From Traditional Settlements to Arrival Cities: A Study on Contemporary Residential Patterns in Chinese Siheyuan

Abstract

With the rapid expansion of Chinese cities, traditional siheyuan in some old urban areas and historic districts have gradually transformed into overcrowded courtyard tenements inhabited primarily by rural migrants. Multiple families reside together in one siheyuan, creating a housing model akin to “shared housing”. Due to the complex relationship between property rights holders and users, coupled with the absence of a unified management and supervision system, siheyuan residents are confronted with the predicament of aging buildings, backward infrastructure, and poor living conditions. Finding a means of improving living conditions while maintaining the existing settlement style and population structure is an issue that demands urgent resolution. This study focuses on Mizhi, an ancient city in Shaanxi Province, China. Through the investigation and mapping of 31 typical siheyuan and in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 160 families, it reveals the property rights division, current spatial usage, and future demands of the residents of traditional settlements dominated by siheyuan and proposes suggestions for their renewal. This study finds that siheyuan can be categorized into three types based on property rights, that the primary motivation for migration is to access quality educational resources, and that the insufficiency of per capita facilities is the primary source of inconvenience in residents’ lives. Future siheyuan renewal efforts should adopt a multi-stakeholder framework that integrates the government, urban planners, and residents. Improving the residential environment requires a dual strategy: optimizing spatial design and strengthening policy management. This research provides fundamental data for the protection and renewal of siheyuan and has practical reference value for formulating future settlement development strategies.

1. Introduction

Nowadays, the renewal and conservation of urban historical districts has emerged as a crucial subject in the fields of urban planning and architecture. Historical districts, as significant components of cultural heritage [1], bear regional memories and hold considerable historical and cultural value. Protecting their tangible and intangible value and establishing the local identity of these places are key steps towards achieving sustainable development goals [2]. The renewal of historical districts not only encompasses the improvement of architecture and the environment but also demands consideration of multiple dimensions such as social, economic, and cultural factors [3].

In certain historical old towns, particularly in underdeveloped regions with a relatively low degree of urban development intensity, some traditional settlements that hold cultural and historical significance remain. The siheyuan in these settlements have not undergone extensive development and renovation, maintaining their original urban fabric and architectural form. Over an extended period of development, the settlements dominated by siheyuan have gradually transformed into “overcrowded courtyard tenements” in which multiple families cohabit. Multiple families residing within the same siheyuan share facilities such as kitchens and toilets, giving rise to a collective lifestyle [4]. Nevertheless, with the relocation of the original residents and the growth of the rental population, the living space has been further segmented into smaller units, resulting in disorderly spatial expansion, congested living environments, and the accumulation of sundries, significantly deteriorating the living conditions in traditional siheyuan. In contrast to regular residential communities equipped with comprehensive supportive facilities and a clean environment, these settlements typically lack public service facilities and exhibit poor sanitation and living conditions. Due to their low rents, they have gradually become habitats for low-income urban dwellers and, with the recent increase in the inflow of the rural or peripheral population, have further evolved into “arrival cities” for these individuals. The phenomenon of property rights division in traditional courtyards complicates the renewal of historical districts, and conflicts of interest among different property rights holders often lead to a slow or even stagnant renewal process [5].

The existing literature includes research on the spatial composition and architectural characteristics of siheyuan [6], housing issues faced by migrant populations [7], and approaches for the protection and renewal of historical districts [8]. However, the majority of studies have concentrated on the macro and meso levels, with limited in-depth research on micro-level aspects, such as property rights, utilization relationships, individual family space usage patterns, and future housing needs. On one hand, the actual needs of migrants are often disregarded in many “top-down” gentrification practices [9]. On the other hand, renovations by uninformed residents may damage historical and cultural resources. At present, with regard to the renewal of siheyuan in historical districts, the absence of a clear understanding of the current situation might result in the destruction of historical resources or further intensify the housing predicaments of migrants. This study takes typical residential siheyuan settlements in Mizhi County, Shaanxi Province, as its research object, examines the existing property rights conditions and courtyard usage models, and analyzes the adaptability of migrants to the siheyuan space. Finally, this study provides development recommendations for the future of siheyuan, emphasizing spatial renewal and management policies.

2. Literature Review

2.1. Current Spatial Usage of Siheyuan

The traditional Chinese siheyuan is considered a successful and sustainable design strategy that has effectively addressed harsh environmental challenges, as well as social and cultural needs, over time [10]. The inward-facing spatial layout of siheyuan, which centers around a courtyard [11], not only protects family privacy effectively but also reflects traditional Chinese values and etiquette [6].

Since the mid-1980s, China has seen an unprecedented increase in rural-to-urban migration [12], making traditional siheyuan increasingly insufficient to accommodate the demands of modern urban population density [10]. Taking Beijing’s siheyuan settlements as an example, urban population growth and housing shortages after the 1950s led to the gradual disintegration of the single-family model and private land ownership linked to siheyuan. While urban densification does not necessarily result in the development of slums, the pursuit of private profit in informal housing often leads to excessively high building densities, restricting access to public resources like public space, natural ventilation, and sunlight [13]. At present, siheyuan settlements are generally challenged by complex property divisions and social relations featuring multiple property owners, users and tenants [14]. The cohabitation of multiple families in one siheyuan has resulted in increasingly prominent issues such as housing shortages, traffic congestion, and difficulties in accessing toilets [7]. To enhance comfort, residents have carried out renovations based on their own needs, but these modernizations are rarely in harmony with the original architectural style [15]. With the increase in resident families, residents have illegally constructed living rooms, bedrooms, kitchens, toilets, and other spaces within the courtyards, severely encroaching upon public space. This disorderly spatial expansion not only disrupts the original texture of the siheyuan dwellings but also makes the living environment more chaotic [16], as overcrowded courtyard tenements gradually evolve [17]. The deterioration of living conditions in siheyuan has further prompted original residents with better economic circumstances and a higher demand for living conditions to relocate. As a result, the proportion of house rentals has continuously increased, eventually turning the siheyuan dwellings into settlements for the migrant population and low-income groups [18].

