Out of Reach: Social Connections and Their Role in Influencing Engagement Between Forcibly Displaced People and Police Scotland

Abstract

Forcibly displaced people in Scotland face multiple barriers in accessing health, social care, and policing services. This paper explores how social connections shape engagement with these services, particularly the role of police in community safety and wellbeing. Drawing on qualitative interviews and social connections mapping workshops, this study examines how third-sector organisations act as key intermediaries, shaping how people access statutory services. The findings show that while community policing and partnerships with trusted organisations can improve accessibility, concerns about racial discrimination, the underreporting of hate crime, and the lack of language support continue to undermine confidence in policing. Additionally, the growing reliance on police officers to respond to mental health crises reflects wider gaps in specialist service provision. This paper argues for a shift towards a cross-sector approach that strengthens community-led safety strategies, reduces police involvement in non-criminal matters, and improves language and cultural competency within public services. Strengthening institutional accessibility and trust-building initiatives is key to improving engagement with policing and health and social care services for forcibly displaced communities.

1. Introduction

Forced migration continues to rise globally, driven by the danger of persecution, civil unrest, violence, and human rights violations. As a result, forcibly displaced individuals1 often experience severe disruptions to their health and wellbeing, compounded by systemic barriers to health and social care access in their new countries. While Scotland has committed to strategies that aim to promote refugee integration and compassionate support, many practical challenges persist. This paper examines the barriers and opportunities for improving access to health and social care services among forcibly displaced people in Scotland, with a specific focus on the role of policing in community safety and wellbeing. Policing is not only an essential component of law enforcement but also a key institutional touchpoint in community support, with officers frequently finding themselves responding to social and mental health crises in the absence of adequate healthcare and support services (Scottish Police Authority 2024). However, in this paper, we argue that engagement with police services may be shaped by the structure of forcibly displaced peoples’ social connections, their past experiences with law enforcement, and systemic constraints on institutional accessibility. By exploring how social connections influence engagement with public services, we highlight the importance of trust, institutional accessibility, and community relationships in shaping these interactions. We argue that while social connections serve as vital conduits for support and service access, fractured or mistrustful networks exacerbate exclusion, leading to disengagement from policing and other essential health and social care services. In this paper, we call for a cross-sector approach that moves beyond reactive policing towards proactive, trust-building initiatives that enhance accessibility, engagement, and holistic wellbeing for forcibly displaced communities. By understanding how social connections mediate policing experiences, this study contributes to ongoing discussions about inclusive community safety, responsive public services, and the broader landscape of refugee integration in Scotland.

The UK’s current asylum and resettlement situation reflects broader global patterns of displacement, with conflict, persecution, and instability driving increasing numbers of people to seek protection. As of November 2022, the UK hosted 231,597 refugees, 127,421 pending asylum cases, and 5483 stateless persons, with the Russian invasion of Ukraine contributing to a significant rise in new applications (United Nations High Commission for Refugees (UNHCR) 2023). However, it is important to note that the vast majority of forcibly displaced individuals remain in their region of displacement, meaning that low- and middle-income countries bear the brunt of hosting responsibilities (European Commission 2024). Despite the UK Government’s varying resettlement schemes, only 1391 individuals were granted protection in 2022, which is only a fraction of those in need (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees 2023). The high volume of asylum applications and the slow pace of decision-making, alongside limited financial resources2 and the lack of secure immigration status, constrain access to services, reinforcing a cycle of exclusion that has direct implications for community safety and wellbeing (Mental Health Foundation 2024; Stewart and Mulvey 2014).

Since the introduction of the UK’s asylum dispersal policy in 1999, Glasgow has accommodated approximately 10% of the UK’s dispersed population of people seeking asylum (Scottish Government 2023a). As a result, Glasgow has developed a strong ecosystem of third-sector organisations, grassroots advocacy groups, and established support networks that have historically played a key role in supporting forcibly displaced people (Wren 2007). However, in April 2022, the UK Government announced plans to house people seeking asylum in any local authority across the UK, shifting the established refugee support and integration opportunities in Scotland. While Glasgow’s infrastructure has developed over decades to support forcibly displaced individuals, other regions may lack the same level of service provision, expertise, or community engagement mechanisms (Scottish Government 2023b). People’s experiences are therefore highly uneven, influenced by economic conditions, public attitudes, and local authority capabilities. There is also an over-reliance on grassroots organisations, which, while essential in providing culturally tailored support, often face funding instability, coordination challenges, and limited long-term sustainability (Phillimore 2021).

