of violence experienced by students may include verbal aggression, bullying, fighting, and assault (Cornell et al. 2021). Although school-related homicides involving a single victim have remained stable over the past decade, multiple-victim homicides at schools have tragically increased (CDC 2024c). School climate, typically defined by factors such as disciplinary approaches (e.g., fairness and strictness) and teacher support (e.g., care, trust, and respect), plays a crucial role in shaping youth violence (Cornell et al. 2021; Raniti et al. 2022). Cornell and Huang (2016) found that authoritative schools—characterized by strict yet fair discipline and strong teacher-student support—had lower rates of bullying, fighting, and weapon carrying. Other empirical studies consistently show that strict but fair disciplinary policies are more effective in improving school climate and reducing youth violence than zero-tolerance policies, exclusionary discipline (e.g., suspensions and expulsions), or costly surveillance systems (Gregory et al. 2010; Mayer et al. 2021; Powers and Bierman 2013). Additionally, positive teacher-student relationships have been shown to increase student trust, enhance school climate, and reduce violence over time (Hughes and Im 2016; Roorda et al. 2011; Williams and Guerra 2011). Youth violence is more prevalent in economically disadvantaged communities and under-resourced schools (Pinchak and Swisher 2022). Yet, these schools are often the ones least equipped with highly trained professionals or other resources essential for implementing effective school-based prevention and intervention approaches.

5. Neighborhood

Youth violence is closely connected to varied neighborhood and community factors. Many youths involved in violence experience the detrimental effects of neighborhood socioeconomic disadvantage (Pinchak and Swisher 2022; Sitnick et al. 2017). From an ecological perspective, environmental stressors can intensify the risk of poor mental health, while informal social control, social trust, cohesion, and collective efficacy can promote nonviolence (Cantuaria et al. 2023; Maguire-Jack et al. 2022; Whipple et al. 2021). Disadvantaged neighborhoods are frequently characterized by the compounding effects of multiple stressors—including illicit drug markets, ongoing gang activity, aggressive policing policies, limited access to structured recreational opportunities, and familial instability (Bellair and McNulty 2009; Geller et al. 2014; Goldstein 1985; Gottfredson et al. 2004; Jackson et al. 2023). These dynamics increase risk in ways that are not always reflected in traditional economic measures. For example, the establishment of drug markets erodes key forms of social control (Bursik and Grasmick 1993) and engenders subsequent crimes of opportunity as prospective criminals seek out the lucrative by-products of the drug trade, such as drugs or readily available cash (Braga et al. 2010).

Additionally, communities with established drug economies create an environment conducive to the development of violent subgroups (Bellair and McNulty 2009). These subgroups often form gangs that engage in territorial violence, only further exacerbating the cycle of concentrated disadvantage in the communities (Brantingham et al. 2012). Unfortunately, policing efforts to stop gang and drug-associated violence can negatively impact the welfare of the communities if not implemented thoughtfully. Research has demonstrated that high-frequency stops of minority adolescents can undermine public trust in law enforcement and the perception of justice and are also predictive of elevated levels of post-traumatic stress disorder symptoms (Geller et al. 2014; Jackson et al. 2019). Adolescents residing in communities lacking after-school activities tend to experience higher levels of youth offending (Gottfredson et al. 2010). Furthermore, children living in families characterized by persistent arguing, fighting, and emotional and/or physical violence experience amplified trauma, with each additional type of adverse childhood experience increasing the risk of serious adolescent violence by 30% (Duke et al. 2010).

Social disorganization theory highlights how community factors, such as residential instability, lack of social cohesion, weakened social bonds, and inadequate informal social control, contribute to higher levels of crime and violence. Neighborhoods characterized by weak social networks and low levels of cohesion are more likely to experience persistent crime and delinquency, as these factors hinder residents’ capacity to regulate behavior and maintain order (Shaw and McKay 1942, 1969). In particular, in communities where informal social controls are weakened, youths become more susceptible to delinquent and violent behavior (Bursik and Grasmick 1993; Rengifo 2009; Shaw and McKay 1942). Experience with violent victimization can instill fear of crime, increase the likelihood of further victimization, and foster a perception of the environment as unsafe (Kaiser et al. 2025). Neighborhood disadvantage has also been linked to higher rates of youth psychopathology (Carroll et al. 2023). The impact of neighborhood disadvantage on violence is particularly evident among youths attending highly disadvantaged schools (Pinchak and Swisher 2022). This may be due to limited resources (e.g., access to extracurricular activities or social-emotional learning programs), harmful behavioral practices, and other school-related factors that are linked to an increased risk of violent behaviors among youths (Durlak et al. 2011; Gregory et al. 2010; Matjasko et al. 2019). Resource deprivation has also been linked to bullying and increased signs and symptoms of behavioral health conditions such as conduct disorder and oppositional defiant disorder (Perino et al. 2025). Collectively, these ecological stressors can result in a reinforcing effect, where disadvantaged youths experience a synergy of neighborhood-level factors that amplify the propensity of adolescent violence (Pinchak and Swisher 2022).