2.2. Arrival Cities and the Informal Housing Market

The concept of an “arrival city”, denoting the informal spaces formed due to the migration of rural populations into cities, was proposed by Saunders [19]. These areas are characterized by overcrowding, poor housing quality, and the absence of basic services, as well as social tensions and conflicts encompassing crime, violence, and social exclusion [20]. As a crucial “entry mechanism”, arrival cities offer social mobility to migrants [21]. Conceptually, an arrival city is not merely a physical settlement point but also a region with relatively low living costs, providing the opportunity for immigrants to integrate into urban society [22]. In these places, immigrants (many of whom hail from rural areas) strive for survival or establish economic and spatial footholds for their families with their aspirations for a life in the city [23]. However, influenced by the household registration system, they are unable to enjoy equal services in terms of labor remuneration, such as education for children, social security, and housing, and find it challenging to integrate into urban society. The consequence is semi-urbanization and a division between urban and rural areas [24].

The courtyard house clusters in Nanjing have undergone further division as a result of residents’ additions and renovations. The traditional spatial order has been disrupted, gradually evolving into “urban villages” [25]. Urban villages have emerged from rural environments that were formerly situated on the fringes of cities. They are informal settlements embedded within built-up urban areas, characterized by a high density of self-constructed and mixed property rights structures, the convergence of migrant populations, and a shortage of infrastructure. These areas frequently attract informal industries and informal housing [24], the renewal of urban villages has consistently been regarded as an effective means of transforming Chinese arrival cities into affordable ones. From an economic perspective, informal housing is a substitute product that spontaneously emerges in the market in the absence of the government’s public functions [26]. Although China’s housing security system offers low-cost housing for low-income groups, due to the limited economic capabilities of the floating population, the majority of them still opt to acquire housing through private rentals [27], making it difficult to guarantee their safety and dignity. They encounter a high degree of housing instability and have a considerable probability of experiencing housing deprivation [28].

2.3. Preservation and Gentrification of Historic Districts

In contemporary urban revitalization, historical areas and architectural spaces must constantly evolve and be infused with new life to meet changing social and economic demands [29]. In the 1980s, the concept and policy of the holistic protection of historical districts pervaded conservation practices in European cities and emerged as a core principle for the protection of historical districts. It not only emphasized the preservation of material heritage but also required the maintenance of the stability of residents and their living functions and structures through legal, planning, management, and technical measures [8]. Since the 21st century, major cities in China have undergone large-scale urban redevelopment, encompassing the renewal and transformation of a considerable number of old districts [30].

Urban renewal requires balancing the interests of various stakeholders, such as the government, developers, property owners, and residents [31]. At present, the preservation status of siheyuan is polarized. The traditional appearances of siheyuan in designated protection zones, supported by policies and funding, have been successfully restored [3]. However, other siheyuan, lacking unified planning and control, have become crowded and poorly maintained due to unauthorized construction and modifications by residents. Many researchers have proposed the concept of “holistic preservation” for the future development of siheyuan, focusing on three main goals: preserving the architectural appearance, maintaining functionality and retaining residents [32], and focusing on context restoration and the activation of endogenous dynamics [33]. The role and function of public participation in the revitalization of urban historical districts, as well as the distribution of rights and responsibilities and the mutual influence among different groups during the participation process, have also garnered extensive attention [34]. Some researchers have analyzed methods of district protection and renewal based on micro-updating from three perspectives: texture restoration, form reconstruction, and function replacement [35]. Based on the “Symbiosis Philosophy” proposed by Japanese architect Kisho Kurokawa in 1987, some researchers have introduced the concept of “Symbiotic Courtyards”, aiming for the integration of old and new buildings, residents, and cultures to form a “symbiotic” state in which businesses, residences, and tourists and residents coexist [36]. Additionally, some researchers contend that the primary task of protecting historical buildings is the reinforcement of structural quality and the renovation of internal heating and other facilities while also rectifying environmental facilities that are inconsistent with the historical street and alley style [37].

The integration and upgrading of informal settlements is a double-edged sword, with the potential to improve living conditions while also potentially undermining the fragile economic logic that underpins them [38,39]. In urban renewal, impoverished neighborhoods experience an enhancement in their esthetic, economic, and socio-cultural values. Formerly private or public spaces transform into new middle-class environments, and informal settlements are supplanted by formal spatial orders and infrastructure. However, reconstruction projects also result in the displacement and separation of communities with lower socio-economic status [40]. Tourism development is regarded as an effective strategy for the renewal of siheyuan, but a balance must be sought between protection and development [41]. Although few native residents are willing to share space with entrepreneurs who introduce new industries, if entrepreneurs can purchase or lease the most commercially valuable street-facing sections while the original residents utilize the more private courtyard and building spaces, through rational planning and guidance, it may be possible to achieve multiple goals of commercial development, social integration, and heritage protection [42].

2.4. Study Gap

Existing studies have reviewed topics such as the current usage of siheyuan, the characteristics of informal housing in arrival cities, and the renewal and gentrification of historical districts. However, these studies mostly adopt a “top-down” perspective and are dominated by theoretical research with less practical application. Descriptions of the current state of siheyuan often remain at the qualitative level, lacking the support of specific data, such as the distribution of property rights, residents’ living areas, and the ratio of facilities to residents, making it difficult to accurately assess current living conditions. Research on the renovation practices of siheyuan mainly focuses on those in Beijing, where levels of government investment and commercialization are relatively high, differing significantly from those in local cities, especially less developed ones. Regarding the housing environment of immigrants, existing studies mostly concentrate on improving the housing conditions and satisfaction of migrant workers in urban villages, with insufficient attention paid to the housing issues of immigrants in historical districts [43].

Therefore, in the context of urban renewal, many problems in historical districts that primarily serve as residential areas in local cities remain unresolved. This study takes a typical residential siheyuan settlement in Mizhi County, Shaanxi Province, as its research object, analyzing current living patterns to propose future renewal and development strategies. This research provides a reference for the formulation of management policies by local governments, as well as for renovation plans involving the joint participation of property owners and immigrant families.

3. Research Area and Methods

3.1. Research Area

Mizhi County is located in the northern part of Shaanxi Province and is characterized by a cold and dry climate (109°49′ to 110°29′ east longitude and 37°39′ to 38°5′ north latitude). The average annual temperature is 8.5 °C, with an average annual precipitation of 450 mm (Figure 1). Written records of Mizhi Ancient City date back to the Northern Song Dynasty (670 AD). During the Ming and Qing dynasties, it was an important commercial center in Northwest China. In the Wanli period of the Ming Dynasty, it was recorded as “a market town with extensive trade and commerce” [44]. The residential buildings in Mizhi Ancient City are primarily typical Ming- and Qing-style siheyuan. Despite multiple repairs and renovations due to wars and social movements, the roads and settlement layout have largely retained their Qing Dynasty design. Mizhi Ancient City has not undergone commercial development. It still contains approximately 400 siheyuan with a population of around 12,000 people, making it a typical historic district with a primarily residential function. These siheyuan are registered and managed by relevant government departments, which also maintain public areas such as roads, squares, and public restrooms.

