Reconstructing Society Through Memory: Smong, Cultural Trauma, and Community Resilience in Post-Disaster Simeulue, Indonesia

Abstract

For the Simeulue community, trauma does not remain a source of fear or psychological burden. Instead, it becomes a guideline for their survival. This study explores how societies reconstruct themselves through memory by examining smong, the local knowledge of the Simeulue community in Indonesia, as a cultural mechanism that transforms disaster experience into social resilience. Using a qualitative ethnographic approach, the research utilizes interviews, nandong and song lyrics, field notes, and historical documentation. The findings indicate that smong operates through interconnected layers of communicative and cultural memory: it is preserved in family stories, bedtime stories, artistic expressions, commemorative practices, and symbolic markers such as monuments and grave inscriptions. Through these processes, traumatic experiences are reframed as moral instructions and actionable knowledge that guide rapid evacuation, mutual aid, and collective vigilance during earthquakes and tsunamis. This study demonstrates that the reconstruction of the Simeulue community is driven not by a formal disaster management system but by practices rooted in culture. Past disaster experiences are continuously reinterpreted and integrated into everyday life. This highlights the importance of memory-based strategies for strengthening community resilience and offers directions for future research on intergenerational knowledge transmission, cultural adaptation, and disaster preparedness in oral societies.

1. Introduction

Simeulue Island, located off the west coast of Aceh, Indonesia (see Figure 1 and Figure 2), is a notable example of a tsunami-prone area due to its location in an active subduction zone where the Indo-Australian Plate is subducting beneath the Eurasian Plate. According to the Simeulue people, the island was hit by a tsunami in 1883, which was triggered by the eruption of Mount Krakatau. However, there are no adequate references to explain the tsunami that occurred on Simeulue Island. A subsequent tsunami occurred in 1907, resulting in the demise of 50–70% of the population of Simeulue Island. Nearly a century later, in 2004, a substantial tsunami struck Simeulue Island and several regions in Aceh Province, extending as far away as Thailand, Sri Lanka, South India, and the eastern coast of Africa [1,2,3,4].

Despite its position, Simeulue remarkably survived the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami with minimal casualties. On Sunday morning, 26 December 2004, a 9.0-magnitude earthquake struck off the west coast of North Sumatra, generating massive waves that devastated coastal regions along the Indian Ocean rim. The Indonesian province of Aceh recorded the highest death toll. Approximately one year after the disaster, in December 2005, government estimates indicated 129,775 deaths, 38,786 missing persons, and 504,518 displaced individuals in Aceh Province. In contrast, only 44 deaths and one missing person were reported in Simeulue Regency [5,6]. However, because these data were collected after the March 2005 earthquake, the figures may represent a combined toll from both the December 2004 tsunami and the subsequent earthquake. Specifically, seven deaths were attributed solely to the December 2004 tsunami in Simeulue, out of a total population of approximately 83,000 [7,8,9,10,11,12].

This remarkable anomaly has drawn the attention of researchers across disciplines such as disaster studies, linguistics, education, and communication. These studies attribute the survival of the Simeulue islanders to a deeply rooted form of local knowledge known as smong. The term smong is not merely a translation of tsunami in Devayan, the indigenous language of Simeulue. Rather, it is a local concept that embodies collective memory, warning narratives, and moral wisdom about the signs of an impending tsunami. This concept has been transmitted orally across generations since 1907. Scholarly investigation of smong commenced in 2006, two years after the tsunami, and continues to this day [13].

The smong narrative recounts the history of the tsunami that struck Simeulue Island in 1907. Transmitted through oral traditions such as nandong (a traditional poem or song of the Simeulue people), nafi-nafi (one of the oral cultures of the Simeulue people is in the form of stories (storytelling), which tell of events in the past) and nanga-nanga (the art of presenting rhymes containing advice in an attractive tone), the story instructs that in the aftermath of a substantial earthquake and the subsequent recession of the sea, it is imperative for communities to immediately evacuate to higher ground. Nearly a century later, these oral instructions remained deeply embedded in the collective consciousness and guided prompt evacuations during the 2004 Indian Ocean tsunami [14]. The enduring presence of smong across generations demonstrates how cultural memory, preserved through oral transmission, can function as an effective system of risk communication [15].

The effectiveness of smong in disaster risk communication raises critical inquiries into the dynamics of collective memory as a social mechanism for survival. Contemporary disaster preparedness is predominantly reliant on technological systems and scientific forecasts. However, the narrative of the Simeulue community demonstrates that orally transmitted, culturally embedded memories can play a vital role in fostering disaster awareness. Local knowledge remains essential for strengthening spiritual, social, and cultural resilience, as well as for enhancing the socio-ecological resilience of coastal and small-island communities [16,17].

Various studies on smong indicate that its significance extends beyond a mere folktale or warning story. Smong represents a social mechanism that transforms collective trauma into communal strength within the Simeulue community. The transmission of smong narratives integrates affective, cognitive, and psychomotor dimensions with memories of past suffering, thereby fostering preparedness for future disasters. In this regard, smong exemplifies what Assmann [18] terms “cultural memory”, a symbolic bridge between the past and the future. The past serves as an archive of meanings and moral values, while the future becomes a space for projecting the lessons inherited from collective memory.

A growing body of research has examined smong from a variety of disciplinary perspectives. Most studies conceptualize smong as a form of local knowledge related to disaster risk reduction, mitigation, and community resilience. Suciani [19] and Syafwina [20] emphasize the importance of smong as indigenous knowledge in disaster risk reduction, while McAdoo [21] expounds on the role of smong in safeguarding the Simeulue community and offers a comparative analysis of responses in other coastal regions of Aceh. It was further discussed that smong is indigenous knowledge that has proven effective in the mitigation of disaster risk [19,22]. Rahman [14,23] and Gadeng [24] highlight the potential of oral traditions, specifically smong stories originating from the 1907 tsunami, transmitted across generations and mediated through cultural channels such as nafi-nafi, nanga-nanga, and nandong, to function as early warning systems for disaster risk prevention. These studies have shown that smong constitutes a memory within the Simeulue community; however, its full scope has not been fully explored. Several linguistic studies have examined the role of nandong smong in the preservation of smong and the enhancement of disaster preparedness [10]. The scope of research on smong has expanded to the fields of education [8,25,26] and communication [11,27].

Table 1. Summary of Previous Studies on Smong.

Research Focus	Authors	Main Contribution
Survival mechanism during 2004 tsunami	McAdoo, et al. (2006) [21]	Explains how oral instruction contributed to evacuation
Smong as indigenous knowledge	Suciani, et al. (2018) [19]; Rahman, et al. (2017) [22]; Syafwina (2014) [20]	Smong as indigenous wisdom for disaster mitigation
Smong as memory	Rahman, et al. (2018; 2024) [14,23]; Gadeng (2018) [24]	Smong as memory transmitted across generations
Communication	Rahman & Munadi (2019) [15]; Sutton, et al. (2020; 2021) [11,27]	Smong as risk communication
Education	Maulana, et al. (2021; 2022) [8,26]; Afrian, et al. (2020) [25]	Integration of smong in formal schooling
Linguistic & cultural analysis	Rahman, et al. (2022) [10]	Function of nandong smong in language/culture

summarizes the research focus and the main contribution of previous studies.