6. Culture

6.1. Radicalization

Radicalization, a sociopsychological process in which individuals adopt extremist ideologies and beliefs—often justifying violence for political, social, or religious change —can manifest in violent actions such as terrorism (Bastug et al. 2020). Today’s digital platforms, including the Internet and social media, facilitate radicalization by offering anonymity, access to radical content, networking opportunities, and educational resources, enabling like-minded individuals to connect, organize, and plan violent actions (Bastug et al. 2020; King and Taylor 2011). The perceived anonymity of the Internet and its ability to reach broad audiences allow individuals to become radicalized by filtering content that aligns with their beliefs, creating an echo chamber that reinforces polarized views and ideologies focused on challenging the status quo (Bastug et al. 2020; Baugut and Neumann 2020; von Behr et al. 2013). Youths struggling with issues of identity, belonging, and purpose, especially those feeling displaced or driven by shared resentment and anger, are particularly vulnerable to extremism, as extremist groups may offer them camaraderie and a sense of belonging (Gereluk 2023). Individuals adopting extremist views are particularly susceptible to groupthink, grievances, and shared risk factors such as violence-supportive cognitions and antisocial behaviors (Benbouriche and Vanderstukken 2019; Gereluk 2023). Mental health issues, such as depression, suicidal thoughts, personality disorders, schizophrenia, delusional disorders, and neurodevelopmental disorders (e.g., autism spectrum disorders), can increase an individual’s vulnerability to extremist ideologies and behaviors, with these conditions being notably prevalent among lone-actor extremists and convicted extremists (Corner et al. 2016; Gill et al. 2021; Kenyon et al. 2023). Terrorism may also be perpetrated by lone actors or “lone wolves,” including those who identify as “incels” or “involuntary celibates,” a group of sexually frustrated men who lack romantic or sexual relationships and perceive their situation as unfair and inevitable (Witt 2020).

6.2. Media and Violence

While extremist ideologies can propagate within insulated online communities, the broader media environment can more pervasively condition youths to normalize violence through various platforms and forms of media. Several theories offer insight into this phenomenon, examining various aspects of the nexus between the media and violence. For example, cultivation theory posits that long-term exposure to media can shape one’s perception of reality (Gerbner 1998). This is observed among the general public, as elevated media consumption is predictive of individuals overestimating the amount of violence and danger within the general public (Huesmann 2007). Social learning theory posits that individuals mentally encode and later replicate behavioral actions and scripts if they perceive these actions as advantageous (Bandura 1977). Thus, youths may be more likely to adopt violent behavior if they view that violent behavior is rewarded or often goes unpunished. This is supported by a study by Hahn et al. (2022), which postulated that the literature consumed by children during adolescence is salient in predicting their moral viewpoints and expressed preferences. Recent research discussing the media–violence nexus often finds small but consistent findings alluding to a link between violent media and aggressive behavior (Dou and Zhang 2025; Gentile and Bushman 2012; Huesmann 2007; Ybarra et al. 2022). Digital platforms intensify such risks. Specifically, online platforms that rely heavily on algorithmic recommendation systems steer users toward provocative materials, thereby broadening their exposure to extremist memes and fringe content (Whittaker et al. 2021). These dynamics, along with algorithmic curation, facilitate echo chambers that accelerate radicalization and can lead to violence among youths (Elsaesser et al. 2021; Putri et al. 2024; Terren and Borge 2021).

