1. Introduction
As the Anthropocene era commenced, the disparity between the deterioration of rural regions and the expansion of urban centers has become increasingly evident, driven by worldwide trends in urbanization and industrialization, particularly in developing countries [
1]. Establishing a positive relationship and fostering close connections between urban and rural areas are crucial foundations for achieving harmonious and sustainable regional growth and for enhancing regional competitiveness [
1,
2,
3,
4]. Consequently, achieving sustainable urban–rural integration (URI) has emerged as a common challenge facing nations worldwide [
1,
5,
6]. URI represents a hallmark of advanced urban–rural relations, reflecting the organic alignment of factor allocation and equitable distribution of public resources between cities and the countryside. At its core, it enables the free flow of resources and factors across urban and rural boundaries, fostering multidimensional, bidirectional interactions and coordinated development in economic, social, spatial, and ecological domains while promoting equitable access to resources and shared prosperity [
7,
8]. The URI serves as a crucial pathway for promoting a cohesive and sustainable human society [
9], thus becoming a prominent field of study for scholars across disciplines.
The discourse on urban–rural relationships has evolved through several theoretical lenses. Early perspectives, rooted in classical development economics such as the Lewis–Ranis–Fei model, often depicted a linear transition in which rural labor shifts to a modern urban-industrial sector, implicitly favoring urban-centric growth paradigms [
7]. This prompted critiques of an inherent “urban bias” in policy and investment, which systematically disadvantaged rural areas [
10]. In reaction, alternative arguments for “rural bias” or rural-first development strategies also emerged, though with less mainstream traction [
11]. More recent scholarship, drawing on geographical and sociological insights, has moved beyond this simple dichotomy [
12,
13]. For instance, Woods (2005) highlights that rural areas are not merely passive recipients of urban influence but are actively shaped by diverse processes of “rural restructuring,” involving economic, social, and cultural transformations that intricately connect them to broader regional and global systems [
14]. The Desakota model captured the reality of densely populated, intensely mixed urban–rural land-use configurations in Asia, challenging the notion of a clear urban–rural divide [
15,
16]. Similarly, regional network models emphasize the functional linkages and flows between cities and their hinterlands, viewing them as interconnected nodes in a wider system [
17]. While these models provide powerful spatial and functional descriptions, the concept of urban–rural integration (URI) offers a more normative and multidimensional framework. Unlike the Desakota model, which focuses primarily on land use and spatial hybridity, URI can be defined as a multidimensional process encompassing four interconnected dimensions: economic integration (economic convergence, narrowing productivity and income gaps), social integration (social equalization, comparable access to public services), spatial integration (spatial connectivity, integrated infrastructure and flows), and ecological integration (ecological co-governance, shared environmental management).
Building on theoretical and conceptual frameworks, a group of scholars—predominantly from China—has quantitatively assessed the level and characteristics of URI at both national and regional scales using principal component analysis, TOPSIS, entropy weight methods, and spatial analytical techniques [
1,
7,
9,
18,
19,
20]. Based on these assessments, they have conducted preliminary investigations into the factors influencing, and mechanisms driving, URI [
21,
22,
23]. Furthermore, many countries have undertaken extensive theoretical and practical explorations in pursuit of URI pathways suited to their national contexts, as exemplified by the “New Rural Movement” in South Korea, “Demonstration Project for Comprehensive Construction of Villages and Towns” in Japan, and research on rural economic development in Italy [
7,
24,
25,
26].
Research generally holds that development in urban and rural areas mutually influences each other through flows of people, materials, energy, goods, capital, and information. The essence of URI lies in the coordinated development of urban and rural areas, facilitated by mobility of key factors [
4,
7,
9,
19,
22,
27,
28]. Factor mobility denotes the transfer and reallocation of production factors across regions. In this study, “factor mobility” refers specifically to the movement and redistribution of three fundamental production factors—labor, capital, and land—between urban and rural areas. The rationale for isolating these three dimensions is rooted in both classical political economy and China’s specific institutional context. Theoretically, labor, capital, and land constitute the most basic elements of production. Other elements, such as technology, information, or public services, are largely derivative or carrier-dependent; for instance, technology is embedded in human capital (labor mobility) and physical investment (capital mobility), while infrastructure is the spatial materialization of capital on land. Practically, China’s urban–rural dual structure is underpinned by institutional frictions in the household registration (
Hukou) system, the financial allocation system, and the dual-track land-ownership system. Therefore, labor, capital, and land represent the deepest institutional bottlenecks. Focusing on these three core dimensions enables a more direct assessment of the foundational drivers of URI, rather than becoming entangled in their derivative manifestations. Several studies have begun to examine how factor mobility affects URI. Nevertheless, most existing work has focused on qualitative theorizing to explain the connection between factor mobility and URI [
4,
29]. Some empirical studies consider only specific factors, such as labor and capital, with respect to regional urban–rural development and URI [
8,
22,
30]. These studies suggest that the two-way flow of population between urban and rural areas can promote URI by increasing employment opportunities, while the barriers and inequality of financial resources between urban and rural areas may inhibit URI [
4,
28,
31]. Moreover, certain studies have identified potential spatial spillover effects, both in URI itself and in the influence of factor mobility on URI [
4,
31]. However, existing research lacks a quantitative, multidimensional analysis that integrates population, capital, and land factors to examine the impact of factor mobility on URI. Furthermore, there is insufficient quantitative investigation into the underlying mechanisms through which factor mobility facilitates URI. Consequently, systematic quantitative research on the relationship between factor mobility and URI is needed. Such work can deepen understanding of the dynamic mechanisms underpinning URI and support the development of effective strategies for its optimization and promotion.