Overall, previous studies have documented the crucial role of smong in disaster risk reduction. However, few have examined how smong operates as a cultural system of collective memory—a shared symbolic space that mediates between individual emotions and communal resilience in the aftermath of disaster. Eyerman [28] underscores the significance of fostering collective memory from an early age, thereby ensuring its facile retrieval and implementation in future crises. The research gap pertains to the understanding of smong as a living communicative process that transforms traumatic historical experiences into moral and social preparedness. Accordingly, this article proposes a new analytical perspective by conceptualizing smong as a collective memory practice that transforms trauma into resilience.

From a theoretical standpoint, this study draws on three interrelated frameworks: collective memory, cultural trauma, and community resilience. It conceptualizes collective memory as a socially constructed, dynamic, and context-dependent phenomenon that shapes a group’s identity and solidarity, where Halbwachs [29] rejects the notion that memory is purely individual, emphasizing instead its inherently social nature. Assmann [18] builds upon Halbwachs’s ideas by introducing the concept of cultural memory, in which collective memory fulfils a cultural and social function by maintaining group identity across generations. Cultural memory is characterized by its endurance and institutionalization, manifesting through various forms such as texts, rituals, monuments, and symbols.

The persistence of smong, spanning almost a century, demonstrates that the narrative is not merely technical information but also a cultural memory system. Cultural memory studies highlight that past events are not simply recalled for their factual accuracy, but rather reconstructed through shared symbols, emotional associations, and the formation of collective meaning. In Simeulue, memory is conveyed in the form of ancestral advice: “When a substantial earthquake occurs, the sea will recede. Run immediately to the hills!” This symbolism shapes the community’s way of thinking concerning the interpretation of natural phenomena, the assessment of potential hazards, and the mobilization of collective action. This ancestral advice has been preserved and passed down orally through stories, nafi-nafi and nandong across generations.

Smong can also be understood through the lens of cultural trauma [30]. Cultural trauma arises when a community collectively perceives that it has undergone a catastrophic event that leaves a profound imprint on its shared consciousness. This trauma does not emerge automatically from the event itself; rather, it is constructed through social and symbolic processes—particularly through language, media, and narrative. Disasters such as tsunamis left significant psychological and social scars on the Simeulue community. Yet the trauma of loss experienced by the Simeulue people is neither silenced nor forgotten; instead, it is meticulously recounted, systematized through ritual, and reinterpreted as a form of moral instruction. The pain of the past is thereby transformed into a collective narrative of vigilance.

The interplay between collective memory and cultural trauma collectively contributes to the formation of community resilience in Simeulue. Norris et al. [31] define community resilience as a dynamic process that links adaptive capacities—resources, skills, and social relationships—to positive social functioning after a disaster. In the context of Simeulue, smong operates as an adaptive network that facilitates the integration of past experiences with future preparedness, thereby integrating cognition, emotion, and action in culturally significant ways. It transforms vulnerability into vigilance, fear into moral solidarity, and memory into a dynamic system of care.

The primary objective of this study is to explore how societies reconstruct themselves through memory. To that end, this study examines smong, the local knowledge of the Simeulue community in Indonesia, as a cultural mechanism that transforms disaster experience into social resilience. By bridging the theories of collective memory, cultural trauma, and community resilience, this study repositions smong as both an archive of the past and a guide for the future. The experience of Simeulue demonstrates that the power of survival is not solely material or technological but also symbolic and mnemonic—rooted in the ways communities remember together.

2. Materials and Methods

This study adopts a qualitative ethnographic design to analyze smong as a living system of cultural memory and resilience within the Simeulue community. Fieldwork was conducted from August to September 2024 across several villages: Sinabang, Teupah Selatan, Teupah Barat, and Alafan, which represent areas historically affected by the 1907 and 2004 tsunamis. The selection of these sites was informed by the seismic risk mapping conducted by Handayani [2], which identifies the northwestern coastal area of Simeulue Island as having the highest potential seismic hazard, while the southeastern region exhibits the lowest risk. Teupah Barat and Alafan were selected to represent the high-risk northwestern coastal area, whereas Simeulue Timur and Teupah Selatan were included to represent the southeastern part of the island with lower seismic hazard potential.

Primary data were collected through semi-structured interviews with 35 informants, including cultural elders, teachers, disaster management officers from the Regional Disaster Management Agency (BPBD), local artists who perform nandong smong, and members of the general public ranging in age from 11 to 75 years. Each interview was conducted in both Indonesian and Devayan, the local language, and ranged from 45 to 90 min in duration. In addition, participant observation was undertaken during commemorative rituals, community gatherings, and classroom learning sessions that integrated smong narratives.

The selection of informants was conducted using a snowball sampling method, with the initial sample being drawn from a series of key informants who were identified as custodians of smong, such as community elders, nandong performers, and local leaders. To ensure the relevance and depth of the data collected, the researcher established the following criteria for participant selection: (1) both native residents and migrants who had resided on Simeulue Island for a minimum of one year; (2) individuals aged ten years or older who possessed basic awareness or understanding of the local knowledge of smong; (3) survivors of the 2004 tsunami, as well as those who had never experienced a tsunami firsthand; and (4) stakeholders, including community leaders, government employees, cultural practitioners, and teachers, both male and female, who were knowledgeable about smong and its transmission. As the interviews progressed, each participant was asked to recommend others who fitted these criteria, enabling the sample to expand organically through social networks.

To enhance sample representativeness in a qualitative context, the selection included participants from multiple age groups, genders, occupations, and residential areas across Simeulue. In this study, the generation born prior to 2004 is designated as the older generation, while the subsequent generation is referred to as the younger generation. This approach was designed to ensure the inclusion of perspectives from both pre- and post-2004 generations. This diversity allowed the data to reflect a broad range of lived experiences and interpretations of smong, thereby ensuring the sample’s sufficient variability to represent the social and cultural dynamics of the wider community.

Although this study is relatively small and cannot be generalized to broader contexts, the ethnographic approach still enables an in-depth understanding of the phenomenon under investigation. In ethnographic and qualitative research traditions, small sample sizes are not considered as a deficiency; rather a methodological choice that allows for rich, contextualized insights, as discussed by Creswell and Poth [32] and Hammersley and Atkinson [33]. Furthermore, the concept of transferability in qualitative inquiry allows readers to assess the applicability of the findings to other contexts through thick description, as proposed by Lincoln and Guba [34].