7. Life Course

The age-graded theory of informal social control postulates how key life events—such as stable employment or marriage—can serve as turning points that divert individuals from a criminal path, highlighting the significance of social bonds in adulthood in fostering desistance, even among those with a history of delinquency (Laub and Sampson 1993; Sampson and Laub 2003). Moffitt’s (1993) dual taxonomy of life-course-persistent and adolescence-limited offenders provides a valuable framework for understanding youth offending patterns and trajectories of antisocial behavior. Adolescence-limited offenders typically engage in delinquent behavior during their teenage years, driven by social and environmental factors caused by peer pressure, rebellion against authority, or the biological maturity gap. Their offenses are generally minor, including underage drinking, vandalism, and drug use, and they tend to desist from criminal activity as they transition into adulthood (Moffitt 1993). In contrast, life-course-persistent offenders display antisocial behavior from an early age and continue committing serious and violent offenses throughout their lives (Jolliffe et al. 2017; Moffitt 1993). Some of these offenders may have neurodevelopmental deficits or cognitive impairment, which can make it challenging for them to conform to social norms and often exhibit personalities and lifestyles characterized by antisocial tendencies (Hilton et al. 2017).

8. Discussion

Youth violence is a complex social challenge shaped by multifaceted and interconnected factors, including individual, interpersonal, neighborhood, cultural, and life course factors, signaling the need for a multi-level approach aimed at creating a safe community. These interrelated forces operate within a broader socio-structural context shaped by factors such as high levels of poverty, residential segregation, inadequate community funding, and limited education and employment opportunities (Markowitz et al. 2017; Sampson et al. 1997; Sharkey and Faber 2014). Thus, any viable strategies must intentionally integrate individual-level services with systemic efforts to address the environmental conditions that give rise to these risk factors (David-Ferdon et al. 2016). Without engaging in the broader socio-structural context in which such violence occurs, these efforts risk becoming performative. In what follows, we present practice and research implications across various ecological levels.

To effectively address these layers of influence, help-services providers (i.e., social workers, therapists, and justice officials) must adopt strategies tailored to multiple ecological levels, beginning with individual experiences of trauma. Given the strong link between childhood adversity and youth offending, practitioners should integrate trauma screening tools into assessments, recognizing the profound impact of trauma on psychosocial functioning and ensuring that assessments are conducted with sensitivity to each individual’s needs. Clinicians may consider broadening biopsychosocial assessments to include a technology assessment in order to gain insight into individuals’ online experiences, past exposure to bullying, digital literacy skills, and the extent of their time and autonomy on the Internet. At the individual level, efforts to develop critical thinking as well as media literacy are crucial for helping youths identify misleading and politically motivated content (Cinelli et al. 2021; Stokols 1996). Ahmad (2017) recommended allowing youths to express their worldview and perceived injustices, as well as encouraging them to seek advice from well-respected leaders. Peer mentoring can be a useful method in combating extremist messages (Bowman-Grieve 2009). Specifically, providing mentorship aimed explicitly at addressing emotional responses tied to uncertainty, anxiety, and traumatic events has been shown to be effective (Dechesne 2011). Additionally, participation in volunteer activities, sports, and the arts has been shown to address some of the desires for membership validation (Holmer 2013). Given the high prevalence of substance use in violent offending in adolescence (Bachman and Peralta 2002; Peralta and Cruz 2005; Salas-Wright et al. 2016), early intervention—particularly when delivered through multiple individualized sessions—is essential for effectively reducing both substance use and associated behavioral problems (Carney and Myers 2012).

A whole-school approach is vital in fostering social connectedness and a sense of belonging within the school community (Gereluk 2023). In order to not perpetuate the structural violence that disadvantages marginalized groups must confront, schools should practice restorative justice and culturally relevant pedagogy rather than relying on zero-tolerance policies (David-Ferdon et al. 2016; Sampson et al. 1997). We recommend that schools implement a comprehensive, school-wide curriculum that challenges narrow ideologies while addressing the underlying issues of disenfranchisement and isolation that may contribute to radicalization. To prevent bullying, homophobic slurs, and sexual harassment in early adolescence, comprehensive programs to address and reduce such behaviors are imperative. For instance, programs aimed at distinguishing healthy from unhealthy relationships or at identifying toxic masculinity traits. Engaging parents and the broader community is essential in fostering a supportive and inclusive environment in schools. This can be achieved through extracurricular programming, school-based mental health programming, and health initiatives (Diamond and Freudenberg 2016). Schools must commit to creating a culture of belonging, where educators actively promote inclusion and ensure that the school’s culture reflects these values (Gereluk 2023). Additionally, educators play a crucial role in the early identification of at-risk youths and in enabling timely interventions. Effective prevention programming for reducing school violence incorporates multi-tiered systems of support and culturally responsive trauma-informed practices (Jackson 2021). Given that approximately half of the youths involved in extreme acts of violence in schools (e.g., rampage shootings) left warning signs, teachers and school staff play a critical role in making behavioral referrals and participating in threat assessments (Bushman et al. 2016; National Threat Assessment Center 2019).