The enduring limitations of China’s dual urban–rural system, along with policies that tend to prioritize urban areas, have led to unequal urban–rural development, resulting in lagging rural development [
1]. In response, URI serves as the fundamental approach and rationale for implementing China’s rural revitalization strategy and as a prerequisite for achieving Chinese-style modernization [
7,
9]. Within this framework, the Chinese government has acknowledged the complex relationship between factor mobility and URI, identifying the facilitation of factor mobility as a crucial means of promoting URI. The Third Plenary Session of the 20th Central Committee underscored the importance of “promoting fair exchange and two-way movement of resources between urban and rural regions, reducing the gap between them, and encouraging shared prosperity and development across these areas.” In terms of scientific research, in addition to focusing on theoretical analysis, Chinese scholars have paid greater attention to policy design and implementation strategies for promoting URI through factor mobility [
32,
33,
34]. Some studies have also conducted empirical tests on the relationship between factor mobility and URI in China using methods such as comprehensive index evaluation but mainly using provincial administrative regions and prefecture-level cities as the basic research units of analysis [
22,
35], or focusing on specific regions such as urban agglomerations [
9,
23]. However, several important theoretical and practical issues regarding factor mobility and the URI in China require further research and discussion. For instance, can promoting rural-to-urban factor mobility effectively contribute to achieving URI during China’s transitional period? If so, what mechanisms underlie this effect? Are there differences in the impacts of different factors on URI in China? Are there regional differences in the impacts of the same factor on URI? If so, what accounts for these differences?
To address these issues, it is essential to conduct in-depth and systematic research on the relationship between factor mobility and URI in China at a more granular level, such as the county level. This study argues that the county is the most appropriate and crucial spatial scale for examining URI in China, improving on previous macro-level studies in two significant ways. First, methodologically, previous studies predominantly rely on provincial- or prefecture-level data, which inevitably suffer from spatial aggregation bias (the Modifiable Areal Unit Problem, MAUP). Such macro-scale analyses often measure inter-regional or inter-city relationships rather than genuine grassroots urban–rural interactions, thereby masking substantial intra-regional disparities. Second, from the perspective of spatial governance and economic geography, the county is the fundamental, self-contained territorial unit where urban and rural subsystems directly interact. This aligns with the understanding of the “rural-urban fringe” as a critical zone of interaction, where local dynamics and diverse forms of interaction shape regional development [
36]. Within China’s administrative and spatial hierarchy, a county integrates the urban core (county town) with its rural hinterlands (townships and villages). It is the primary scale at which daily commuting, local agricultural supply chains, and public service delivery naturally occur. Furthermore, the county acts as the direct policy-implementation frontline for China’s Rural Revitalization strategy and New-Type Urbanization. Therefore, a county-level analysis offers much higher resolution for accurately capturing the real-world dynamics of resource allocation and market integration. This study focuses on intra-county and inter-county dynamics of factor mobility and attempts to empirically assess the direct, indirect, and spatial spillover effects of factor mobility on county-level URI.