The analysis of data was conducted using a narrative and thematic framework, with the assistance of NVivo 12 software. The subsequent data analysis process follows the five steps of the qualitative data analysis procedure outlined by Creswell and Poth [34]: The first step involves managing and organizing data, which is also referred to as “data preparation”. The second step involves reading and jotting down ideas that emerge. The third step involves describing and classifying codes into themes. The fourth step involves developing and assessing interpretations. The fifth step involves representing and visualizing the data. The data were analyzed through a combination of inductive coding of interview transcripts, fieldnotes, and cultural texts to identify actions, emotions, values, and symbolic expressions related to smong. The codes were then organized into analytical categories and synthesized into broader themes. The software program NVivo 12 was utilized to facilitate systematic coding and thematic organization. The findings were interpreted through the lenses of collective memory, cultural trauma, and community resilience, and they were presented using thick description supported by quotations.

The establishment of reliability and validity is achieved through triangulation, which was performed by comparing interview statements with observational field notes and textual sources (nandong lyrics, song) and relevant historical documentation. This process ensured that interpretations were grounded in multiple data streams, rather than relying solely on participants’ narratives. Throughout the analytic process, the researcher maintained analytic notes to document interpretive decisions and ensure reflexivity. This multi-layered procedure supports the dependability and credibility of the thematic patterns reported in the findings.

This research adheres to the ethical standards of cultural and oral history studies. All participants provided informed consent, and their identities were anonymized using pseudonyms (e.g., Informant BD, RN, SK). The study protocol was approved by the Ethics Committee of the Research and Publication Ethics Commission, Universitas Padjadjaran, Bandung, Indonesia, under Decree No. 911/UN6.KEP/EC/2024.

3. Results

The results presented in this section are drawn from a series of cases that emerged during interviews and observational studies. However, it is important to note that these results are not intended to represent the behavior of the entire community in a homogeneous manner. Each case cited is understood as a representation of the experiences of individuals and small groups, which are then analyzed in relation to broader patterns. Consequently, the utilization of informant quotations functions as illustrative cases that showcase the heterogeneity of experiences, serving as generalizations about the Simeulue community in its entirety.

The results of this study reveal that the smong narrative functions as a living system of collective memory, a cultural mechanism for healing through storytelling, and a moral framework for community resilience. The empirical analysis is organized around three central themes: (1) smong as collective memory, (2) transforming trauma through narrative healing, and (3) smong as a foundation for community resilience. These interrelated dimensions demonstrate how the Simeulue community has transformed the traumatic experience of disaster into a shared moral consciousness that guides collective survival.

3.1. Smong as Collective Memory

The recollection of the 1907 tsunami cannot be sustained solely through the testimonies of survivors; rather, it must be perpetually revived through the social structures inherent in Simeulue society. These social structures—including families, traditional communities, and intergenerational relationships—provide the context and meaning through which the disaster experience is interpreted and sustained. These narratives, known as smong, recount experiences of tsunami encounters and incorporate practical evacuation instructions. In Halbwachs’s theoretical framework, smong narratives are conceptualized as forms of collective memory that are not self-contained but rather embedded within the broader context of social frameworks. Accordingly, memories of smong emerge, are maintained, and are transmitted through these social structures.

The majority of Simeulue residents are accustomed to smong narratives. However, the conducted research indicates that its transmission and interpretation are not uniform. Older generation informants learned stories about smong from grandparents who survived the 1907 tsunami. These survivors subsequently recounted their experiences to their children and grandchildren as personal accounts.

“My grandfather used to tell me stories because he experienced the earthquake in 1907. It really happened. He was lucky to be able to climb that mountain—there’s a mountain there, near the stone tomb.”

(Informant BD)

This statement illustrates how smong is transmitted as genealogical memory, embedded within familial storytelling practices. The statement by Informant BD—who learned these narratives from his grandfather, a survivor of the 1907 tsunami—demonstrates the intergenerational circulation of lived experience through oral transmission. This finding is consistent with Assmann’s [18] concept of communicative memory, which refers to forms of everyday memory transmitted orally across three to four generations (approximately 80–100 years) through interpersonal relationships, particularly within family contexts such as those between grandparents and grandchildren.

The Simeulue community’s collective memory of the 1907 tsunami is not only transmitted orally but also legitimized through emotional and biological connections across generations. In this context, smong is more than just an “old story”. It’s a family narrative that reinforces the authenticity and social credibility of past experiences. As Halbwachs [29] emphasizes, individual memories are always embedded within social frameworks that enable people to remember through the collective narratives of their group. The story of the surviving grandfather thus functions as a primary source that validates the historical truth of smong, not just a myth.

Unlike other older-generation informants, Informant YN exhibited a lack of belief in the narratives surrounding smong. YN is not a native of Simeulue; he previously resided in Nias before relocating to Teupah Island, one of the smaller islands in Simeulue Regency. He did not learn about smong via family transmission; rather, he obtained it from neighbors. When the 2004 tsunami hit, other individuals sought refuge in the hills, whereas YN chose to proceed to the shoreline. He wanted to verify the accuracy of the smong story. It was only after he witnessed a large, dark-colored wave approaching that he realized the danger. However, he did not have enough time to reach higher ground. He therefore climbed a coconut tree to survive. After being struck by the first wave, he quickly descended from the tree and ran toward the hills.

YN’s experience indicates a lack of internalization of the collective memory of smong, attributable to the absence of a genealogical transmission process. This finding demonstrates that smong functions optimally when it is embedded as a culturally institutionalized form of collective memory, rather than circulating merely as social knowledge detached from familial lineage. In the absence of family mediation, smong functions less as a shared mnemonic framework and more as an unverified local rumor. Consequently, the act of believing is postponed until direct sensory experience compels it, manifesting as the observation of waves themselves.

Contrary to the patterns exhibited by older generations, younger generations have been shown to display a tendency of smong realization that is strongly mediated by digital technology. Despite the fact that they receive the narratives genealogically—through family transmission that is traditionally expected to function as a channel of collective memory—they do not necessarily believe the narratives. They form their belief when stories or narratives are presented alongside social media content depicting the 2004 tsunami, such as documentary videos, archival photographs, and visual testimonies from survivors.

This phenomenon signifies a transition in the prevailing authority of memory from genealogical to visual-digital sources. For younger generations, the legitimacy of knowledge no longer stems solely from family relationships but is increasingly derived from visual evidence circulating within digital media environments. Furthermore, the use of social media to assess earthquake strength indicates that younger generations pragmatically combine local knowledge with scientific and digital information. In lieu of forsaking smong, they integrate it with modern knowledge systems grounded in real-time data, such as earthquake magnitude and tsunami potential. These findings suggest that smong functions as a dynamic collective memory, yet its effectiveness depends on the mode of transmission.