Housing is typically provided by private contractors under Home Office agreements and includes shared flats, apartment blocks, and, increasingly, hotels and repurposed institutional buildings (Allsopp et al. 2014; Gilmour et al. 2022). These accommodations are often situated in economically marginalised neighbourhoods and can be isolated from mainstream services. While individuals are free to come and go from their accommodation, more often than not, they will have limited financial means as they are not allowed to work; they may also have inadequate access to public transport and experience high levels of social isolation (Morrice 2011; Stewart and Mulvey 2014). Unlike countries that use closed camps or formal reception centres, Scotland’s model is based on community dispersal, though this does not guarantee integration. Recent studies suggest that the dispersal system can heighten feelings of disconnection and exacerbate mistrust in statutory services, including the police (Phillimore 2021; Mulcaire et al. 2024). In more centralised accommodations such as hotels, police may be called in response to welfare concerns or community tensions, but these interactions are not always experienced as supportive. As such, understanding the spatial and institutional organisation of asylum accommodation is critical to interpreting how social connections and policing experiences unfold in the Scottish context. At present, Scotland hosts approximately 5000 people seeking asylum, but no comprehensive data exists on the total number of refugees living in the country (Scottish Government 2023a). This lack of systematic data on refugee populations presents a challenge for service planning, including in areas of mental health provision, policing, and broader institutional engagement. It also underscores the fragmented nature of support structures across different regions and the importance of social connections in shaping individuals’ access to resources, security, and trust in institutions.

The Scottish Government has positioned itself as progressive and inclusive in its approach to refugee and asylum integration, with one example being the Scottish Government’s New Scots Strategy (Scottish Government 2017, 2023a, 2024). This flagship strategy is aimed at promoting refugee integration from the point of arrival, rather than only once individuals obtain refugee status. The strategy aligns with the Indicators of Integration Framework (Ndofor-Tah et al. 2019), emphasising that integration is not solely the responsibility of forcibly displaced individuals but also requires active engagement from the wider community (Mulvey 2015; Phillimore 2021; Ager and Strang 2008). This community-led approach is reflected in Scotland’s strong third-sector landscape, where grassroots organisations, refugee-led initiatives, and community partnerships play a central role in service delivery and social support, with most of this centralised in and around Glasgow, as mentioned. Within the Indicators of Integration Framework (Ndofor-Tah et al. 2019), we see that social connections are considered crucial in the integration process as they mediate access to essential resources, shape trust in public institutions, and influence long-term settlement trajectories. Here, social connections are categorised into three primary types: bonds (relationships with others who share a common identity, such as cultural or ethnic background), bridges (relationships that extend beyond one’s immediate community, facilitating interaction across different social and cultural groups), and links (connections with institutions and formal structures, such as public services, employment, and civic participation). While this tripartite model remains influential, contemporary research has highlighted the need for a more expansive understanding of social connections, one that moves beyond who individuals are connected to and instead considers the form, function, and meaning of these relationships (Käkelä et al. 2023). This is particularly relevant in the context of policing, where trust, accessibility, and past experiences shape interactions with law enforcement.

While existing integration policies, such as Scotland’s New Scots Strategy, seek to promote community involvement in refugee support, the structural barriers faced by forcibly displaced people limit their ability to engage fully with public institutions, including policing services (Phillimore 2012, 2021). A key challenge is the prolonged waiting period for legal status, which creates a paradox of integration: people seeking asylum are expected to engage with their new communities but are simultaneously denied the structural conditions necessary for meaningful participation, such as employment, higher education access, and full welfare rights. Legal limbo leaves many individuals unable to build long-term stability, exacerbating vulnerabilities related to mental health, social isolation, and financial hardship. This sense of institutional exclusion reflects broader policy frameworks that limit agency and self-sufficiency for those seeking asylum (Zetter 2012). In this context, policing takes on a dual role: not only as a mechanism for crime prevention and public order but also as a key institutional touchpoint for individuals navigating crisis situations (Mental Health Foundation 2024; Mulcaire et al. 2024).