The typical siheyuan residences in Mizhi Ancient City consist of a main room, east and west wing rooms, a reverse-set room, and a main gate. The main room is located in the deepest part of the siheyuan, with the east and west wing rooms symmetrically arranged along a clear central axis, creating an orderly hierarchy (Figure 2). Notably, the main rooms of the siheyuan in this area are often independent cave dwellings, and some of the wing rooms and reverse-set rooms are also independent cave dwellings (Yaodong), giving rise to the name “Yaodong siheyuan”. With the increase in the migrant population and the nuclearization of families, when the buildings in the siheyuan are idle, the homeowners often opt to rent them out to obtain rental income, leading to a rapid growth in the number of resident families in the siheyuan. After 2000, the local government planned and constructed a new urban area and built a large number of residential communities with complete supporting facilities. The original residents of the siheyuan gradually moved to the new area and divided the idle buildings into smaller units (typically comprising one room) for rent or sale. Despite the relatively backward living conditions in the ancient town compared to the new area, the low rent in this area makes it the preferred settlement option for the inflowing population. The departure of the property owners and the inflow of the migrant population have resulted in a continuous increase in the proportion of tenant families among the residents of the ancient town, which has gradually developed the characteristics of an “arrival city”.

3.2. Research Method

This study utilized a variety of research methods, including literature collection and collation, architectural mapping, questionnaire and interview surveys, and data statistics and visualization (Figure 3). The specific steps are outlined below.

(1) Selection of surveyed siheyuan: Relevant materials and maps of Mizhi Ancient City were obtained from local government departments, and information on the boundaries of siheyuan settlements, road layouts, and siheyuan distribution was extracted. A preliminary survey of the overall condition of Mizhi Ancient City was conducted using these maps, and siheyuan were randomly selected along the main roads of the ancient city. After explaining the purpose of the survey and obtaining verbal consent from the residents, relevant siheyuan data were collected. A total of 42 siheyuan were surveyed, of which 31 were selected as study subjects based on their clear ownership descriptions, space utilization patterns, and well-documented renovation processes (Figure 1).

(2) Siheyuan mapping and residential pattern documentation: Photographs and on-site measurements of the siheyuan were taken, and floor plans of the siheyuan were created. Building information (such as whether the structures were traditional, newly built, or renovated) was marked on the plans, and the ownership and actual use of each building were documented. Detailed records of each household’s spatial usage patterns were also compiled.

(3) Resident questionnaire survey: Initially, 20 households in the ancient city were randomly selected for a pilot test. Based on the results, the questionnaire was refined to produce the final version (Appendix A).

A total of 172 households voluntarily participated in semi-structured interviews conducted within the surveyed siheyuan. Among these, 160 questionnaires were fully completed and deemed suitable for analysis, representing 66.67% of the total households residing in the courtyards and thus providing a representative sample of the resident population. With the consent of the interviewees, the researchers conducted verbatim recordings during the interviews, extracting key information to complete the questionnaires. The interviews primarily targeted the parents of families, with the questionnaire covering aspects such as family composition (including number of members and age), the circumstances and timing of moving into the courtyard houses, daily neighborhood interactions, spatial utilization patterns, future housing plans, and evaluations of the current living environment.

(4) Chi-square analysis was conducted to assess potential statistically significant differences between owner-occupied and rental households across key variables, including family structure, living arrangements, and residential satisfaction levels.

This study obtained verbal informed consent from all participants, with no written consent required to maintain anonymity. Participation was entirely voluntary, with all participants fully informed of the following: (1) the study was conducted for academic purposes, (2) they could withdraw at any time without providing a reason, and (3) interview transcripts and audiovisual materials would be kept strictly confidential. All audiovisual recordings were conducted with participants’ consent, and facial features were anonymized using Gaussian blur. To further ensure confidentiality, no personally identifiable information, such as names, was recorded. As a non-interventional social study, this research involved only non-sensitive demographic data, including age, length of residence, and housing patterns. It did not collect medical, financial, or other private information. In accordance with Article 32 of the Ethical Review of Life Science and Medical Research Involving Human Beings (National Health Commission Order No. 4 [2023]), this study qualifies for an exemption from ethical review [45].

Figure 3. Methodological framework.

Figure 3. Methodological framework.

4. Result

4.1. Overview of Siheyuan Residents

(1) Resident Composition

According to the questionnaire survey, 24.37% of the surveyed families are owner families, and 75.63% are tenant families (Appendix B 

Table A1. Resident household composition.

		Family Type (%)		Total (%)	X2	p
		Owner	Tenant
Household population	1	7 (17.95)	10 (8.26)	17 (10.63)	19.357	0.001 **
	2	17 (43.59)	20 (16.53)	37 (23.13)
	3	9 (23.08)	43 (35.54)	52 (32.50)
	4	5 (12.82)	46 (38.02)	51 (31.87)
	5	1 (2.56)	2 (1.65)	3 (1.88)
	Total	39	121	160
Age of parents	20–29	0 (0.00)	2 (1.65)	2 (1.25)	43.374	0.000 **
	30–39	2 (5.13)	44 (36.36)	46 (28.75)
	40–49	3 (7.69)	33 (27.27)	36 (22.50)
	50–59	9 (23.08)	17 (14.05)	26 (16.25)
	60–69	8 (20.51)	7 (5.79)	15 (9.38)
	70–79	8 (20.51)	15 (12.40)	23 (14.37)
	80–89	6 (15.38)	3 (2.48)	9 (5.63)
	90–99	3 (7.69)	0 (0.00)	3 (1.88)
	Total	39	121	160

** p < 0.01

). Chi-square analysis revealed significant differences between these two groups in terms of parents age (X² = 42.374, p = 0.000 < 0.01) and household size (X² = 19.357, p = 0.001 < 0.01). Among owner families, 53.59% were two-person families, a proportion significantly higher than the 16.53% observed among tenant families. 87.18% of owner families reported parents aged 50 years or above, whereas this proportion was significantly lower (34.71%) among tenant families (Figure 4). In contrast, three- and four-person families accounted for 73.56% of tenant families, significantly higher than the 35.90% among owner families. Moreover, 63.64% of tenant families had parents aged 30–49, a substantially larger share than the 12.82% among owner families.