The smong narrative is conveyed not only through verbal narratives but also through repetitive movements integrated into their culture. Informant PN recalled how his parents and grandmother used to tell him stories about smong while putting him to sleep in the swing. In Acehnese society, particularly within the Simeulue community, a practice of swaddling infants and young children in cloth and suspending them from a house pillar has been a long-standing tradition. Mothers frequently use poetry to soothe their infants, including a poem about smong. The story of smong was recounted on multiple occasions by his parents, thereby embedding it in his early memories:

“Our grandmothers would tell us stories like this while swinging: ‘The story goes like this, if there is a strong earthquake and the water recedes, there will be a tsunami.’ That’s what they repeat to this day”, recalls Informant PN.

This quote shows that the smong narrative is stored in the mind and communicated verbally, accompanied by repeated movements. This aligns with Connerton’s concept of habitual memory [35] which refers to memories embodied in physical actions. Through repetition, these embodied actions create lasting physical attachments, allowing subsequent generations to inherit the “way of life” that characterizes the Simeulue community.

In the Simeulue context, the act of swinging a child while recounting a story is not merely a maternal gesture but a cultural practice that preserves the disaster narrative in an intimate, emotional, and nurturing form. In this way, smong becomes part of memory embedded within affection and caregiving toward younger generations.

This phenomenon also reinforces Ong’s [36] argument that, within oral societies, knowledge is not archived in written texts but in sound, movement, and human memory. Through performative repetition, communities maintain the integrity of messages without the need for writing. In Simeulue society, knowledge is stored and transmitted through communicative practice, through performance and relational interaction rather than through written media.

The oral and performative nature of smong ensures its survival as a form of cultural memory. In the absence of written records, the Simeulue people sustain their disaster knowledge through performative repetition which includes singing, reciting, and recontextualizing the narrative in ceremonies, classrooms, and family conversations.

The findings of this study demonstrate that smong is not only sustained through oral storytelling but also archived in spatial artifacts and physical objects. Furthermore, interviews with Informant SK revealed that the presence of material evidence contributes to the historical legitimacy of collective memory. One tangible trace of the 1907 tsunami is the victims’ graves, marked with the inscription “1907”.

“There are still some with the inscription ‘1907,’ but it was written around the 1990s. The mark was cemented there—you can see it.”

(Informant SK)

This quotation illustrates how the Simeulue community preserves its memory through materialization practices. It has been demonstrated that the transmission of smong is not limited to oral narratives; it is also inscribed into specific spaces, thereby transforming these locations into physical archives of the disaster’s history. The later addition of the 1907 inscription (around the 1990s) reflects a deliberate effort to renew collective memory and strengthen historical awareness across generations. As Assmann [18] emphasizes, memory is an active cultural process through which communities bring the past to life via diverse forms of social practice. The act of re-inscribing the year 1907 on the victims’ graves exemplifies a practice of remembrance that fosters a continuous connection between the past, present, and future.

As smong is repeatedly transmitted through stories, gestures, and everyday practices, its meaning gradually shifts from narrative knowledge to practical orientation for action. Smong is no longer merely a story from the past; it has evolved into a practical guideline that shapes social behavior in Simeulue. The narrative of receding seawater followed by large wave functions not only as a verbal recollection but also as a vivid collective perception system that instinctively guides community responses during natural events. Informant BD recalled that when a strong earthquake was followed by receding seawater, he immediately remembered his parents’ warning that such a phenomenon signaled an impending tsunami.

“I remembered what my parents and grandparents used to tell me—that when the water recedes, there will be a tsunami. There will be smong. I noticed, and then I looked out to sea; the seawater was already black, coming from there. The big wave was coming from there. Then I returned.”

(Informant BD)

BD’s testimony illustrates how self-preservation emerges through the spontaneous activation of collective memory. This process forms habitual memory, memories that become embedded in social actions and behaviors without the need for conscious reflection [29]. The Simeulue people do not hesitate when a strong earthquake is followed by receding seawater; they instinctively flee to the hills. Their reflexive response exemplifies how collective memory operates as embodied knowledge, thereby transforming past experience into immediate survival action.

Smong functions not only as descriptive knowledge about disasters but also as a moral and social code that governs collective action. This was emphasized by Informant MS, who explained that the smong narrative has long served as a guideline for every member of the Simeulue community across generations:

“Because it originates from that story in 1907, it has become a guideline for every resident from generation to generation. If similar incidents occur, they immediately save themselves.”

(Informant MS)

This observation reinforces Halbwachs’s [29] argument that collective memory not only serves to recall the past but also directs social action in the present. The memories rooted in 1907 continue to serve as a moral compass for the community, shaping responses during subsequent disasters such as that of 2004.

As a form of collective memory, smong illustrates how oral traditions can function as living archives that evolve in response to societal contexts. Through smong, the community remembers not by erecting monuments but by continually re-enacting meaning. The act of remembering thus becomes an act of care—toward ancestors, the environment, and future generations. In this sense, smong stands as a testament to the power of cultural memory to transform trauma into resilience, ensuring that what was once tragedy becomes a source of collective strength and identity.

3.2. Transforming Trauma Through Narrative Healing

Research findings indicate that the 1907 and 2004 tsunamis were not merely geological phenomena but events that profoundly shaped the emotional and moral fabric of the Simeulue community. The aftermath of both disasters left enduring traces of collective trauma. Interviews with Informant RN revealed that these traumatic experiences were processed through creative and symbolic expressions, specifically by composing poetry about the 2004 tsunami. The poem RN authored in 2006, two years following the disaster, can be understood as a means of articulating emotional experiences that could not be expressed through conventional language.

“That’s it, I don’t know anymore. My mother said, ‘It’s okay; the main thought probably comes from the deepest part of the heart.’”

(Informant RN)

This quotation demonstrates that writing poetry is not merely an aesthetic endeavor but also a self-healing mechanism. Through language, RN found a medium to release emotional burdens that could not be conveyed in ordinary conversation. Psychological and trauma studies suggest that the creation of trauma narratives helps reorganize fragmented memories into coherent structures of meaning, thereby enabling individuals to process emotions and integrate painful experiences into their personal and collective identities [37].

An analysis of RN’s poem (

Table 2. The lyrics of poem were created by informant RN in Devayan, Indonesian and English.

