Barriers and Beliefs: A Qualitative Study of Jordanian Women’s Perceptions on Allowing Companions in the Labour Room

Abstract

Improved maternal experiences and outcomes have been widely linked to the presence of birth companions. However, cultural norms, institutional constraints, and privacy concerns frequently restrict women’s choice of birth companions in many Middle Eastern countries, including Jordan. This study investigated Jordanian women’s beliefs and barriers about the presence of companions in the labour room. A qualitative descriptive study design was conducted using Braun and Clarke’s framework for thematic analysis. Thirteen women (ages 21 to 38 years) with prior pregnancy and childbirth experience were chosen from a free health awareness event in Irbid, Northern Jordan in July 2025, to participate in semi-structured interviews. The responses were recorded on audio tapes and subsequently stored in their original format. Data were coded, transcribed, and then thematically analyzed to identify beliefs and perceived barriers. The most significant beliefs were: (i) emotional and psychological support, wherein companionship was thought to alleviate fear and provide reassurance; (ii) strengthening family ties, as women saw shared childbirth experiences as improving family bonds; and (iii) cultural and religious interpretations, wherein female relatives were frequently seen as more acceptable than husbands. Women reported two barriers to allowing companions in the labour room: (i) privacy and modesty issues, where they feared embarrassment, exposure, and judgment, and (ii) institutional and policy restrictions, such as restrictive hospital regulations. Although Jordanian women recognized the emotional and interpersonal benefits of having company during childbirth, they encountered numerous substantial institutional, cultural, and privacy-related barriers. Improving women’s birth experiences and promoting respectful maternity care may be achieved by addressing these issues through culturally sensitive education, privacy-enhancing infrastructure, and regulatory reform.

1. Introduction

Childbirth can be emotionally and physically exhausting for women and even their families, making it one of the most challenging life events [1]. Supportive care during labour is necessary because the process entails a variety of feelings and sensations, such as fear, excitement, anxiety, and emotional fragility [2]. Several supportive childbirth interventions can increase self-esteem, reduce discomfort and anxiety, and offer motivation during labour. These include warm showers, yoga exercises, massage, acupressure, birth ball exercises, ongoing supportive care, a family companion, and prenatal hypnosis [3].

In a sociocultural framework, “beliefs” refer to deeply rooted cultural and social conceptions that influence the acceptance of labour companionship, whereas “barriers” refer to societal norms and culture, birth attendants, and unsupportive administration protocol barriers that hinder the use of companionship during labour [4,5].

Trusted companions such as spouses, family members, and friends during labour can offer supportive care [6]. Several studies emphasize how crucial it is for women to have a male partner and a female companion during labour in order to improve their psychological adjustment and build their bonds with their families [7]. According to a meta-synthesis of qualitative research, having midwives, female family members, friends, or husbands present during labour frequently offers substantial benefits and a generally positive experience. These benefits include physical presence, information and guidance, emotional support (such as reassuring words, affirmative statements, and demonstrating empathy for the woman’s fear), and physical support (such as hand holding, breathing techniques, and back massages) [8].

Despite the overwhelming evidence supporting the benefits of having a companion during labour, not all women have the opportunity to do so [9]. Depending on institutional policies, cultural observations, and even geographic conditions, there are still differences in practice between different healthcare facilities [10,11,12].

Middle Eastern women consider the care they receive during labour and delivery as dehumanizing, harsh, and insulting. They typically lack access to a support person and often refuse to consent to procedures [13]. Birth companionship is something that Saudi Arabian women greatly desire, but its execution is hampered by a number of institutional, emotional, and physical impediments, including hospital laws and regulations [14]. Saudi Arabian women who give birth alone frequently experience feelings of isolation and disconnection. Companion attendance is frequently impeded by delivery room space constraints, unclear policies, and a dearth of companion education programs [15]. However, in Oman, the presence of companions (husbands and family members) during labour and delivery helped women feel better and more at ease by providing support and encouragement [16].

The dynamics of having a companion during childbirth are influenced by institutional policies to a large extent. In Jordan, crowded wards, a lack of room for additional people, and stringent hospital regulations, prohibit the presence of a companion during childbirth [17,18]. Even while women are aware of the potential advantages of support, these barriers may exacerbate their feelings of loneliness during labour. Consequently, it is necessary to evaluate how cultural values and beliefs are balanced, as well as how institutional restrictions affect women’s delivery experiences.