A public health strategy to prevent youth violence includes universal primary prevention efforts that equip young people with social and developmental skills to cope with difficult social circumstances. Incorporating social and emotional learning, communication, and problem-solving skills into school-based violence prevention programs has been effective in reducing youth violence and disruptive behavior (Espelage et al. 2013). Curriculum enhancements that focus on conflict resolution, tolerance, and digital literacy can strengthen adolescents’ resilience against harmful influences (Stokols 1996). School interventions should integrate trauma-informed approaches by providing specialized training for educators, counselors, and social workers. Accessible mental health providers are essential in addressing students’ psychosocial needs, fostering resilience, and supporting coping strategies. Education systems play a vital role in the collective efforts to respond to signs of radicalization, as teachers can be trained to identify extremist rhetoric and refer students to counseling (Holmer 2013). Social workers play a key role in supporting students’ emotional and mental health, as well as guiding parents and caregivers. Media literacy interventions in educational settings have been shown to lower acceptance of aggressive norms and foster critical thinking (Jeong et al. 2012; Scharrer 2005). Additionally, school-based digital citizenship initiatives help promote resilience against extremist rhetoric (Reynolds and Scott 2016). Regarding online platforms, policies such as content warnings and algorithmic limits on the reach of hate-filled videos have successfully reduced exposure to and engagement with harmful material (Glackin and Gray 2016).

Further, publicly funded neighborhood programs can be developed to support the biopsychosocial needs of community members. While neighborhoods should have the autonomy to shape these programs, overall community well-being is greatly enhanced when essential needs are met. Neighborhoods can collaborate with private agencies to develop social networks that support parenting, promote child health and education, and address the basic needs of community members. Communities marred by higher levels of unemployment, poor living conditions, and limited access to mental health treatment can foster an environment conducive to the spread of extremist beliefs (Feddes et al. 2015). Implementing community policing strategies that prioritize empathy and culturally sensitive policies has proven effective in fostering positive relationships between law enforcement and residents (Holmer 2013). Additionally, interventions such as interfaith dialogue, cultural events, and grassroots initiatives play a crucial role in bridging divides and countering the isolating narratives promoted by extremist organizations (Aiello et al. 2018; Miller 2018). Interventions such as creating green spaces in vacant areas and improving street lighting have been shown to foster social cohesion and collective efficacy, reduce perceptions of crime, and significantly lower overall crime rates (Branas et al. 2018; Sampson et al. 1997). A holistic, community-based strategy that fosters collaboration among mental health professionals, law enforcement, spiritual leaders, and youth organizations is effective in mitigating the impacts of radicalization (Dechesne 2011; Holmer 2013). We recommend that schools and non-profit organizations increase their investment in youth programs, particularly within educational institutions, including recreational or outdoor activities, youth employment opportunities, and vocational training programs to engage and empower young people (Ahmad 2017). It is essential to involve community stakeholders in these discussions to ensure the programs address community needs. To effectively address radicalization, it is crucial to foster cooperation between law enforcement, security agencies, and religious leaders. Reporting suspicious activity or imminent danger, engaging in open dialogue with at-risk youths, and adopting a bottom-up approach to deradicalization—by actively involving youths in discussions, planning, and decision-making processes—are crucial for fostering active social participation and preventing radicalization (Ahmad 2017).

9. Conclusions

In sum, youth violence today is no longer viewed solely as an in-person phenomenon but encompasses a broad range of acts, both physical and virtual. Conceptually, the predictors of youth violence, such as exposure to traumatic events and dysfunctional family dynamics, have remained consistent over time. However, shifts in the sociocultural environment necessitate providers to implement more comprehensive and adaptable interventions. Incorporating culturally- and trauma-informed approaches that center youths in their environments offers a strategic pathway to address the intricate public health issue of youth violence. Approaching youth violence from a holistic lens provides a greater opportunity to mitigate contributing factors and address the deleterious impacts of this complex issue. We encourage future researchers to build on the socio-ecological approach as a foundational framework to explore new theoretical insights and investigate the issue of youth violence using innovative strategies or novel interventions that enhance its relevance and applicability.