This study makes two contributions to the literature. First, we construct a comprehensive analytical framework that moves beyond the single-factor analyses prevalent in existing research. While previous studies have offered valuable insights by focusing on isolated factors such as labor mobility [
8,
22,
30] or capital flows [
4,
28,
31], they often overlook the synergistic and conflicting interactions among factors. Our study integrates three key factors—labor, capital, and land—and, by employing a Spatial Durbin Model (SDM) combined with a mediation-effect model, systematically disentangles and quantifies three distinct pathways through which factor mobility affects URI: direct effects within a county, indirect (mediated) effects transmitted through channels such as agricultural productivity, and spatial spillover effects on neighboring regions. This multi-pathway analysis reveals a composite mechanism of “factor empowerment—structural transformation—spatial reconstruction,” thereby offering a more holistic understanding than prior research that has predominantly provided qualitative discussions or single-dimensional assessments. Second, our analysis is conducted at the granular county level—the primary interface of URI—which addresses the limitations of existing large-scale studies. Previous research has predominantly focused on provincial or municipal scales [
7,
22], which, while valuable, often suffer from aggregation bias that masks significant intra-regional disparities. This fine-grained perspective not only provides a more accurate representation of grassroots urban–rural dynamics but also uncovers substantial regional heterogeneity in the impact patterns across Eastern, Central, Western, and Northeast China. As a result, our findings provide more precise empirical evidence and actionable policy insights for designing region-specific development strategies, improving on studies that rely on aggregated data.
The structure of this study is as follows:
Section 2 outlines the theoretical framework and articulates the main hypotheses.
Section 3 outlines the research methods and data.
Section 4 reports the results, which include the spatiotemporal changes and evolutionary trends of URI at the county level in China, along with the empirical findings on the effects of factor mobility on URI.
Section 5 provides a discussion focusing on the implications for research and policy. The study conclusions are presented in
Section 6.
2. Theoretical Analysis and Research Hypothesis
The root cause of the urban–rural development imbalance stems from the misallocation of key production factors, including population, land, and capital. Consequently, facilitating the efficient flow of these factors is fundamental to dismantling the urban–rural dual structure and advancing URI [
7,
8,
19,
28]. The theory of urban–rural regional systems posits that although urban and rural areas differ significantly in terms of factor endowments and resource availability, they collectively constitute an organic whole characterized by interdependence and mutual interaction [
29]. New Economic Geography (NEG) models, grounded in Krugman’s (1991) [
37] core–periphery framework, on the one hand, suggest that reductions in transport costs and increased factor mobility can trigger cumulative causation effects, whereby initial advantages concentrate economic activity in core regions at the expense of the periphery. According to this logic, enhancing factor mobility might deepen, rather than narrow, urban–rural divides. On the other hand, subsequent developments in NEG recognize the possibility of dispersion forces: rising congestion costs, land-price differentials, and non-tradable local amenities can eventually induce a “spread” of economic activity to lagging regions [
38].
Therefore, a critical question arises: under China’s current institutional context, which emphasizes coordinated development and rural revitalization, does factor mobility act as a catalyst for convergence or a driver of divergence? This study hypothesizes that, from a balanced perspective, promoting factor mobility is conducive to URI, while acknowledging the dual nature of this process. Our empirical analysis tests this hypothesis by examining the net effect of labor, capital, and land mobility on urban–rural integration at the county level.
To systematically elucidate this process, this study draws on the theories of urban–rural regional systems and NEG and integrates the concept of flow space to construct a comprehensive analytical framework encompassing direct, indirect, and spatial spillover effects. The framework aims to reveal how factor mobility collectively advances URI through direct “factor empowerment,” indirect “structural transformation catalysis,” and cross-regional “spatial reconstruction”.
It is important to note that this study selects land mobility, population mobility, and capital mobility as the core independent variables to unpack the drivers of URI. This selection follows both classical economic theory and China’s institutional context. Land represents the spatial foundation of integration, population captures the social and labor dimension, and capital reflects the financial dynamics enabling transformation. Together, these elements embody the reform priorities that underpin China’s URI strategy. Other potential factors, such as technology or infrastructure, are viewed as derivative outcomes of capital investment and population mobility and are thus embedded within this tri-dimensional framework.
2.1. The Direct Effect: Factor Endowment Enhancement
The direct effect of factor mobility on URI involves the movement of various production factors between urban and rural areas, which directly increases factor endowment stocks and optimizes resource allocation, thereby facilitating URI. This pathway originates from the classical theory of production factors, which posits that the abundance of such factors directly influences a region’s output and level of development [
1,
35]. Specifically, in the context of population mobility—particularly the migration of rural labor to urban areas—this movement not only directly enhances the urban labor supply but also increases rural household income and human capital through remittances and skill transfer upon return, thereby effectively reducing the urban–rural development gap. However, we acknowledge that structural transformation is not synonymous with integration. Selective out-migration of young, educated workers can erode the human-capital base of rural communities, producing a “hollowing out” effect that reinforces, rather than mitigates, rural marginalization. The net outcome depends crucially on the nature of factor flows—whether migration is circular or permanent, whether remittances are invested productively in the origin community, and whether agricultural labor shedding is accompanied by farm consolidation and productivity growth. Our empirical expectation that rural labor transfer exhibits a positive coefficient on URI is therefore conditional on the presence of complementary mechanisms, which we examine through a mediation analysis of agricultural productivity growth.