A small number of qualitative studies on the experience of childbirth among Jordanian women have mostly focused on the lack of privacy during childbirth [17,18,19], obstacles to getting family support [20], and spiritual beliefs to help women through labour [17]. However, no qualitative research has examined Northern Jordanian women’s perceptions regarding beliefs and barriers for allowing companions in the labour room. To bridge this gap, this study uses a descriptive qualitative design to investigate women’s perceptions of beliefs and barriers regarding the presence of companions in the labour room in Irbid, Northern Jordan, in order to provide crucial insights into how maternity care might better meet their needs. These insights would provide policymakers with current knowledge that guide the development of culturally sensitive solutions that respect women’s choices while addressing structural constraints.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Study Design

A descriptive qualitative design was employed to explore women’s beliefs and barriers around having companions in a labour room.

2.2. Setting and Participants

The study was conducted in the Northern Jordan, Irbid, which was selected because earlier studies showed that women did not receive proper care during labour and delivery, indicating the need for better maternity care practices [17,18].

The participants were chosen from a free health awareness event on 5 July 2025 in Irbid. A number of specialists in general medicine, gynecology, psychology, and family medicine participated in health-related events on this day, which included free medical consultations and preliminary field exams.

The event was attended by about 90 individuals of different ages, including men, women, and children. Approximately 20 women were chosen at random in accordance with the following criteria: (1) they had to be married and at least 18 years old; (2) they had to have given birth normally within the past year; (3) they had to be primiparous or multiparous; and (4) they had to be free to express their opinions during labour and delivery. Women who underwent cesarean delivery were excluded. These criteria led to the identification of sixteen women. The first author (RM) then asked the women if they would be interested in participating in the study in order to obtain their informed permission. Thirteen women agreed to take part, and they scheduled the interviews at their homes. However, three women declined to participate, citing a sense of discomfort about disclosing private details about their previous pregnancy. The identified women were given unique codes to protect their identities. Women were thus assigned the names P1, P2, P3, …, P13.

2.3. Data Collection

Data were collected using semi-structured in-depth interviews that centered on three questions: (1) What are your thoughts and feelings about having a husband or another significant person with you during labour and delivery? (2) What concerns or challenges might prevent women from allowing a significant other into the labour room? and (3) What has been your experience with hospital rules or healthcare providers regarding the presence of a significant other during childbirth? Demographic characteristics were also recorded, including age, educational background, parity, and hospital admissions. The first author developed the interview guide’s questions and then utilized a cooperative process to get feedback from the second through seventh authors (AE, HYA, AA, SBH, DY, and RA) on the questions’ flow. The interview questions were validated by the remaining members of the research team (NA, HA, and SA).

The first author interviewed the selected women for 45 to 60 min at their homes in July 2025. After comparing the audio recordings to the Arabic verbatim transcriptions of the interviews, the English translation was performed.

2.4. Data Analysis

The methodology developed by Braun and Clarke [21], which includes familiarization, coding, topic creation, review, definition, and reporting, was followed in conducting the thematic analysis. The second through fourth authors carried out a comprehensive analysis to understand the nuances, emotions, and revelations that women shared. The original coding was done manually. The responses were first verbatim transcribed to begin the procedure. The transcripts underwent cleaning and modification to locate and arrange codes. Microsoft Word was used to create bulleted lists, which helped in theme formation. Codes were sorted into general topic groups to create patterns of meaning. A more thorough review and refinement of these topics followed. Sub-themes were formed from the noteworthy codes through additional analysis of the data, and these were then incorporated into the main themes.

2.5. Research Team and Rigor

The first seven authors, along with the ninth author, are highly skilled in qualitative data methodology and analysis, as well as field study expertise in community and women’s health nursing. The eighth author is a public health researcher with expertise in developing surveys and qualitative data methods, which includes gathering and analyzing data. The last author is a practicing nurse with expertise in caring for women with mental health issues.

Every step of the study included a thorough disclosure of its trustworthiness. Throughout the data collecting and analysis process, the first four authors participated in interactive sessions. To ensure uniformity, they coded independently during the data coding process. To improve the credibility of the research, the remaining authors were provided access to the results of the interview analyses and would make the final coding decisions in the event of discrepancies. The translation decisions were chosen by the study’s Arabic and English bilingual specialists (NA, HA, and SA) when there was a disagreement. The specialists used back-translation approaches to ensure that the meaning of the transcriptions was equal in English. Their extensive grasp of the Arabic language may reduce bias and remove issues with automatic coding and theme recognition. The verifiability principle was followed by directly including the participant statements prior to analysis. This made the data used to bolster the study’s findings transparent.