Sigulai	Indonesian	English
Tanggal 26 gempa tsunami Sagalomi Ita Moita Mengungsi Bataenuge faga, A Iboda Luminaik Afi Nilu Matada   Satu tahun lah Ita Tersiksa Manita o haibaha penjara Baru-baru e mo afe duluh eba Naek Idane Faga Alawa   Yu Ita Kapaling Ngeri Bagi Neheda Fagiting Nahi Nohe Ani Lagulau Mei Yota Peduli Diri sendiri   Moita Ehuhum dung malei gampung Manithe nono dahur balanja Bata enuge peristiwa da Sagolo noheda umae ita cateda   Lebi-lebi e hakom heba Motalolo siaran berita Bepulu ribu aluhae nata Botalogo ibo eeda   Yuita e bapaling sedi Bagi ita yube famili Mayat beserakan lagulan mei Me ate ‘Tuhan mengampuni	Pada tanggal 26 terjadi gempa bumi dan tsunami Semua orang dievakuasi Kami ingat bahwa kami sangat sedih Air mata kami jatuh   Satu tahun kami disiksa Sama saja seperti kita berada di penjara Baru-baru ini terjadi gempa bumi Airnya naik sangat tinggi   Apa yang membuat kita begitu takut? Bagi kami, rumah kami berada di pesisir pantai Rumah kami hancur terbawa arus Yang kami pedulikan diri kami sendiri   Kami lari dari kampung kami sendiri Membawa anak tanpa uang Jika kita memikirkan kejadian tersebut Kita semua berada di bawah tenda   Apalagi ibu kota provinsi Kami mendengar dari siaran berita Puluhan ribu orang telah meninggal Kami mendengarnya dengan hati yang sangat sedih   Yang paling sedih adalah keluarga kami Bagi kita yang berkeluarga Mayat berserakan dimana-mana Hanya Allah yang akan mengampuni	On the 26th, an earthquake and tsunami occurred. Everyone was evacuated. We remember that we were very sad. Our tears fell.   For one year we suffered, It was as if we were in prison. Recently another earthquake struck, The water rose very high.   What made us so afraid? For us, our homes were on the coast. Our houses were destroyed, carried away by the waves. What we cared about was only ourselves.   We fled from our own village, Carrying children without any money. If we think about that event, We all lived under tents.   Especially in the provincial capital, We heard from the news broadcasts, Tens of thousands of people had died. We heard it with very heavy hearts.   The saddest of all was our family, For us who had families, Corpses were scattered everywhere. Only Allah will forgive

) reveals two principal dimensions of trauma: the trauma of losing safety and the trauma of social disconnection. The verse “We were tortured for a year; it was like we were in prison” expresses the loss of a sense of safety—the most fundamental psychological condition in social life. For the Simeulue people, homes and villages represent not only physical spaces but also symbols of security, stability, and communal belonging. When homes are destroyed and the sea becomes a threat, the symbolic order of “home” collapses. The subsequent verse, “Our homes are destroyed, swept away by the current; all we care about is ourselves”, illustrates social fragmentation—the breakdown of solidarity and collective orientation in times of crisis, when survival instincts compel individuals to prioritize their own safety.

In many contexts, traumatic experiences lead to social disintegration due to the loss of home, family, or trust [30,38]. However, in the Simeulue context, the memory of smong reinforces a sense of togetherness. Stories that are passed down and sung collectively transform trauma into a shared experience rather than an individual one. Through acts of collective remembrance, the community constructs resilience grounded in emotional solidarity.

Although RN’s poetry emerges from an individual experience, it operates within the framework of collective memory. Her personal expression is inseparable from the broader socio-emotional fabric of the community; she speaks as one among many who share similar experiences. This resonates with Alexander’s [38] notion that cultural trauma is not a private psychological wound but a meaning-making process that unfolds at the collective level. Communities construct shared narratives to comprehend suffering, and these narratives create new moral bonds among them. In the Simeulue context, smong and post-disaster poetry functions in a dialectical relationship: smong recounts past trauma (the 1907 tsunami) as a moral lesson, while post-2004 poetry affirms the continuity of emotion and meaning in a more personal and reflective form.

In addition to the poems composed by RN, other widely known works are the Nandong Smong poems (

Table 3. Lyrics of nandong smong in Devayan, Indonesian and English.

Devayan	Indonesian	English
Enggel mon sao surito Inang maso semonan Manoknop sao fano Uwilah da seswan   Unen ne alek linon Fesang bakat ne mali Manknop sao hampong Tibo-tibo maawi   Angalinon ne mali Oek suruk sauli   Maheya mihawali Fano me senga tenggi   Ede smong kahanne Turiang da nenekta Miredem teher ere Pesan navi-navi da   Smong dumek-dumekmo Linon uwak-uwakmo Elaik keudang-keudangmo Kilek suluh-suluhmo	Dengarlah suatu kisah Pada zaman dahulu kala Tenggelam suatu desa Begitulah dituturkan   Gempa yang mengawali Disusul ombak raksasa Tenggelam seluruh negeri Secara tiba-tiba   Jika gempanya kuat Disusul air yang surut   Segeralah cari tempat dataran tinggi agar selamat   Itulang smong namanya Sejarah nenek moyang kita Ingatlah ini semua Pesan dan nasihatnya   Tsunmani air mandimu Gempa ayunanmu Petir kendang-kendangmu Halilintar lampu-lampumu	Please listen to this story One day in the past A village was drowning That’s what’s been told   Starting with an earthquake Followed by a giant wave The whole country was drowning Suddenly   If there is a strong earthquake Followed by the lowering of seawater Hurry to find a place A higher place   This is called smong A story of our ancestors Remember this always This message and exhortation   Smong is your bath Earthquake is your cradle Thunder is your drum Lightning is your lamp

). According to Informant MR—a cultural figure and compiler of Nandong Smong poems—he did not author the verses himself. Rather, he amassed a collection of proverbs dating back hundreds of years and arranged them into stanzas using rhyming schemes such as ab–ab or a–a–a. His intention was to ensure that local knowledge about smong could be transmitted and appreciated by all segments of society:

“By whom, or when, no one knows. But I am certain the logic of these proverbs emerged after the 1907 Smong.”

“At that time, my ability to compose verses using the a–a–a and ab–ab rhyming patterns was limited. I made them pleasing to the ear so that the wisdom of smong could be accepted by all levels of society.”

(Informant MR)

Several metaphors are present in the Nandong Smong poems, including: “Smong is your bath, Earthquake is your cradle, Thunder is your drum, Lightning is your lamp”. As Informant MR explained, the natural phenomena referenced in these metaphors—such as tsunamis, earthquakes, thunder, and lightning—are common occurrences on Simeulue Island. Through these metaphors, the Simeulue community is encouraged to coexist with nature and remain calm in the face of natural events:

“People who live on Simeulue Island must be friendly with them. This means that if something happens, we won’t panic. We must be friendly with natural conditions and natural phenomena.”

(Informant MR)

This statement emphasizes how the employment of metaphorical language serves to transform the conceptualization of trauma, effectively transitioning from a state of fear to one of awareness. The use of metaphor allows communities to articulate the previously unspeakable, giving form to unexpressed emotions [39]. In this context, smong functions as a cultural medium that converts fear into collective understanding. Through the use of natural metaphors, communities interpret, internalize, and ultimately accept disasters as an inherent part of life—something to be faced, not feared.

Nandong smong is performed during significant events, including the Aceh tsunami commemoration, which is held annually on December 26. The reiterated performance of Nandong smong provides a medium for the recollection of traumatic memories without evoking tension or anxiety. Through rhythm and song, suffering is transformed into an aesthetic and communal experience. Music and rhythm have been demonstrated to play a crucial role in the cognitive process of healing—the vibrations of the voice, bodily movement, and repetitive rhythmic patterns create a calming effect while reinforcing collective memory.