Residence duration also varied significantly between the two groups (Chi-square analysis X² = 154.490, p = 0.000 < 0.01, Appendix B 

Table A2. Duration of residence.

		Family Type (%)		Total (%)	X2	p
		Owner	Tenant
Duration of residence	A	36 (92.31)	32 (26.45)	68 (42.50)	56.260	0.000 **
	B	3 (7.69)	8 (6.61)	11 (6.88)
	C	0 (0.00)	67 (55.37)	67 (41.88)
	D	0 (0.00)	14 (11.57)	14 (8.75)
	Total	39	121	160

** p < 0.01. A. Over 10 years, B. 5 to 10 years, C. 1 to 5 years, D. less than 1 year.

). Among owner families, 92.31% had lived in the old town for over a decade, a proportion markedly higher than the 26.45% among tenant families. Conversely, 55.37% of tenant families had resided in the area for only 1–5 years, whereas none of the owner families reported such short-term residence (Figure 5a).

Motivations for residence differed significantly between owner families and tenant families (Chi-square analysis X² = 154.490, p = 0.000 < 0.01, Appendix B 

Table A3. Settlement motivation.

		Family Type (%)		Total (%)	X2	p
		Owner	Tenant
Settlement motivation	A	0 (0.00)	91 (75.21)	91 (56.88)	153.490	0.000 **
	B	0 (0.00)	27 (22.31)	27 (16.88)
	C	23 (58.97)	0 (0.00)	23 (14.37)
	D	14 (35.90)	0 (0.00)	14 (8.75)
	E	2 (5.13)	3 (2.48)	5 (3.13)
	Total	39	121	160

** p < 0.01. A. To enable their children to attend county schools, B. for a comfortable retirement, C. family inheritance, D. bought from collective as employees, E. other.

). Among owner families, 58.97% acquired their house through family inheritance, and 35.90% purchased it from collective property rights as employees. Among tenant families, 75.21% of the main purpose of residing in the area is to enable their children to attend county schools (Figure 5b). Interviews indicate that, in recent years, declining rural child populations have led to the consolidation of village schools, forcing many children to travel long distances for education. One parent remarked, “The village school was closed in 2012, so both primary and secondary students now have to attend school in the town. Since we need to rent housing anyway, it makes more sense to enroll our child in a school with better educational quality in the county seat”. To improve their children’s educational conditions and reduce commuting time, many rural families have chosen to rent housing in urban areas. While accompanying their children, parents often seek short-term employment. In most cases, the mother relocates with the child while the father remains in the village to farm; in fewer instances, both parents migrate to the county seat for work and to support their children. As one interviewee noted, “After moving to the county, I took on part-time work at a supermarket, while the child’s father stayed in the village to grow apples”. Additionally, 22.31% of tenant households are elderly families who have chosen to spend their later years in siheyuan courtyards. This arrangement facilitates mutual care with their children and enables better access to urban medical services. As one elderly resident stated, “Living in the county allows us to reunite with our children every weekend. When we’re sick, we can reach a hospital in ten minutes—much more convenient than in the countryside”.

Future housing plans showed significant differences between owner families and tenant families (X² = 38.238, p = 0.000 < 0.01, Appendix B 

Table A4. Future housing plans.

		Family Type (%)		Total (%)	X2	p
		Owner	Tenant
Future housing plans	A	36 (92.31)	46 (38.02)	82 (51.25)	38.238	0.000 **
	B	0 (0.00)	66 (54.55)	66 (41.25)
	C	3 (7.69)	9 (7.44)	12 (7.50)
	Total	39	121	160

** p < 0.01. A. Continued residence in siheyuan, B. return to the hometown after child completes high school, C. plan to purchase a house in the new urban district.

). Among owner families, 92.31% indicated that “there are no plans to move at the current stage and intend to continue residing”. compared to only 38.02% of tenant families who expressed the same intention. In contrast, 54.55% of tenant families planned to return to their hometowns after their children completed high school. The reasons why elderly owners are reluctant to move include “inconvenient transportation in commercial buildings” and because “the atrium of the courtyard house is convenient for walking and exercising”. Furthermore, although the proportion is relatively low, 7.44% of tenant families plan to purchase a house in the new town to complete the transformation from farmers to urban residents (Figure 5c).

(2) Residents’ Demands

Significant differences were observed between owner and tenant families in terms of dissatisfaction with their current living conditions (X² = 34.680, p = 0.000 < 0.01, Appendix B 

Table A5. Dissatisfaction with the living environment.

		Family Type (%)		Total (%)	X2	p
		Owner	Tenant
Dissatisfaction	A	2 (5.13)	21 (17.36)	23 (14.37)	34.680	0.000 **
	B	5 (12.82)	58 (47.93)	63 (39.38)
	C	17 (43.59)	17 (14.05)	34 (21.25)
	D	9 (23.08)	8 (6.61)	17 (10.63)
	E	2 (5.13)	12 (9.92)	14 (8.75)
	F	4 (10.26)	5 (4.31)	9 (5.63)
	Total	39	121	160

** p < 0.01. A. Use of public restroom/toilets, B. use of public faucets, C. slippery roads, D. noise, E. small and crowded rooms, F. other.

). Among owner families, 43.59% expressed concern over the slipperiness of stone-paved surfaces in winter, which posed mobility challenges. In contrast, 47.93% of tenant families identified difficulties with tap water access as their primary concern. On one hand, outdoor faucets may freeze and become unusable in winter. On the other hand, there are also issues such as a high demand for water during peak hours and an uneven distribution of water costs. Additionally, tenant families were more likely than owner families to report dissatisfaction with restroom conditions and limited indoor space (Figure 6a).

Differences were also evident in residents’ satisfaction with their living environment (X² = 66.063, p = 0.000 < 0.01, Appendix B 

Table A6. Satisfaction with the living environment.