2.6. Ethical Consideration

The Faculty of Nursing Research Ethics Committee at Irbid National University provided ethical approval (Ref: IRB0016). Prior to the interview, consent was obtained because participation was entirely voluntary. The study did not record any personally identifying information about the participants, protecting their privacy and anonymity.

3. Results

3.1. Participants’ Characteristics

Table 1. Sample characteristics.

Participants ID	Age (Years)	Education Level	Parity (No. of Children)	Hospital Admissions
P1	23	Secondary	2	Public
P2	29	University	1	Public
P3	34	University	3	Private
P4	21	Secondary	1	Public
P5	27	Diploma	0 (Primigravida)	Public
P6	31	University	2	Private
P7	26	Secondary	4	Public
P8	38	None	1	Public
P9	30	University	5	Private
P10	24	Secondary	2	Public
P11	35	Diploma	1	Private
P12	28	University	3	Public
P13	26	University	2	Public

lists the demographic characteristics of the thirteen married women whose data were gathered. The age range varies from 21 to 38 years old. Women had varying levels of education: six had a university degree, four had only completed secondary school, two had a diploma, and one had no formal education. Births range from zero (parity 0) to five (parity 5). Nine women were admitted to public hospitals as opposed to private ones (n = 4).

3.2. Thematic Outcomes

Table 2. Key thematic outcomes.

Interview Questions	Code	Subtheme	Theme
What are your thoughts and feelings about having a husband or another significant person with you during labour and delivery?	Emotional comfort	Emotional reassurance	Emotional and psychological support (belief)
	Shared experience	Strengthened bonds	Strengthening family bonds (belief)
	Cultural expectation	Gender appropriateness	Cultural and religious interpretations (belief)
What concerns or challenges might prevent women from allowing a significant other into the labour room?	Embarrassment	Modesty/privacy	Privacy and modesty concerns (barrier)
	Fear of judgment	Exposure anxiety
What has been your experience with hospital rules or healthcare providers regarding the presence of a significant other during childbirth?	Restrictive policy Overcrowding	Institutional regulation Lack of privacy in facilities	Institutional and policy restrictions (barrier)

summarizes the thematic outcomes. Five major themes and seven sub-themes were developed.

3.2.1. Beliefs

Three thematic outcomes were identified under women’s beliefs regarding the presence of companions during labour. These include emotional and psychological support, strengthening family bonds, and cultural and religious interpretations.

Theme 1: Emotional and Psychological Support

Women reported having companions around gave them courage, reassurance, and decreased worry. They felt that in an otherwise stressful setting, having company during labour and even delivery helped reduce anxiety and offer a sense of security.

One participant expressed: “I have never been with my husband, but I really think that his presence during labour would make me feel calmer” (P3).

P4 shared “Before I gave birth…I was afraid…but my sister reassured me”.

According to P10 “I was under stress during my labour…but he [the doctor] kept making jokes to help me relax”.

P13 expressed “She [the midwife] spent most of her time with me…and because of this I was able to avoid feeling depressed”.

Theme 2: Strengthening Family Bonds

Women felt that having a husband or relatives during childbirth strengthened family ties, further uniting them in love. Allowing a spouse to enter the labour room, according to women, improves marital connections, fosters shared motherhood, and fortifies emotional bonds. Observing childbirth was viewed by some as promoting respect for one another and an awareness of the work that women put in.

P1 noted “It was really difficult to move around without help, especially with my first child…he [my husband] stayed with me…it just makes me feel more at ease”.

P7 expressed “She [my mother] came to see me every morning and looked after my kids…and continuously urged me to rest”.

P3 stated “In a private hospital, the midwife let her [my mother] sleep in the same room as me…that would be good as she will assist me”.

P6 shared “My sister arrived at my home and packed all of the birthing materials into a bag…so that the delivery wouldn’t be delayed”.

According to P12, “He [my husband] should witness what I go through [laughs]; it would make us closer as a family”.

Theme 3: Cultural and Religious Interpretations

Women’s beliefs are heavily influenced by cultural and religious values. While some women believed that social conventions and worries about modesty made it improper for a husband to be present, others said that female family members and health professional were more culturally acceptable partners during labour and delivery.

P4 noted “He [my husband] is religious that recommended me to see a female doctor who assist in giving birth”.