The smong narrative functions not only as a system of disaster knowledge but also as a mechanism of social healing that normalizes fear and transforms trauma into collective understanding. For the Simeulue people, smong is more than a cautionary tale; it is a narrative space in which past suffering is reconstructed into moral lessons and shared wisdom. This process aligns with Alexander’s [30] concept of cultural trauma, which arises when a community experiences collective suffering and symbolically articulates that experience to render it meaningful and integrate it into its collective identity.

Overall, these findings suggest that smong has transformed trauma into a narrative of communal healing and resilience. Through metaphor, rhythm, and collective participation, the Simeulue people convert historical wounds into sources of knowledge and solidarity. The smong narrative teaches that disaster does not mark the conclusion of life but part of a continuous cycle of shared learning. It demonstrates that collective memory can function as a calming, unifying, and restorative social practice. In this process, trauma is transformed from a burden into knowledge, articulated through verse, retold in stories, and embodied in collective action when nature speaks once more.

3.3. Smong as Cultural Mechanism of Community Resilience

Interviews with informants revealed diverse perspectives on how smong is understood by the community. Some informants described smong not only as a guide to recognizing danger signs, but also as a moral orientation, such as helping others and sharing knowledge with younger family members. One illustration comes from informant AN, who recounted his personal experience during the 2004 evacuation. He described how, in the midst of the chaos and panic that ensued, he was inadvertently trampled and rendered unable to walk. It was fortunate that an individual intervened to assist him, transporting him to a higher and more secure location.

“I was stepped on by someone, stepped on until I was carried by another person.”

(Informant AN)

This testimony illustrates how smong instils a collective morality in the face of danger, thereby fostering an awareness that safety is a shared, not an individual, responsibility.

The value of intergenerational responsibility is evident in the way smong narratives are transmitted through families and social institutions. The community perceives a moral duty to pass on this knowledge so that no generation forgets the signs of nature. As Informant KN, a teacher, explained:

“After it’s told to us, we’re the ones who pass the baton to these children—to the children at home, to the students.”

(Informant KN)

This moral dimension positions smong not simply as a story of the past but as a social responsibility for safeguarding the future. This process exemplifies what Bellah [40] terms a community of memory, that is a community sustained by the remembrance of a shared past and a moral commitment to a shared future. Such a community is bound together by collective narratives that imbue actions with meaning and nurture social solidarity. In the Simeulue context, the act of remembering smong signifies preserving the continuity of communal life.

Field findings also show that smong has transformed disaster preparedness into a cultural norm rather than a procedure. The Simeulue community does not require formal simulations to respond to earthquakes or tsunamis. When a major earthquake struck in 2004, residents instinctively fled to the hills without any external command. This swift reaction demonstrates that preparedness is deeply embedded in their cultural identity. As Informant MS explained, community members already know which hill to run to when an earthquake occurs:

“If an earthquake happens here, we shouldn’t run to the foot of this mountain—it’s steep. Run to the end over there. Don’t run here; there’s a danger of a landslide from there.”

(Informant MS)

Since the Simeulue community is already familiar with evacuation procedures during earthquakes and tsunamis, the Regional Disaster Management Agency (BPBD) focuses its outreach efforts on younger residents—those belonging to the post-2004 generation. Informant FJ elaborated:

“They’re certainly enthusiastic about us holding outreach events. But more importantly, we’re doing this outreach for the young people—the post-2004 generation—because some of them don’t know or have never seen the living witnesses of 2004.”

(Informant FJ)

This statement illustrates that smong cultivates an internalized form of preparedness through habit rather than formal instruction. In Connerton’s [35] terms, this represents habitual memory—social actions are to be repeated until they become cultural reflexes. People do not merely “know what to do” but rather embody the behavior as part of their collective being.

This subsection demonstrates that smong operates as a cultural mechanism of community resilience through the integration of moral values, systems of social transmission, and collective practice. This finding suggests that preparedness is not merely the result of formal training but rather the consequence of a collective memory. Values such as mutual assistance, intergenerational responsibility, and care for others form the social foundation that shields the Simeulue community from psychological and social devastation in the aftermath of disaster. Smong thus emphasizes that resilience is a lived culture, not merely an adaptation strategy. Through narrative, music, ritual, and action, the Simeulue community continues to sustain its identity as a society that remembers not only to survive, but also to care for—and celebrate—the continuity of life.

4. Discussion

4.1. Remembering as Survival: Collective Memory and Embodied Knowledge

Smong functions as a collective memory system that has sustained the social continuity of the Simeulue community for more than a century, from 1907 to the present. Within Halbwachs’s [29] framework, smong serves as concrete evidence that individual memories are always embedded within social frameworks—such as family, social class, religion, or community—that provide context and meaning to the lived experience. Rahman et al. [22] and Kamil [7] demonstrate that the endurance of smong depends on its integration into everyday moral and social life through rituals, schools, and intergenerational storytelling.

In a society living under the constant threat of recurring disasters, such as Simeulue, collective memory retains adaptive power only when it is accompanied by active transmission, reinterpretation, and community engagement. Remembering without interpretation can lead to a false sense of security when past events are treated merely as heroic memories, rather than translated into concrete actions for the present [41]. As Assmann [18] reminds us, cultural memory must be continuously revitalized to prevent it from solidifying into myth and losing its social vitality. Active transmission ensures that knowledge is inherited by younger generations, while reinterpretation allows each generation to adapt the meaning of memories to new contexts and emerging threats. Community engagement—through practices such as nandong smong, commemorative ceremonies, and school-based education—renders these memories relevant and operational in everyday social life.

In Japan, approximately 2900 elementary and junior high school students survived the 11 March 2011 tsunami because they immediately fled to the hills after the earthquake without waiting for instructions from teachers or parents. This remarkable response demonstrates the effectiveness of tsunami tendenko, a local principle of self-evacuation that has been taught in schools since 2005 [42,43]. Like smong, this knowledge was internalized through family stories and children’s games, enabling residents to act swiftly without formal coordination. Both cases demonstrate that embodied memory possesses a high degree of adaptive effectiveness—it cultivates social reflexes that transcend bureaucratic and technological systems.

According to Assmann [18], there are two primary forms of collective memory: communicative memory and cultural memory. Pisa [41] shows that a combination of these two forms is most effective in preventing collective forgetting. Communicative memory—anchored in everyday social interactions—is fragile and temporary. It is not institutionalized but sustained through oral communication and interpersonal relationships within the community, typically lasting three to four generations (approximately 80–100 years). In this form, memory is enacted through family conversations, daily practices, and the vivid recollections of witnesses. Smong exemplifies communicative memory: it lives in family dialogue, bedtime storytelling, folk songs (nandong), and the daily experiences of the Simeulue community that are continuously passed down from grandparents to grandchildren.