		Family Type (%)		Total (%)	X2	p
		Owner	Tenant
Satisfaction	A	2 (5.13)	82 (67.77)	84 (52.50)	66.063	0.000 **
	B	18 (46.15)	18 (14.88)	36 (22.50)
	C	0 (0.00)	9 (7.44)	9 (5.63)
	D	3 (7.69)	6 (4.96)	9 (5.63)
	E	16 (41.03)	6 (4.96)	22 (13.75)
	Total	39	121	160

** p < 0.01. A. Relatively close to the school, B. convenient access to daily shopping, C. relatively low rental prices, D. proximity to children working in the city, E. comfortable physical environment of cave dwellings.

). A total of 67.77% of tenant families valued the proximity of their residence to schools, emphasizing that “the residence is close to the school, and it’s reassuring without the need for picking up and dropping off children”. In contrast, only 5.13% of owner families considered this a significant advantage. Conversely, 46.15% of owner families appreciated the accessibility of local vegetable stalls and small grocery stores, compared to only 14.88% of tenant families. Furthermore, 41.03% of owner families highlighted the superior thermal comfort of their homes, noting that they remained warm in winter and cool in summer, while only 4.96% of tenant families shared this perception, reflecting differences in housing quality. Tenant families, however, emphasized economic benefits such as affordable rent, as well as considerations related to elderly care, including better access to urban medical facilities and proximity to their children’s residences, which provided them with a greater sense of security (Figure 6b).

From the above analysis, it can be discerned that approximately one-quarter of the residents of the siheyuan are owner families, mostly comprising elderly individuals who are concerned about issues such as public roads and noise and are generally satisfied with the current living environment, with a relatively strong intention to continue residing in the siheyuan. Three-quarters of the residents are tenant families, mostly from rural areas, who have migrated for their children’s education and are renting space in the siheyuan for a short term. Compared to the living environment, the convenient location of schools and the low rent are more appealing to them. They are currently facing problems such as inconvenient water and toilet facilities, which require solutions through courtyard renovation.

4.2. Ownership Model of Siheyuan

4.2.1. Current Property Ownership Situation

The residential ownership certificate is the “Property Ownership Certificate”, which was issued by government departments around 1980. It serves as proof of the sale or donation of buildings, with the smallest ownership unit being a room. Among the 31 siheyuan surveyed, 5 siheyuan are owned by a single family, and their property certificates include details such as the area and construction year of the siheyuan and buildings. The remaining 26 siheyuan are jointly owned by multiple families, with the central courtyard serving as shared property. Each family’s certificate only records the building and area they own. According to the survey, the ownership and utilization patterns of the buildings in the siheyuan can be categorized into three types. In Figure 7, nodes represent functional spaces, and lines indicate spatial relationships. The spatial composition of the siheyuan is simplified into an entrance, a central courtyard, and various residential rooms.

(1) Single-family ownership and residence (6.45%): Among the 31 surveyed courtyards, 2 belong to this category. Both have relatively small scales, and the information of the entire courtyard is recorded on the property certificate. The residents have installed modern facilities such as independent kitchens and bathrooms with natural gas themselves, providing a relatively comfortable living environment.

(2) Single-family ownership with multiple rental families co-residing (9.68%): Similarly to the first case, information about the courtyard and buildings is recorded on the property certificate. Most tenant families use only one room, while the owner family typically uses two or more rooms and has achieved a more comfortable living environment through additions and renovations.

(3) Multiple-family co-ownership and co-residence (83.87%): Due to the sharing of property rights among multiple families, there is a lack of clear demarcation between public spaces and outdoor spaces used by individual families, resulting in the accumulation of discarded furniture and other sundries in the central courtyard. To acquire more usable space, residents often add kitchens, storage rooms, and other facilities in the central courtyard.

4.2.2. Division of Siheyuan and Alteration of Property Rights

Based on interviews with government personnel and residents, a land reform was implemented in Mizhi County in 1948. The land and residences of capitalists and landlords were taken into public ownership and redistributed. Among them, a small number of siheyuan were utilized as office or living spaces for government employees, while the majority were allocated to local families with economic hardships. This reform transformed the originally single-family-occupied courtyard houses into multi-family shared residences, and the property rights of the courtyards shifted from a single family to being jointly held by multiple families.

In a siheyuan, after obtaining the consent of other property-owning families, a certain family can separate the buildings they own from the siheyuan by constructing walls, re-establishing entrances and exits, and other means. If a courtyard is divided into more than two courtyards, the property certificates will be updated and reissued in accordance with the actual situation after the division. It is relatively common for one part of the divided courtyard to be owned by a single family, while the remaining parts are jointly held by multiple families. Although this practice enhances the privacy of family spaces, it undermines the integrity of the siheyuan space. The survey indicates that among the 31 courtyards, four have undergone spatial division, resulting in new utilization patterns and simultaneously severing the original neighborhood connections (Figure 8).

4.3. Space Utilization Patterns of Siheyuan

Among the 31 surveyed siheyuan, most were small in scale, featuring one or two courtyards. A statistical analysis of the number of households and land area in each siheyuan revealed that the land area ranged from 438 m² to 830 m², with the number of households ranging from 1 to 16. A positive correlation was found between the number of households and the land area of the siheyuan. On average, 40.11 m² of land is required for each additional household. Since most siheyuan in the surveyed area were small-scale, it was common for 6–7 households to cohabit in the same siheyuan (Figure 9).

The siheyuan is divided into individual rooms as the smallest units, with 1–2 rooms designated as private spaces for each family and used for activities such as cooking, dining, sleeping, studying, and recreation. When indoor space is limited, some residents place tables and iron stoves in the courtyard or on the platform to cook outdoors or in semi-outdoor spaces.

In most siheyuan, individual rooms serve as private living spaces for the residents, while the central courtyard functions as a shared space, creating a “shared + private” usage model. The central courtyard accommodates various activities, such as washing and drying clothes, toilet use, neighborhood interactions, and children’s play. In some siheyuan, shared tables and chairs are placed in the courtyard, allowing residents to take short breaks, read, or socialize. However, neighbors often face issues related to privacy and noise disturbances. To ensure privacy and define their living space, some residents use low walls or iron fences to enclose parts of the courtyard to create private space. This practice was observed in 5 of the 31 siheyuan surveyed. While this practice enhances security and privacy to some extent, it reduces available public space and causes some inconvenience for other residents. Some families use a row of potted plants to separate the public space from the outdoor space used by the family (Figure 10).