As frontline responders, officers frequently encounter individuals facing hate crime, domestic violence, homelessness, and mental health crises, often in situations where traditional support systems are inaccessible or inadequate (Police Scotland 2024a). Despite this, research indicates that many refugees and people seeking asylum hesitate to engage with police services, citing fears of authority, language barriers, and concerns about immigration repercussions (British Red Cross 2021). These concerns reflect broader structural inequalities in the UK’s asylum system, where uncertainty over immigration status can lead to hesitancy in seeking help, particularly in cases of exploitation, abuse, or discrimination (Mental Health Foundation 2024). International research suggests that community policing models can help bridge the trust gap between refugee communities and law enforcement. In New Zealand, for example, proactive outreach initiatives tailored to forcibly displaced populations have been found to enhance trust and encourage positive engagement (Tohill 2021). Furthermore, police officers increasingly act as intermediaries between individuals and mental health services, often being the first point of contact when individuals experience psychological distress or crises. These blurred boundaries reflect broader concerns around the regulatory reach of community policing in non-criminal domains (Crawford 2009). The findings from our study suggest that the prevalence of poor mental health outcomes among forcibly displaced individuals (exacerbated by trauma, displacement, and prolonged uncertainty) may place additional demands on policing services, requiring officers to navigate situations for which they may have limited specialised training or institutional support.

By examining these dynamics, this paper demonstrates how social connections intersect with policing structures, shaping access to public services and influencing community safety. However, structural challenges (including language barriers, experiences of discrimination, and institutional inaccessibility) continue to create obstacles to trust and service uptake. This paper argues that a cross-sectoral approach is needed, one that moves beyond reactive policing towards proactive, trust-building initiatives that strengthen relationships between forcibly displaced individuals and public institutions.

2. Methods

2.1. Research Design

The findings informing this paper were part of a wider Scottish Institute for Policing Research (SIPR)-funded research project. Whilst this study utilised Queen Margaret University’s Social Connections Mapping Tool methodology, this paper draws upon the data generated from the social connections mapping workshops and semi-structured interviews only. However, whilst we do not explicitly discuss any of the quantitative or visual mapping data from the surveys, we retain the use of the survey here as part of our methodology, as the maps generated from the survey were used to inform the conversations that we had during the interviews.

• Social connections mapping workshops: Two workshops were conducted: one with members of Police Scotland and associated health and social care services, and one with people seeking asylum and refugees. The workshops provided an opportunity to map the social connections that participants engage with when seeking support, including informal connections within their communities, third-sector organisations, and statutory services. The discussions aimed to identify points of trust and gaps in service provision, particularly in relation to public safety and mental health support.
• Social connections survey: Drawing from the workshops, an online survey was used to explore the nature of social connections within refugee communities. Participants were asked about the individuals and organisations they turn to for support, the frequency and depth of these interactions, and their levels of trust in different services. This allowed for a basis/conversation starter for deeper exploration during the interviews.
• Qualitative interviews: Semi-structured interviews were conducted with both forcibly displaced individuals and police personnel. These interviews sought to capture narratives around policing encounters, trust, and accessibility of services. For those with lived experience of forced displacement, interviews explored their experiences of social isolation, community relationships, and their perceptions of and interactions with policing structures. Police Scotland personnel and affiliated professionals reflected on challenges in community engagement, the role of policing in refugee integration, and approaches to addressing barriers such as language, cultural differences, and past experiences of trauma.

2.2. Overview of Participant Engagement

A total of 13 forcibly displaced people, all based in or around Glasgow and Edinburgh, participated in at least one of the research activities. Recruitment was conducted through third-sector organisations and community partners, who shared information about the project with their networks. While the project aimed to be as inclusive as possible, uptake varied across methods. Approximately 25 individuals were initially approached or made aware of the opportunity to engage in the workshops and surveys. Of these, ten expressed initial interest, and six ultimately attended a workshop. A further seven individuals opted to complete the survey only, and four consented to participate in a follow-up interview. Of those who gave a reason, non-participation was mainly due to conflicting commitments. Participants represented diverse nationalities, languages, and lived experiences, offering insights into how different backgrounds shape access to services and interactions with public institutions. Additionally, 10 members of Police Scotland and associated health and social care services participated in interviews, with six also engaging in the workshop. Participants included frontline community police officers and those involved in initiatives supporting marginalised communities, including forcibly displaced people. Potential participants were identified through professional networks and invited via direct email; while most agreed to participate, three individuals either declined or did not respond to the invitation. To ensure anonymity, details of the police and health and social care service provider participants are not specified in this paper. The findings from data drawn from all participant responses are synthesised in the section below, focusing on social connections, trust and confidence in policing, operational pressures on police services, and barriers to service provision.