When the social structures that sustain it weaken due to urbanization, migration, or the erosion of social ties, this form of memory gradually fades [18]. Donahue [44] refers to this phenomenon as the saeculum effect, describing the tendency for communities to become vulnerable to disasters once again after a generation has passed. This loss of collective capacity does not stem from forgetting factual knowledge, but from losing the “how-to memory” necessary for responding to risks. A viable solution lies in preserving practices that cultivate this capacity—through rituals, myths, training, and intergenerational education. The same vulnerability may occur in the Simeulue community, where local knowledge of smong has endured for more than a century. Yet, the memory of smong as local knowledge for disaster mitigation may gradually erode if not actively maintained.

To prevent such erosion, this memory must be transformed into cultural memory—that is, institutionalized through monuments, archives, rituals, texts, or other symbolic media. This process allows communities to preserve the continuity of their identity and provide symbolic stability amid changing times [18]. These two layers of memory—communicative and cultural—work synergistically to sustain the continuity of smong’s meaning among the Simeulue community. The story of a surviving grandfather activates affective dimensions such as fear, respect, and pride, while the grave marked 1907 serves as a site of authenticity that lends historical legitimacy. Several manifestations of smong as cultural memory include the establishment of the Smong monument in Sinabang, the nandong smong, which are performed at commemorative events, and the integration of BPBD outreach materials and school curricula with local smong knowledge. One ongoing initiative, led by Informant MR, involves developing a gallery dedicated to Simeulue Island that highlights smong heritage. He also creates smong comics to raise broader public awareness of this local wisdom.

On one hand, material forms such as monuments and public rituals ensure the durability and legitimacy of memory over time. On the other hand, they risk losing meaning when detached from interpretive contexts [45,46]. As Olick [47] emphasizes, cultural memory requires continual acts of remembrance and reinterpretation to remain socially relevant. Such reinterpretation enables future generations to sustain the meaning of inherited memories within their own historical circumstances. In oral societies like Simeulue, this dynamic remains particularly visible. As long as the smong narrative is spoken, sung, and reinterpreted in rituals and education, disaster memory continues to form part of collective identity [35,48]. Therefore, the resilience of collective memory is contingent not solely on material symbols but also on the community’s capacity to perpetually reinterpret and relive past experiences within contemporary social contexts.

A combination of these two forms of memory has been implemented in various countries. The manifestation of disaster memory is multifaceted, encompassing a variety of channels through which it can be expressed, which include folklore and oral narratives, monuments and memorials, digital archives, multimedia documentation, annual commemorations, and community festivals. In Japan, for instance, the transmission of tsunami memory combines storytelling, monuments, and digital archiving [41]. In Germany, the anchoring of memory through street names, museums, and visual archives reinforces flood-control policies [49]. Meanwhile, across Europe, workshops, training programs, and community memorial events are fostering a more extensive culture of preparedness [50].

4.2. Healing Through Story: Cultural Trauma and Narrative Construction

For the Simeulue people, the tsunamis that occurred in 1907 and 2004 were not merely natural disasters; they also precipitated profound existential and communal identity crises. The tsunamis that struck Simeulue resulted in significant psychological distress. These events fundamentally disrupted the sense of security, beyond the physical destruction and loss of life. Tsunamis also left profound psychological distress, not only at the individual level but also within the collective consciousness of the community.

This argument is further developed by Hirschberger [51], who contends that trauma is not merely an event of social collapse but also a crisis of meaning that drives the reformation of group identity. Such crises often trigger a collective search for new meaning, as groups attempt to interpret their suffering in ways that sustain continuity and moral purpose. A critical contribution of smong lies in its ability to transform trauma into knowledge. The Simeulue community has effectively navigated the cultural process of trauma, transitioning from a state of suffering to the establishment of collective meaning. As Alexander [30] and Eyerman [28] observe, communities do not simply recover from trauma; they continue to live with it, integrating it into their collective consciousness.

Narratives about smong take the form of orally transmitted stories passed down across generations. By transforming these oral narratives into written form, RN externalizes personal emotions into a symbolic space that can be collectively shared. Narrating traumatic experiences enables individuals to reorganize fragmented emotions into coherent structures of meaning. Such narratives also serve as forms of symbolic control over experiences that were once unspeakable. Through storytelling, the Simeulue people (1) create distance from the pain of confronting the earthquake and tsunami, (2) reconstruct the meaning of those experiences over time, (3) achieve emotional and cognitive closure, and (4) rebuild a sense of self and communal identity [37,52,53].

The nandong smong and song lyrics composed by Informant RN demonstrate how individuals express tsunami-related trauma through artistic media. Starrs [54] positions art as a collective therapeutic medium and a means of reconstructing the meaning of life in the aftermath of catastrophe. Art functions as a medium for ritualistic and memorial practices, facilitating communal processes of grief, remembrance, and the navigation of collective trauma. Furthermore, it contributes to moral and emotional reconstruction by fostering solidarity, linking personal experiences to shared meanings, and transforming loss into cultural memory. In a similar vein, Zeleke et al. [53] posit that music and ritual function as collective healing strategies, wherein folklore, dance, and art serve as narrative mechanisms for reframing trauma into collective hope.

Hirschberger [51] argues that one strategy for coping with memory is reinterpretation, which involves reshaping narratives to render them more positive and meaningful. The Nandong Smong poem, which begins with lines such as “Smong is your bath, Earthquake is your cradle, Thunder is your drum, Lightning is your lamp”,offers an interpretation of collective memories surrounding disasters. In this context, the Simeulue people do not depict tsunamis (smong) as terrifying antagonists but rather as integral elements of life that must be acknowledged and respected. As Lakoff and Johnson [39] explain, metaphors function not merely as figures of speech but as conceptual structures that shape human cognition and perception of reality. By linking extreme natural phenomena to familiar domestic activities, the Simeulue people frame disasters as experiences that can be engaged with rather than feared.

Therefore, an analysis of the narratives and lyrics of smong songs in Simeulue reveals that communities employ storytelling and art as mediums of collective healing and meaning reconstruction. This process of healing through narrative not only channels trauma but also affirms cultural identity and ecological morality that have been passed down across generations. The Simeulue community employs narrative practices that integrate emotion, belief, and ecological wisdom, thereby transforming suffering into knowledge and destruction into sustainability. In this sense, the song’s narrative demonstrates the capacity for cultural memory to evolve into a social force that sustains harmony between humans and nature [30]. It also affirms that communities do not merely remember—they live alongside their trauma in profoundly meaningful ways.