Although co-residing with multiple families in one siheyuan brings numerous inconveniences, generally, residents within the same siheyuan usually reach a consensus on space usage and environmental maintenance, establish certain rules, and form a small community based on mutual assistance and sharing, developing a certain collective consciousness. Daily communication behaviors among residents include morning greetings, chatting while knitting in the central courtyard, sharing hometown specialties and food, and jointly taking children to and from school. Regarding the noise issue in the central courtyard, residents usually reach a use consensus, such as avoiding talking loudly during midday naps and after school to avoid disturbing children’s studies. Moreover, cleaning of the central courtyard and shared toilets is usually rotated among families, with one family typically being responsible for one week. It can be stated that the central courtyard space maintains communication and interaction among residents. These frequent interactions form a solid social bond [46] and give rise to a certain collective consciousness. In the psychological perception and living behaviors of most residents, a siheyuan is regarded as a spatial unit, and residents form a mutual assistance and coexistence relationship with a closer psychological connection, creating a living “community”. Currently, the mode of living in siheyuan is similar to the “share house” in cities, which are especially suitable for nuclear family structures (a share house refers to a co-living housing model prevalent among urban youth, in which tenants occupy private bedrooms while sharing communal facilities such as living rooms, kitchens, and bathrooms).

4.4. Utilization of Facilities and Renovations

4.4.1. Current Utilization of Facilities

In 1959, under the auspices of the local government, the settlement initiated the laying of water supply and sewage pipes and installed public water taps in the central courtyards of the siheyuan. From then on, residents began to utilize tap water. Prior to this, the residents were wholly reliant on well water. The survey indicates that some families have carried out renovations to introduce water supply pipes into each room, while others still share the water tap in the central courtyard and the water bills. Approximately 4–5 families share one water tap, and congestion frequently occurs during the peak hours for washing in the morning and evening.

The majority of siheyuan have toilets located in the corners of the courtyards, which are shared and maintained by the resident families. On average, one public toilet is jointly used by 6–7 families. As most public toilets are dry latrines, they need to be cleaned every six months, the expense of which is borne collectively by the residents. Additionally, the survey found that 13.33% of the families have carried out additions or renovations to acquire private bathrooms equipped with flush toilets for their exclusive use.

Based on the statistics of the 31 siheyuan houses, the average living area per household (including kitchens and bathrooms independently added by the residents for their family members, but excluding public toilets) amounts to 30.32 m². Significant disparities exist in the utilization of the living space between owner families and tenant families (X² = 143.669, p = 0.000 < 0.01). Owner families typically have larger living spaces, and they have enhanced the living conditions through additions and renovations. The proportion of tenant families residing in one-room units is 92.35%, significantly higher than the 14.04% of owner families in similar living arrangements. In contrast, 35.09% of owner families live in “bedroom + kitchen” units, and 49.12% reside in “bedroom + kitchen + bathroom” units. These proportions are markedly higher than the 6.01% and 1.64% observed among tenant families (

Table 1. Composition of residential space for a single family.

		Family Type (%)		Total (%)	X2	p
		Owner	Tenant
Housing patterns	One-room	8 (14.04)	169 (92.35)	177 (73.75)	143.669	0.000 **
	Bedroom + kitchen	20 (35.09)	11 (6.01)	31 (12.92)
	Bedroom + kitchen + bathroom	28 (49.12)	3 (1.64)	31 (12.92)
	Bedroom + bathroom	1 (1.75)	0 (0.00)	1 (0.42)
	Total	57	183	240

** p < 0.01

).

4.4.2. Renovations of Siheyuan

The siheyuan renovations occurred from 1990 to 2008 and were mainly carried out independently by the owner families. The main purpose was to obtain separate kitchen and bathroom spaces to improve the living conditions, while a few renovations were carried out for the purpose of increasing the rent.

(1) Reconstruction of buildings: According to their different structural types, the buildings comprising the siheyuan of Mizhi Ancient Town can be classified into “independent cave dwellings”, “brick–wood structure houses”, and “brick–concrete structure houses”. The former two are the original types from the early construction of the siheyuan, while the latter are additions or renovated structures (Figure 11). Among the 31 surveyed siheyuan, all the independent cave dwellings were retained, while 34.4% of the brick–wood houses had been reconstructed due to aging. Among them, 4 (4.3%) were remodeled into independent cave dwellings, and the remaining 28 (30.1%) were remodeled into brick–concrete houses. Most of the reconstructed brick–concrete structure houses are equipped with separate kitchens and bathrooms.

(2) Additions and Renovations of Buildings

The addition and renovation of buildings was mainly focused on auxiliary functional spaces such as kitchens, bathrooms, and storage rooms. In most siheyuan, residents expand their living space by adding rooms in the central courtyard, which is the simplest means of addition, and most are simple houses without a foundation (Figure 12a). Renovations are mostly achieved by adding interior partition walls to further divide the space and form separate kitchens and bathrooms (Figure 12b). In some cases, residents make partial additions to the houses, forming a shape similar to an “L” plan, thereby achieving the functional integration of separate kitchens and bathrooms (Figure 12c).

4.5. Case Study

Three siheyuan with different property rights and usage patterns were selected for case analysis (Figure 13).

Case 1: The siheyuan was constructed during the Republic of China era (around 1930) and was solely occupied by the owning family. Due to the relatively small size of the family’s per capita landholding, they retained it during the land reform of 1948. Although the house has undergone multiple repairs and reconstructions, the original floor plan has remained intact. Around 2000, the doors and windows of the cave dwellings were transformed from wood to an aluminum alloy. In 2005, a small kitchen utilizing natural gas was added to the east side of the main room. The east wing room was remodeled from a brick–wood structure to brick–concrete and was equipped with a flush toilet and a shower room. As the number of family members decreased, the west wing room and the reverse-set room gradually fell into disuse and are no longer utilized. Plans to renovate the house for rental purposes have been postponed indefinitely due to the lack of an opportune moment.

Case 2: The siheyuan was built in the first year of the Republic of China (1912). It was not impacted by the land reform and has been preserved as a family residence to date. Currently, the owner family and four tenant families cohabit. As the brick-wood wing rooms and the reverse-set room deteriorated, they were reconstructed as brick–concrete structures in 2000 and 2008, respectively. The living space of the owner family now features an independent natural gas kitchen, bathroom, bedroom, dining room, and storage space, and its usage pattern resembles that of urban collective housing. In contrast, the tenant families all reside in one room and share the courtyard’s toilet. The courtyard and shared toilet are cleaned on a rotational basis, with each family responsible for one week.