2.3. Ethical Considerations

This study was conducted in accordance with ethical guidelines and approved by the Institute for Global Health and Development ethics committee at Queen Margaret University. Informed consent was obtained at multiple stages, with participants given clear information about the study, their right to withdraw, and the use of their contributions. Recognising that some participants may have experienced trauma or systemic exclusion, particular attention was given to minimising risk and ensuring support mechanisms were in place. Participants were informed that they were not obligated to answer any questions that they found distressing; researchers worded questions carefully in an attempt to reduce the likelihood of distress, and where appropriate, referrals to external support services were offered. Confidentiality was maintained throughout the study, with all data stored securely and only accessible to the research team.

2.4. Data Analysis

A thematic analysis approach was used to examine the data, drawing from Braun and Clarke’s (2006) framework. Transcripts from interviews and workshops were coded to create key themes related to social connections, trust, and accessibility of policing and health and social care services. The analysis sought to highlight the role of social connections in shaping experiences of safety and wellbeing, as well as the institutional and structural barriers that impact engagement with public services.

3. Results

3.1. Social Connections as Facilitators and Barriers to Service Access

A central finding of this study is that social connections play a defining role in how forcibly displaced people navigate access to health, social care, and policing services. While strong community ties and third-sector organisations provide essential support, these networks also shape people’s perceptions of and engagement with statutory services, including the police.

The social connections mapping exercises and interviews revealed to us that most of the forcibly displaced individuals who engaged in this research do not directly approach the police when experiencing challenges related to mental health, housing, or personal safety. Instead, they first seek support from trusted third-sector organisations and local community groups. The participant below described how the service that she was supported by helped her not only navigate support services but also gain a sense of belonging:

“When I arrived in Glasgow, I was in isolation. I had no way to communicate with other people. But once I registered with [support organisation], I felt part of society. They helped me understand the culture of the country and adjust quickly.”

This reliance on community organisations and informal networks highlights a significant gap: While these connections provide a crucial safety net, they also mediate access to statutory services, meaning that individuals who lack strong community ties may struggle to engage with formal support systems altogether. These findings align with broader research demonstrating that social connections serve as both facilitators and barriers to service access for forcibly displaced individuals. The UNHCR highlights that early social support can mitigate the effects of displacement-related stress, helping individuals gain stability and autonomy in their new environments (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees 2024). Community-based organisations, in particular, play a crucial role in bridging gaps between forcibly displaced people and their new communities by facilitating access to healthcare, social services, and legal support (Martinez-Damia et al. 2024). This role is particularly significant in Scotland, where many participants in this study described their engagement with local organisations as foundational to their wellbeing.

However, while these informal networks offer critical support, they also introduce structural barriers. Forcibly displaced people who might have just arrived or who lack access to established community groups or third-sector organisations (for example, because of where they are placed, as previously mentioned) may experience difficulties in navigating the complexities of statutory services, leading to isolation and unmet needs. Research has highlighted how women, in particular, face additional barriers to service access due to gendered social structures and caregiving responsibilities, which can limit their engagement with language classes, employment support, and healthcare services (Bletscher and Spiers 2023).

In the context of policing, this means that individuals who are well-connected to community organisations are more likely to understand how to engage with police services, while those without these connections may struggle to navigate reporting mechanisms or access necessary support. Police Scotland officers interviewed in this study acknowledged that they frequently rely on third-sector organisations to facilitate engagement with refugee communities, but also noted that limited visibility and operational pressures often hinder their capacity to develop direct relationships with population groups, such as forcibly displaced people. The data therefore highlights the need for a more structured and inclusive approach to improving access to statutory services for all forcibly displaced individuals. Strengthening partnerships between statutory services, third-sector organisations, and local communities can help ensure that those without strong social networks are not excluded from essential services. Additionally, tailored outreach strategies, such as culturally sensitive information sessions and community liaison roles, could mitigate some of the structural barriers preventing individuals from accessing health, social care, and policing services.

3.2. The Role of Policing in Health and Social Care Access: Successes and Challenges

The extent to which people felt comfortable engaging with Police Scotland was often shaped by experiences of law enforcement in their countries of origin. For many forcibly displaced individuals, police were associated with repression, corruption, or violence, making it difficult to reframe perceptions of police as a source of support. One participant noted:

“In their mind, the police image is based on their behaviour towards the people. Because other countries may have different experiences of the police, people bring these images from their country to here.”