4.3. Smong and Everyday Life Preparedness: Building a Culture of Collective Resilience

The predominant paradigm in disaster studies continues to define resilience as the capacity to recover, adapt, and mitigate risk through formal management systems and physical infrastructure. This approach, however, often overlooks the social and cultural contexts in which knowledge is embedded. The findings from this research suggest that the Simeulue community cannot sustain resilience unless disaster knowledge is deeply internalized in everyday life. The Simeulue people play a vital role in preserving local knowledge of smong, which enables them to respond effectively to earthquakes and tsunamis. Norris et al. [55] conceptualize communities as active agents rather than passive victims, emphasizing their possession of social and cultural resources that can be mobilized in times of crisis. Resilience thus emerges from networks of adaptive capacities that restore functioning, repair social structures, and strengthen future preparedness.

Similar to resilience, preparedness is often understood in purely cognitive or technical terms, transmitted through formal education and training. Appleby-Arnold et al. [50] emphasize the importance of cultivating a culture of preparedness that grows organically from within communities (bottom-up) as opposed to being mandated externally by authorities (top-down). Such a culture is rooted in local values, routines, and collective practices. It has been demonstrated that simple, everyday actions embedded in daily life are often more effective than large-scale, short-term campaigns. A genuine culture of preparedness cannot be produced through mere instruction; rather, it is the result of meaningful and sustained social practices.

This theoretical framework provides a useful explanation for the occurrence of the smong phenomenon in Simeulue. In the absence of formal procedures, socialization programs, sirens, or simulations, the population’s behavior during the 2004 earthquake was uncoordinated. However, within minutes, residents instinctively sought refuge in the surrounding hills. This spontaneous action emerged not from external directives but from knowledge that had become habitual. Smong represents a form of everyday preparedness, wherein readiness is nurtured through established routines, symbolic representations, and communal narratives that ingrain disaster awareness as an integral facet of existence, superseding a mere procedural response [50,56].

This concept aligns with Donahue’s [44] notion of collective procedural memory—the social capacity to remember how to act when a disaster recurs. In Simeulue, the function of collective procedural memory is not embodied in memorial buildings. Rather, it is expressed through the smong narrative and its associated social practices. The Simeulue community’s capacity for action is instilled through a combination of songs, bedtime stories, and oral storytelling. When disaster strikes, the community does not only remember—they act.

A deeply embedded culture of preparedness has the capacity to transform readiness into an integral part of collective identity. The contemporary understanding of disasters has shifted, with residents no longer perceiving them as extraordinary events but as realities that can be faced together through awareness and solidarity. The people of Simeulue, accustomed to frequent earthquakes, have developed forms of social and physical adaptation that enhance resilience without undermining cohesion. These include constructing semi-permanent houses, securing household objects such as televisions to walls, and keeping appropriate clothing near their beds for rapid evacuation [50].

Smong can therefore be understood as a community resilience-based preparedness mechanism that integrates social, cultural, and ecological dimensions into a living, adaptive system. It operates as a social network that strengthens social capital through intergenerational storytelling, fostering a sense of mutual responsibility and belonging. Through oral communication, knowledge related to disaster mitigation is transmitted organically, ensuring that awareness of natural signs remains embedded in the community’s collective consciousness. When a disaster occurs, residents take spontaneous collective action—immediately running to the hills without waiting for formal instructions. This response illustrates the internalization of social memory as a cultural reflex. In the aftermath, recovery unfolds through cooperation and solidarity, encompassing not only material restoration but also moral and emotional renewal. Thus, smong is best understood not merely as cultural knowledge, but as a collective memory-based preparedness strategy that transforms traumatic experience into adaptive capacity and enduring social solidarity.

4.4. Reconstructing Simeulue Community Through Smong

The reconstruction of the Simeulue community after experiencing 1907 and 2004 tsunamis illustrates how disaster memories become a cultural force that reshapes their social identity. They confront trauma not only as an emotional outburst but also as a threat to their sense of security. However, they do not allow this trauma to be confined to individual suffering but rather transform it into a shared narrative framework known as smong.

The diagram above (see Figure 3) shows the reconstruction process of the Simeulue community through smong. This process began with their collective resilience in the face of the 1907 and 2004 tsunamis, which resulted in collective trauma. This trauma was articulated through various narratives, which enabled individuals and families to comprehend the profound loss experienced. These narratives transcended personal memories and entered the broader social realm through active transmission. The transmission process occurred in a variety of settings, including family conversations, bedtime stories, and community discussions. Transmission also occurred through artistic media such as nandong, nafi-nafi, films, comics, and even YouTube videos. Active transmission through these various media ensured smong remained relevant and socially understandable to the younger generation. Through this active transmission, the Simeulue community reframed the disaster not as a traumatic tragedy but as a guide to safety.

Through the mechanisms of repeated storytelling, reinterpretation, and embodied knowledge, these narratives evolve into cultural memory. These memories are institutionalized through monuments, tsunami commemoration rituals, school curricula, and educational materials about the earthquake and tsunami. This transition from oral to symbolic language is a critical aspect of maintaining the relevance of the song narrative, even in the face of evolving social and environmental conditions. Monuments such as the smong monument in Sinabang, the gravestones dated “1907”, and visual materials function as sites where communities engage in the process of reinterpreting the past and reaffirming their identity.

The Simeulue community reconstructs itself not only by recovering from past disasters but also by transforming them into a source of collective strength. The culmination of this process is the development of adaptive capacity and preparedness in daily life. Smong provides a culturally grounded framework for instinctively responding to earthquakes and tsunamis by fleeing to higher ground. This demonstrates how the Simeulue community has developed a robust system of resilience maintained through social interaction rather than external coercion.

Therefore, smong must be regarded not as a mere narrative of past disaster, but a mechanism used by the Simeulue people to reconstruct their social world. By embodying trauma in narrative form, integrating it into their cultural identity, and actively transmitting it across generations, they can foster preparedness for earthquakes and tsunamis. The reconstruction of the Simeulue community is also an ongoing cultural project that serves as a model for addressing future disasters.

5. Conclusions

This study demonstrates that the Simeulue community undergoes a process of self-reconstruction through a dynamic cultural process that transforms collective trauma into social resilience. An examination of smong as a narrative form of knowledge suggests that the 1907 and 2004 tsunamis served as a foundation for the formation of collective memory, shaping processes of meaning-making and adaptive behavior. Through active transmission embedded in daily practices and artistic expressions, the Simeulue community reinterprets traumatic experiences into practical guidelines for survival during earthquakes and tsunamis. This transformation shows that memory functions not merely as a reminder of past suffering but as an active cultural mechanism that shapes social identity and procedural knowledge. In Simeulue, the act of remembering becomes a mode of reconstruction: the community continually redefines itself by engaging in its disaster history and integrating its lessons into everyday social life. The study indicates that the reconstruction of Simeulue society has not been achieved through formal procedures, but through a culturally grounded process in which past disasters are continuously reinterpreted and embedded within lived experience. Further work could examine how younger generations interpret smong within digital and urban contexts, including whether memory transmission shifts as social structures and lifestyles change. Comparative studies across other oral societies may also deepen understanding of how cultural memory shapes disaster preparedness in diverse environments.