Case 3: The siheyuan was constructed in the late Qing Dynasty and was originally the residence of the Chang family. During the land reform period, it was allocated to residents without land or assets. Currently, the courtyard is jointly owned by five families, with two of them still residing there. Both reside in two interconnected cave dwellings and, through interior renovations, have constructed independent kitchens, bathrooms, and shower rooms. Both families have expressed no intention of moving out in the future, stating that “life in the courtyard with mutual care among neighbors makes them feel reassured”. The nine tenant families all moved into the siheyuan due to their school-aged children’s enrollment in a local school; they are mostly nuclear families of three or four members residing in one-room units or cave dwellings. The majority of the tenant families indicated that “they hope their children can gain admission to good universities, change the family’s destiny, and become the pride of everyone”. All the rooms in the courtyard have access to tap water but no sewer system, and sewage is dumped in the courtyard in a concentrated manner. The courtyard and shared toilet are cleaned on a rotational basis, with each family being responsible for one week.

The floor plan of the west wing room can be utilized to compare the living spaces of the owner family and the tenant families. The owner family, through interior renovations, has acquired an independent kitchen and shower room, with basic divisions delineating areas for cooking, sleeping, entertainment, and study. In contrast, in the tenant families’ rooms, the sleeping space occupies the largest proportion, and the children’s study desks also double as dining tables. There is a lack of clear demarcation among the functional spaces, and the interiors are generally crowded, with various living activities prone to mutual interference.

5. Discussion

5.1. Resident Profiles and Living Conditions

(1) Resident Composition

In Beijing, siheyuan exist in two primary ownership forms: state-owned and privately owned. Their residents mainly comprise retired employees from state-owned work units and tenants, the latter predominantly being low-income migrant workers [47]. Due to the household registration system, migrants are often excluded from accessing high-quality urban public services, including education, healthcare, and equitable housing [24]. However, based on the survey results of this study, the majority of migrants move to cities to avail themselves of educational and medical facilities. 75.21% of the tenant families in Mizhi Ancient City are “education migrants” who come for their children’s schooling, and their spatial needs center on the accessibility of the school district rather than improvements in living quality. The remaining 22.31% are elderly individuals who have joined their children and mainly aim to utilize the relatively advanced medical services available in the city. According to the interviews, under Mizhi policy, school-age children can enroll in county schools if they have a fixed residence and meet certain score thresholds. Moreover, with the gradual unification of the medical insurance system for urban and rural residents by the Chinese government, which started in 2016 [48], rural residents can enjoy the same proportion of reimbursement when seeking medical treatment in cities. Therefore, in addition to the economic factor of low rent, the convenience of schools and hospitals is also a crucial reason for migrants to reside in these siheyuan, offering a new perspective on their housing choices.

(2) Residential Patterns

Shared housing often faces challenges such as limited living space and inadequate infrastructure. In informal shared residences in Sydney, tenants often live in exploited and overcrowded conditions and lack lease guarantees [49]. In related studies in Beijing, residents have extensively added to the siheyuan, resulting in excessive overcrowding and unequal use of facilities [7]. In Mizhi Ancient City, due to the division of property rights, a checks-and-balances mechanism exists among owner families, and no large-scale or unreasonable additions have been detected. However, as in other regions, there remains a significant disparity in living conditions between owner and tenant families. Most owner families have obtained independent spaces such as kitchens and bathrooms through renovations, but tenant families face more adverse living conditions. On one hand, restricted by their temporary usage rights, tenant families make minimal or no investment in space renovations, objectively maintaining the integrity of the traditional architectural texture. On the other hand, the complex property rights structure leads to governance predicaments in public spaces. This survey reveals that tenant families face an insufficient water supply and toilet facilities and have to endure long wait times during peak hours on a daily basis.

(3) Future Development Directions

Of the tenant families, 38.02% show a preference for long-term and stable residence as they adapt to urban life. Before attaining a sufficient economic foundation, they are more inclined to select siheyuan as their long-term abode. In this survey, only 7.44% of tenant families stated that they plan to purchase a house in the city, indicating their transition from a “nomadic social structure” to a “local social structure” [50]. This also implies that low-security tenant housing has become a transitional spatial carrier facilitating the identity transformation of rural migrants [51]. Hence, siheyuan in underdeveloped cities similar to the one studied in this article will continue to serve as “arrival cities” to accommodate the inflow of migrants from rural and other areas for a considerable period until these individuals return to their hometowns or complete their transformation into urban residents.

According to the interviews with the staff of the Housing and Urban-Rural Development Bureau of Mizhi, since the Mizhi Ancient City was recognized as a provincial-level cultural relic in 2008, a protection strategy of “maintaining the status quo” has been adopted for the siheyuan, precluding large-scale reconstructions. Any necessary repairs and renovations must receive approval from the relevant departments in advance. The local government encourages residents to independently introduce facilities such as water taps, gas kitchens, flush toilets, and showers without undermining the traditional architectural style. Based on the residents’ questionnaire responses, addressing the water supply issue is the most significant demand at present, followed by increasing the number of bathrooms and improving their sanitary conditions. Unlike Beijing’s siheyuan, in local historical districts where residential functions predominate and the number of tourists is limited, large-scale gentrification or commercial renovations do not generate significant benefits for local governments or property holders. In the case of Mizhi, both owner families and tenant families have expressed a strong attachment to the community and a desire to continue residing in the siheyuan. In accordance with the existing policies in Mizhi, the government has no plans for large-scale commercial renovations but is making gradual progress while maintaining the existing living pattern to gradually enhance the quality of the residential environment.

5.2. Renewal Strategies for Siheyuan

The Chinese government has been dedicated to expanding the supply of low-income tenant housing and standardizing housing to safeguard the living circumstances of the underprivileged, vulnerable groups, and migrants [52]. The revitalization of arrival cities should prioritize spatial equity and social justice [53]. It should begin by considering the multi-level needs of vulnerable groups to achieve an all-round enhancement of spatial quality and social networks, respecting their dignity and housing rights, and advocating for progressive organic micro-renewals [54]. In the renewal of historical districts, community resilience is of particular significance as renewal projects often exert a profound influence on the social structure and economic basis of the community. Nevertheless, the phenomenon of gentrification might lead to a decline in community resilience [55]. However, this could potentially impact the actual interests of middle- and low-income groups. With the advancement of urban renewal and gentrification, rents have increased substantially, intensifying the residential segregation between migrants and local residents [56].