P5 stated “It is abnormal for men to be present in a place like that… perhaps my mother or sister would be more appropriate”.

P9 said “A female midwife at the private Christian hospital who care for me during labour respected my religion”.

P11 expressed “If a woman doctor is available rather than a man…of course I would rather have a female doctor”.

3.2.2. Barriers

Two primary barriers that women highlighted stand in the way of including companions during the labour and delivery process. These include privacy and modesty concerns as well as institutional and policy restrictions.

Theme 4: Privacy and Modesty Concerns

Women complained that the facilities lacked the necessary frameworks to provide privacy, leaving them feeling exposed and embarrassed. They also expressed concern that their husbands would criticize them if they screamed or lost control.

P10 mentioned “I would feel embarrassed if he [my husband] can see me in such condition, in deep pain, screaming in public place”.

P9 noted “She [the midwife] remained in my room after birth…I simply don’t feel at ease like that”.

P13 stated “Some women fear their husbands might judge them negatively if they scream or lose control”.

P1 shared “I was always being examined by a different midwife…that is the issue…it was frustrating”.

Theme 5: Institutional and Policy Restrictions

Women believed that they were unable to be comfortable when they gave birth because of institutional impediments. The constrictive hospital setting was brought up by many women. In addition, the hospitals have policies prohibiting companions, citing overcrowding as one of the reasons.

P1 shared “It is very embarrassing that each woman haven’t her own sheet…there was no privacy”.

According to P2, “The space was crowded with so many women; and so, it is visibly hard for partners to be there”.

P8 stated “The public hospital was uncomfortable…the room was small and packed with women giving birth…there were a lot of visitors who just talked loudly”.

P11 shared “The hospitals did not allow husbands inside, even any male relative…they have very strict rules about who can access the facility”.

P12 stated “No privacy in public hospitals, as there are about four women in the same room”.

4. Discussion

Several interesting results on Jordanian women’s perceptions toward letting companions inside the labour room were discovered throughout this study. These results draw attention to the ideas that frame companionship as beneficial and the barriers that prevent its use. Comparatively speaking, these results are somewhat consistent with regional and international literature, supporting the intricate interactions between institutional, cultural, and emotional elements that affect women’s health during childbirth.

Women stated that they were confident that having companions would provide them the strength, comfort, and reassurance they needed to take on the challenge. They also mentioned how companions help them manage the stressful state of discomfort. This observation is in line with the notion that the presence of professionals and/or birth companions (such as a sister, female relative, or husband) enhances positive emotional support (such as constant presence, reassurance, and praise) during childbirth, as supported by evidence from worldwide research outcomes [22,23,24]. According to the Theory of Emancipated Decision-Making in Women’s Healthcare, it is recommended that women and their partners attend in-person sessions in small groups of four to six in order to provide a comfortable, safe environment that encourages open communication, trust, and comfort. During labour, family members reduce anxiety, support decision-making, provide comforting counsel, and keep women engaged and at ease in their familiar surroundings [25]. Berhanu et al. [26] suggest that low-income countries support the use of birth companions for women in order to enhance maternity care and lessen their emotional burden. Research indicates that over 82% of Saudi Arabian women value having a delivery companion to ease the emotional and psychological strain of giving birth. The study highlights the need of taking into account each woman’s particular needs and proposes that high levels of education for birth companions (mother, sister, and husband) would assist women in overcoming the psychological difficulties of childbirth [14]. But since not all medical institutions permit birth partners, the same study also shown that there is a discrepancy between practice and evidence [14]. Research from other areas, such as Africa, has also supported the idea that birth companions might reduce mistreatments and enhance emotional support during childbirth [27]. Research conducted in Jordan revealed that having a female relative present during labour helped to boost emotional support and encouragement. The study suggests that hospitals and public health professionals who specialize in maternal health may highlight female relatives as a useful tool for increasing emotional support during childbirth [28]. Further studies should highlight birth companions as a useful resource for labouring women, as the literature makes it abundantly evident that support during labour is acceptable and results in better emotional outcomes.