This aligns with research demonstrating that past encounters with police, both in the country of origin and the host country, significantly shape migrants’ trust in law enforcement (Bowling and Westenra 2018; Jung et al. 2019; Liu et al. 2024). A lack of familiarity with local policing structures can further compound this uncertainty, limiting access to protection and support services (Jung et al. 2019). These attitudes toward policing cannot be understood in isolation from the broader context of social connection. When people are connected to others who share experiences of police violence or discrimination, these collective memories could influence the wider network’s understanding of and approach to law enforcement. In this way, social connections can reinforce caution or mistrust, particularly when those experiences are shared and retold within the community. At the same time, when people build relationships beyond their immediate circles (such as through trusted third-sector organisations or community policing efforts), these connections can help to reshape perceptions, build trust, and open up access to support. Such findings echo wider work on how trust and legitimacy are evaluated in contexts of structural inequality (Stanko et al. 2012). In light of this, another notable finding from this study was the extent to which community policing was seen as a potential bridge between refugee communities and statutory services. Police officers themselves recognised the importance of visibility and accessibility in building trust, as one community police officer explained:

“I think part of the role of police is to make yourself seen so that people can approach you and speak with you in the street. And maybe it’s more comfortable in their own neighbourhood speaking to you.”

Research supports the idea that community policing, which emphasises relationship-building and proactive engagement, can be particularly effective in fostering trust among migrant communities (Skogan 2019). In Scotland, models of community policing that embed officers within local networks have been shown to improve confidence in law enforcement, particularly when officers work closely with community organisations and social services (Henry and Mackenzie 2009). However, these approaches require sustained investment, staffing, and training, which are resources that many police forces struggle to maintain.

Despite the potential benefits of community policing, language and knowledge barriers remained a significant challenge for many forcibly displaced people in this study, with one of the most pressing barriers to accessing police, health, and social care services being language. Limited English proficiency made it difficult to report crimes, communicate mental health concerns, or seek help in crisis situations. A police officer explained:

“You know that there’s definitely going to be some kind of language barrier more often than not. So it’s going to be a lengthy process. It’s not going to be a five-minute thing.”

Participants also noted that the availability and quality of interpreters varied, with some forced to rely on Google Translate or community members rather than professional interpreters. This created significant barriers in high-pressure situations, particularly domestic abuse, mental health crises, and hate crime reporting. A participant noted:

“If I didn’t speak English and I [needed to report an emergency], what would that call have looked like? In another language, it’s impossible.”

This finding is consistent with broader research on social work and migrant communities, which highlights how language barriers can significantly hinder access to justice and support services (Chand 2005). While interpretation services are provided, research suggests that inconsistent access to interpreters and a reliance on informal language mediation can create additional barriers for people attempting to report crimes or seek assistance (Hunter et al. 2022).

Beyond language, role confusion was also a persistent issue. Participants were uncertain about when to approach the police, particularly in cases involving mental health or domestic issues. This reflects concerns that UK police forces have increasingly been called upon to handle social issues traditionally outside their remit, such as housing insecurity and mental health crises (National Police Chiefs’ Council 2022). Without clear guidance on police responsibilities, individuals may hesitate to engage with law enforcement even when support is needed.

In addition, concerns about immigration status and possible repercussions deterred many from engaging with police or other statutory services. While Police Scotland does not routinely share data with the Home Office, many participants perceived a link between police and immigration enforcement, leading to the avoidance of contact. This was also applicable when accessing support for health and social care needs, as participants did not want to be perceived as problematic or a burden on public services for accessing help or support. Fear of negative repercussions, including potential deportation or jeopardising an asylum claim, has been widely documented as a deterrent to seeking help from law enforcement (Menjívar and Bejarano 2004; Stumpf 2006). A participant who had negative experiences with the police in Afghanistan described how previous experiences shape current hesitations:

“It is difficult because I had experienced the behaviour of the police in Afghanistan…so roughly, yes [I trust them], but I need to see what [they are like here].”