Housing renewal and renovation can be classified into two categories: market-oriented and government-led [57]. The renovation of siheyuan is primarily state-directed in Beijing. In the urban areas of Amsterdam and Utrecht, suburban poverty coexists with urban gentrification, with low-income families being pushed to the most remote areas of the region [58]. In the renewal of Beijing’s siheyuan, enterprises and individual investors are permitted to clear and restore the siheyuan, provided that all registered residents sign compensation agreements and permanently relocate [59]. Existing studies on residential siheyuan renovation primarily focus on courtyard-level infrastructure improvements while maintaining the original community network [5,18,32]. Some approaches also preserve a portion of the original residents while introducing studios and commercial spaces [8,14,16]. In these renewal projects, the government plays a central role as a policymaker and resource coordinator. It establishes technical standards for micro-renovations, allocates financial subsidies, mediates property disputes, provides legal protections, and ensures regulatory compliance. Urban planners facilitate participatory design workshops to collect resident input and develop low-cost, modular renovation strategies. Property owners must apply for government repair subsidies and contribute partial funding for renovations, while tenants are encouraged to participate by articulating their housing needs and advocating for rental protections. However, significant challenges persist. Ensuring housing stability for tenants during renovation remains difficult, and post-renewal rent increases often lead to the displacement of vulnerable populations.

The renewal of Mizhi Ancient City can benefit from a multi-stakeholder approach that integrates government authorities, designers, and residents. However, clear policies and regulatory frameworks are essential to safeguarding tenants’ rights. In Mizhi Ancient City, most siheyuan are collectively owned by multiple families rather than held as private property. Moreover, many property-owning families no longer reside in the area, making self-funded renovation efforts highly challenging. Consequently, government financial support remains essential. A hybrid funding model—combining partial government subsidies with resident contributions—may offer a viable solution for sustainable renewal initiatives. The government, serving as both a policymaker and regulator, will likely face challenges in mediating between property owners and tenants while ensuring housing security for rental populations. To protect tenants’ basic living conditions, it is necessary to establish minimum standards for household living space and per capita access to essential facilities. These standards should be enforced through policy measures and administrative oversight by local government agencies and housing authorities [60]. Since rental income is a crucial financial resource for property-owning families [61], policy interventions should define a reasonable rental price range to regulate the leasing market and balance the interests of both landlords and tenants.

6. Conclusions

(1) At present, more than 75% of the residents in the Mizhi Ancient City are migrants. The majority of them reside in siheyuan as private tenants in order to access the educational and medical facilities available in the town. Currently, multiple families share a single siheyuan. This high-density living mode is accompanied by issues such as cramped indoor spaces and inadequate sanitary facilities. Nevertheless, due to the low rent and favorable geographical location, it caters to the current demands of the migrant population.

(2) Future housing renewal initiatives should adopt a collaborative approach that engages multiple stakeholders, including the government, designers, property owners, and tenant families. Within this framework, the government serves as the policymaker, financial provider, and regulator. Designers are responsible for integrating diverse stakeholder needs into comprehensive renovation plans, while property owners must select appropriate renewal strategies and contribute partial funding. Tenants, in turn, should actively express their housing needs to ensure their rights are protected.

a. preserving the architectural integrity of siheyuan. First, the courtyard texture of the siheyuan should be given priority for protection to avert spatial damage from excessive additions. This can be accomplished by dismantling abandoned temporary buildings and clearing clutter to guarantee the public function of the central courtyard. With the current renovations, in some courtyards, residents have separated parts of the siheyuan from the original siheyuan by adding walls and reconfiguring entrances and exits, forming independent houses. This practice disrupts the traditional spatial order of the siheyuan and should be restricted through policy supervision in the future. Second, existing buildings should undergo moderate repair and transformation. This investigation revealed that nearly one-third of the brick-and-wood structures were rebuilt as brick–concrete structures during modernization, and their exterior facades mostly utilize white tiles, which differ significantly from the traditional style. For new or reconstructed buildings, the materials, colors, and decorative designs should align with the traditional style. In future renovations, traditional architectural forms and decorative features should be retained, and guidance should be provided on building materials, colors, and facade forms to ensure renovations maintain harmony with the traditional style. Simultaneously, damaged buildings should be gradually restored based on residents’ intentions.

b. Upgrading infrastructure and amenities. This investigation indicates that the majority of siheyuan have more than six resident families, and tenant families are more reliant on shared facilities in the public spaces. At present, 4–5 families share one water tap, and 6–7 families share one toilet, representing a severe deficiency in facility quantity. Based on ownership and usage, siheyuan can be classified into three types: single-family owned and occupied, single-family owned but shared with tenant families, and multiple-family owned but shared with tenant families. For the first two types, communication with the owners is necessary to ensure the quality of amenities by introducing water pipes and increasing the number of bathroom facilities. For the third type, negotiations with each owner are necessary to optimize the environment of the public areas. Idle houses within the siheyuan can be renovated to provide public kitchens, bathrooms, and shower rooms for tenant families. The utilization of these public spaces can not only effectively address the issue of cramped indoor spaces but also improve the existing living hygiene conditions through the use of natural gas kitchens and clean bathrooms.

c. Safeguarding tenant housing rights. To ensure residential stability during renovation, the government should implement policy subsidies and provide temporary housing solutions. Additionally, as living conditions improve, regulatory measures must be introduced to minimize the adverse effects on tenants. This includes implementing rent control policies and ensuring that existing tenants are granted priority leasing rights for the renovated properties.

This study examines the residential patterns of local urban historical districts, revealing the composition of siheyuan residents, ownership models, and future renovation needs. It clarifies the current usage characteristics and future renewal directions of siheyuan, explores migrants’ adaptation to the siheyuan space, and offers theoretical recommendations for renovation and management strategies. However, this study uses the siheyuan in Mizhi Ancient City as a typical case for local cities, and its conclusions may not be applicable to all regions of China. Future research should investigate and analyze siheyuan in different geographic environments. This study provides important contributions to both the theoretical framework and the analysis of the current conditions of siheyuan. However, further research is required to deepen its practical validation and policy integration across diverse regional and contextual settings. A critical area for future exploration is how to enhance living conditions while safeguarding the housing rights of vulnerable populations and preventing their displacement.