Women believed a birth companion strengthened family ties. This finding aligns with several studies that demonstrate the advantages of enhanced bonding when a birth companion—such as a mother, partner sister, mother-in-law, or other family member—takes part in the labour and delivery [29]. The mother, sister, husband’s mother/sister, and aunt all served as birth companions in Uganda, according to an exploratory descriptive qualitative study. They encouraged bonding and trust by stroking the labouring woman’s back, giving her a hug, and urging her to be strong [30]. Partner or husband involvement during childbirth, according to Sierra Leonean and Thai women, strengthened family ties since the man would grow more appreciative of a woman after seeing her suffering [31,32]. Active husband participation during labour and delivery helps to strengthen the couple relationship after giving birth, according to a grounded theory of active husband involvement and its impact on the couple relationship. Helping with a good attitude, providing instrumental support and reacting during important moments are the three interconnected components of active spouse involvement. The idea also takes into account husbands’ attempts to overcome a variety of barriers to active husband involvement, such as feeling overburdened, encountering interpersonal issues, and gender disparities [33]. In a grounded theory qualitative study, “strengthened family ties” was shown to be an important theme. Women needed mentors to help them through the transition and normalize their emotions and experiences because pregnancy and early motherhood were unknown to them. The experience of being a new mother may be influenced by social ties with mothers and partners that were reinforced throughout labour and delivery. In contrast to feeling supported, which appeared to help women build confidence in their new self-perceptions, lack of support made women feel more vulnerable at various points of the transition [34]. As a result, despite the overwhelming evidence that better bonds are formed when partners and family members are included in childbirth, socio-cultural views and other issues within healthcare institutions make practical implementation difficult. Additional guidance is required in order to increase the role that companions of partners and family members play during and after labour.

Women felt that cultural and religious issues must be taken into account when allowing companions to be present during birthing. They stated that while having a companion would make them feel more at ease, they did not feel at ease when a male companion was there. Women just desire the presence of female companions, such as female family members and medical professionals. A study carried out in Burkina Faso found that because men were not allowed in the labour and delivery room and because labour and childbirth were considered to be women’s concerns, a female companion is chosen to support traditional labour practices [35]. Women in Kenya expressed a preference for female relatives over their spouses as birth companions. They did not require their spouses’ presence because they were unable to assist them [36]. The importance of empowering women for active labour was emphasized by a qualitative descriptive study conducted in Portugal. This is because women are emerging with more knowledge and a strong desire to actively participate in healthcare decision-making during childbirth when female nurse-midwives are present [37]. The UK study found that Muslim women’s perspectives on how to talk about labour practices differed. They stated that if a female was unavailable, they would use the religious exception; others would ask to reschedule their appointment with a female; and still others lacked the courage to inquire about the availability of a female healthcare provider to provide their care [38]. Women’s labour experiences are impacted by societal gender norms since some societies consider childbirth and labour to be solely the domain of women. Men may not have been motivated to learn about or participate in issues pertaining to women’s health as a result of this perspective. Despite the significance of husbands’ involvement in women’s health outcomes, ingrained beliefs that men don’t actively participate in delivery care still exist. A partner can provide emotional stability, lessen anxiety and dread, and so improve the course of labour [39]. According to women in Jordan, men were generally frowned upon and they frequently preferred to have female companions, such as mothers, female relatives, and female health professionals [17,18]. The Emancipated Decision-Making Theory emphasizes how cultural norms influence and occasionally limit women’s autonomy in making decisions pertaining to their health. This theory states that during labour or delivery, pressure from partners and medical experts may limit women’s autonomy, comfort, and satisfaction with their decisions [25]. Thus, the study suggests that promoting women’s autonomy to select their companions could aid in the successful execution of birth companionship in Jordan while taking cultural and religious aspects into account.

Women believed that hospital facilities were frequently excessively revealing for their privacy and modesty, making them uncomfortable with a companion, particularly a male one. Because they were afraid of being judged, embarrassed, and exposed in front of their companions—especially their male partners—these women consequently voiced serious worries about modesty. A grounded theory highlighted how judgements, manifestations, and time and fluctuation according to perceptions of others relate to women’s experiences of dread during labour and delivery. Women utilized evading, processing, and seeking help to deal with their worries. These strategies were applied concurrently and interchangeably according on which strategy seemed to work best in a given circumstance. It was difficult for women to communicate about their anxieties, and prerequisites for doing so included the interest and actions of medical experts [40]. These findings draw attention to create culturally sensitive environments that support women’s comfort and intimacy during birthing.