Similarly, some feared that seeking help (particularly for issues like domestic violence) could affect their asylum case or lead to negative consequences for their families. Research conducted in the United States of America highlights that survivors of domestic violence who are undocumented or have insecure immigration status often avoid reporting abuse due to fears that their interaction with police could be used against them in immigration proceedings (Erez et al. 2009; Reina et al. 2014). Even those who had not personally experienced discrimination were aware of cases where their friends who had experienced forced displacement had felt they had been treated unfairly, reinforcing hesitancy in approaching the police. This speaks to broader patterns of legal cynicism among migrant communities, where fear of legal systems and distrust in institutional fairness persist, regardless of direct personal experience (Kirk et al. 2011). Similarly, research has shown that trust in the police is not only influenced by outcomes, such as whether someone receives protection or justice, but also by how individuals are treated during those interactions. This emphasis on procedural fairness is particularly important in displacement contexts, where many forcibly displaced people evaluate policing not just on effectiveness, but on whether they are listened to, treated with respect, and recognised as legitimate members of society (Bradford et al. 2014).

From this study, we noted that experiences of racism and hostility from the wider community significantly influence forcibly displaced people’s interactions with policing services and wider health and social care services. Many participants reported firsthand or vicarious encounters with racial discrimination. One participant highlighted the role of negative media portrayals in fostering public hostility:

“There are all sorts of misrepresentations around asylum-seekers in the press and the media… that does lead to instances of hate crime.”

This observation coincides with research indicating that media narratives heavily influence public perceptions of forcibly displaced people, where negative portrayals, often depicting people as threats, contribute to societal prejudice and instances of hate crime. Media coverage that emphasises asylum seekers as security risks can heighten public anxiety and foster discriminatory attitudes (McCann et al. 2023). Despite the prevalence of such incidents, hate crimes remain underreported within refugee communities due to several contributing factors. Distrust in authorities is a significant issue, as past negative experiences with law enforcement, either in their current countries, countries that they have journeyed through, or their countries of origin, lead many individuals to believe that their complaints will not be taken seriously (Mental Health Foundation 2024).

The civil unrest and far-right mobilisation witnessed in the UK in 2024 exemplify the urgent need to address these issues. The violent riots, fuelled by misinformation and anti-immigrant sentiment, demonstrated how public hostility towards forcibly displaced people can escalate into large-scale racist and xenophobic violence. Research suggests that far-right narratives, often amplified through social media and mainstream media, contribute to increased hate crimes and a climate of fear among forcibly displaced communities (Madriaza et al. 2025). This hostile environment exacerbates existing barriers to reporting discrimination and further alienates those who might otherwise seek protection through formal policing structures. These barriers illustrate the need for proactive policing strategies that encourage reporting and ensure victims feel protected. Clear communication about the measures in place to safeguard individuals who report hate crimes is essential in building trust and facilitating access to justice for forcibly displaced populations.

3.3. Policing as a De Facto Mental Health Service

One of the most striking findings was that Police Scotland officers are increasingly serving as frontline responders to mental health crises, which highlights a significant shift in their responsibilities. Officers have reported that mental health-related callouts now surpass those for crime prevention or intervention, a trend reflecting broader shortages within Scotland’s mental health services. One police officer noted:

“We are not just police officers; we are counsellors, social workers, first responders… It’s not just about crime anymore. We’re dealing with a lot more mental health issues.”

While officers expressed a strong commitment to supporting individuals in crisis, many feel under-trained and overburdened when addressing complex mental health needs. One officer acknowledged the lack of specialised support services:

“We joined the police to deal with criminality… We’re not trained to deal with psychological issues. It feels like the other services are that stretched as well, and we have started plugging the gap.”

This sentiment is echoed in reports highlighting that police officers often lack the necessary training to effectively manage mental health incidents, leading to increased stress and job dissatisfaction among personnel (Demou et al. 2020). Recognising these challenges, initiatives have been implemented to encourage stronger partnerships between policing, health, and social care services. For instance, collaborations between Police Scotland and NHS 24 have led to the establishment of the Mental Health Pathway, ensuring that individuals seeking urgent mental health support are directed to appropriate services (Scottish Police Authority 2024). Additionally, the Community Triage Service in Lanarkshire exemplifies a successful model where police and health professionals work in tandem. This approach has resulted in an over 80% reduction in potential police attendances at emergency departments, allowing officers to focus more on crime prevention and community safety (Police Scotland 2024b). These developments highlight the urgent need for integrated strategies that ensure mental health crises are managed by trained professionals, thereby alleviating the disproportionate burden placed on police services and enhancing outcomes for individuals in distress.

3.4. Concluding Remarks and Opportunities for Improving Access to Services

The findings from this study highlight the need for a multi-faceted approach to improving the accessibility and trustworthiness of policing and health and social services for forcibly displaced people in Scotland. Rather than positioning the police as a primary gateway to services, a more effective model would involve strategic partnerships with third-sector organisations, improved language accessibility, and a clearer distinction between policing and immigration enforcement. Moreover, throughout this paper, we have argued that social connections are not merely background context but active mediators of institutional access, trust, and engagement. They shape whether forcibly displaced individuals feel that they are able to report crimes, seek support, or even understand the roles of public services. As such, efforts to improve policing and public service delivery must move beyond individualised models of service provision to recognise and engage with the collective dynamics of social connection. By strengthening both bonding and bridging ties, especially in areas with limited third-sector infrastructure, and by nurturing trust-based links between communities and institutions, Scotland could build more inclusive and responsive support systems that reflect the lived realities of forcibly displaced populations.

Firstly, enhancing collaboration between police and trusted community organisations could help bridge gaps in awareness and engagement. Many participants in this study expressed greater confidence in third-sector organisations than in statutory services, using these groups as intermediaries for accessing health, social care, and legal support. Given this, strengthening partnerships between community-based organisations and Police Scotland could support more culturally responsive engagement. Research on community policing has shown that trust is significantly strengthened when law enforcement agencies collaborate with local organisations and involve them in outreach efforts (Skogan 2019). Furthermore, as Tohill (2021) argues, culturally responsive community policing models offer significant potential for building trust with refugee communities. Secondly, improving language accessibility is crucial for enabling meaningful engagement with policing and statutory services. Language barriers were consistently cited as a key obstacle, affecting both interactions with police and the ability to navigate legal and health and social care systems. Studies suggest that inadequate interpretation services can create significant inequalities in access to justice, support, and protection for migrant communities (Chand 2005). Ensuring that all police officers have access to high-quality interpretation services, along with recruiting more multilingual staff and community liaison officers from refugee backgrounds, would reduce these barriers and improve service accessibility.

A third and particularly urgent issue concerns the perceived link between policing and immigration enforcement. Despite assurances from officers engaging in this research that they do not routinely share data with the Home Office (unless an immigration law has been broken), many forcibly displaced participants remained reluctant to engage with law enforcement due to fears of immigration-related repercussions for being perceived as a burden. This finding reflects broader patterns documented in international research, where even in contexts where police and immigration enforcement are legally separate, the perception of collaboration can deter forcibly displaced populations from seeking help (Menjívar and Bejarano 2004; Stumpf 2006). Clearer public messaging and confidential reporting mechanisms could help address these fears and encourage individuals to engage with policing and support services without the risk of immigration-related consequences.

Reducing reliance on police as first responders for mental health crises is another critical priority. Officers frequently described feeling overburdened and under-trained in responding to mental health-related callouts, a challenge that reflects wider resource shortages in Scotland’s mental health services. Research suggests that diverting mental health cases to specialised crisis response teams leads to improved outcomes, reducing both police involvement and hospitalisation rates (Watson and Fulambarker 2012). Building upon the aforementioned newly established partnerships between Police Scotland, NHS mental health teams, and social care providers could help ensure that mental health crises are addressed by trained professionals rather than defaulting to police intervention.

Finally, addressing the underreporting of hate crimes and racial discrimination is essential for building trust with forcibly displaced communities. Participants in this study provided accounts of both direct and indirect experiences with racism, which are often reinforced by unfavourable media representations of migrants and forcibly displaced individuals. Previous research has found that hostile political and media rhetoric contributes to rising levels of hate crime and xenophobia (McCann et al. 2023). The civil unrest and far-right mobilisation witnessed in the UK in 2024 further illustrate how inflammatory narratives can escalate into widespread hostility towards forcibly displaced people (Horwood 2024). Proactive anti-racism training for police, along with community outreach efforts aimed at encouraging hate crime reporting, would be valuable steps towards improving confidence in policing among forcibly displaced populations. By positioning policing as one component within a broader network of community safety and social support (rather than as a primary service provider for social and mental health issues), these strategies can help strengthen trust, reduce barriers to access, and ensure that policing and health and social care services are responsive to the needs of forcibly displaced population groups in Scotland.