Women added that space constraints, crowding, and privacy issues were the reasons public hospitals imposed limits. According to earlier research, women were afraid of being seen because public hospital maternity wards are frequently open, allowing spectators to enter without adequate protection. Women have voiced worries about being noticed or made fun of, and providers have used modesty concerns as an excuse to keep companions out [36,41]. A major problem in many Jordanian public hospitals is overcrowding, which has an impact on women’s admission during labour [42]. One tactic employed by women to obtain privacy was to seek a birth in a private Jordanian hospital, however this was not always successful. Some privacy-enhancing tactics, such covering oneself with a sheet, were found; but, in a patriarchal, medically driven maternity system, even basic customs are challenging to alter [18]. But Jordan is not the only country that faces privacy and space issues; a comparable study in Saudi Arabia found that hospital policies that restrict space and cause overcrowding continue to be the biggest barrier to companionship [14]. Women in Kenya, India, and Iran have identified the same problem of overcrowding and space as the primary obstacle to having a companion during childbirth, pointing to such restrictions [36,41,43,44,45]. A systemic emphasis on staff control over women’s preferences was evident in the reasons given by health workers for banning companions, which were facility protocols [4]. The introduction of the new room based on the Normalization Process Theory, challenged the medical paradigm in the labour ward setting and enhanced the caregivers’ understanding of the intricate connections between birth physiology and the environment. Instead of concentrating on procedural monitoring, this could motivate caregivers to be more emotionally involved. It was also challenging to integrate the new room’s unique architecture into routine care practices because it caused a sense of discomfort [46]. According to Kolcaba’s Comfort theory, the mother-friendly hospital policy improved women’s psychospiritual comfort as well as their physical and sociocultural comfort by carefully attending to their privacy expectations, maintaining hygiene, and offering supportive midwife care [47]. Addressing the gaps between policy and practice and modifying policies to permit companions were deemed crucial. In addition to providing women with private space, hospital policies need to be revised to permit companions during labour and delivery.

5. Limitations of the Study

Women were selected from Irbid city, and the majority of their narratives are from the Northern region, which would restrict the findings’ generalizability to other regions of Jordan. A small number of women from diverse cultural backgrounds may have underreported some of their experiences and/or perspectives with birth companionship in the labour room due to the delicate nature of the setting, as a free health awareness event in a single Jordanian city was chosen for data collection. This could have been influenced by social desirability bias. The internal validity of the results may be compromised if women give answers they think are socially acceptable rather than ones that reflect their actual opinions. Despite being carried out in a public setting, the results of this study might not apply to other contexts, such as hospitals or healthcare facilities. Reliance on self-reported data could lead to biases in responses. Not all birth companionship beliefs were covered in the study, including physiological support, and barriers such as lack of trust and confidence in companions, distance to the facility, and socioeconomic position were not included.

6. Conclusions

This study found that five themes encapsulated Jordanian women’s perceptions of companionship during labour. Women expressed their confidence that their husbands, sisters, doctors, and midwives would provide them the strength, comfort, and reassurance they needed to ease their fear and provide a sense of security during childbirth. Women also believed that having a husband, mother, and sister during childbirth strengthened family bonds and brought them closer together in their love. Religious and cultural values play a major role in shaping women’s beliefs. Rather than having a male companion, they preferred to have female family members and medical experts.

Women identified two main barriers that prevent companions from being included during the labour and delivery process. They expressed dissatisfaction about the facilities’ lack of privacy-preserving structures, which left them feeling exposed and embarrassed. They also felt that overcrowding and institutional impediments kept them from feeling at ease.

7. Recommendations

These results demonstrated how crucial it is to match hospital rules with international guidelines in order to allow selected companions during labour. Thus, a number of tactics should be supported to increase the acceptance of women’s companionship, including the implementation of prenatal education to increase awareness, ward infrastructure changes to improve women’s privacy, and training for healthcare professionals to address cultural biases. In Jordanian hospitals, the policies are not being implemented at the facility levels. Therefore, it is highly recommended that national guidelines for the permitting of birth companions in labour rooms be fully implemented. Both public and private hospitals should create their own implementation strategies to encourage birth companions at the facility levels. Infrastructure that is conducive to birth companionship should be made available. Trusted labour companions should be encouraged by legislation and healthcare practices in order to guarantee respectful treatment and improve wellness. Bridging the gap between women’s wants and institutional limits may be facilitated by the implementation of culturally responsive regulations that respect women’s choices, such as permitting female relatives in situations where male presence is unacceptable. Intervention studies are required to obtain evaluate the implementation of privacy-enhancing infrastructure or regulatory changes. Future research on the issue of allowing companions in the labour room should take into account the perspectives of Jordanian women from different cities as well as those who employed by public and private hospitals.