The flow of land factors is primarily reflected in the conversion of rural land into urban construction land and the intensified utilization of rural land, thereby directly transforming land assets into property income for farmers. At the same time, this process creates space for the development of both agricultural and non-agricultural industries, promoting URI through the optimized allocation of land resources across urban and rural areas [
35]. Capital mobility serves as the most direct driving force. Whether through the injection of industrial capital or government fiscal transfer payments, these funds are channeled into investments in rural infrastructure, public services, and industrial projects, significantly improving rural production and living conditions and promoting more equitable urban–rural development. In conclusion, the movement of population, land, and capital through their respective channels directly strengthens and optimizes the resource base for regional development, thereby positively promoting URI. Based on this analysis, the following hypotheses are proposed:
Hypothesis 1 (H1): Factor mobility exerts a significant positive direct effect on URI.
Hypothesis 1a (H1a): Population mobility exerts a significant positive direct effect on URI.
Hypothesis 1b (H1b): Land mobility exerts a significant positive direct effect on URI.
Hypothesis 1c (H1c): Capital mobility exerts a significant positive direct effect on URI.
2.2. The Indirect Effect: Mediating Pathways of Structural Transformation
The indirect effect of factor mobility on URI refers to its enduring influence on integration through the stimulation of structural changes within the urban–rural regional system. This effect is primarily realized by promoting economic structural transformation, improving resource-utilization efficiency, and enhancing labor productivity. According to Petty–Clark’s law and the theory of structural change, productive factors such as capital and labor tend to shift initially toward non-agricultural sectors offering higher returns, thereby accelerating the transition of regional economies from agriculture-dominated to industry- and service-oriented structures. This modernization of the industrial structure facilitates URI. However, an even more significant indirect effect operates within the internal dynamics of the urban–rural system, particularly through the structural transformation of the agricultural sector. The outflow of the rural labor force and increased mobility of land factors create favorable conditions for large-scale land operations, enhance agricultural land-use efficiency, and unlock the potential for economies of scale, thereby promoting rural development and contributing to narrowing the urban–rural gap [
35]. The mobility of capital serves as the core driver of agricultural modernization, while the mobility of population between urban and rural areas generates a spillover of knowledge and technology from cities to rural regions [
33,
39]. This facilitates the transformation of agricultural development models, accelerates rural advancement, and ultimately narrows the urban–rural divide and promotes URI. By enhancing agricultural land-use efficiency and advancing agricultural modernization, population, land, and capital mobility can collectively contribute to increased agricultural labor productivity, strengthen rural development capacity, and thereby promote URI. Therefore, we propose the following hypotheses:
Hypothesis 2 (H2): Factor mobility can exert a significant positive indirect effect on URI by improving agricultural land-use efficiency, advancing agricultural modernization, and enhancing agricultural labor productivity.
Hypothesis 2a (H2a): Factor mobility can enhance the URI process by increasing agricultural labor productivity.
Hypothesis 2b (H2b): Facilitating factor mobility can improve the URI process by optimizing agricultural land-use efficiency.
Hypothesis 2c (H2c): Facilitation factor mobility can enhance the URI process by promoting agricultural modernization.
2.3. The Spatial Spillover Effect: Inter-County Dynamics in a Flow Space
Regions are not isolated geographical units but rather interconnected nodes in a network. According to flow-space theory, the movement of elements shapes interdependent relationships among regions, meaning that any internal change within a county may affect neighboring areas. Vigorous factor mobility within a region can not only promote local URI but also positively drive URI in neighboring regions through mechanisms such as demonstration, competition, and cooperation [
40]. Specifically, population mobility—particularly the concentration of high-skilled labor—not only promotes industrial upgrading in neighboring counties through knowledge spillovers and technological diffusion but also expands market opportunities for agricultural products and services by stimulating consumer demand. This, in turn, supports rural development and fosters URI in adjacent counties. Capital mobility and industrial investment can generate spillover effects to neighboring counties through forward and backward linkages in the industrial chain, providing them with complementary opportunities and market access. Simultaneously, the joint development and shared use of infrastructure enhance regional efficiency, fostering URI. However, excessive agglomeration may trigger intensified competition for capital and resources, potentially draining surrounding areas and impeding URI in adjacent counties. Land-factor mobility enables successful models of agricultural modernization and characteristic industrial parks—developed through land transfer in one region—to serve as policy references and demonstration examples for neighboring counties. However, if such a land development model leads to cross-border environmental pollution or overuse of shared ecological resources, it may negatively affect agricultural productivity and residents’ livelihoods in adjacent areas, thereby impeding URI in those regions.
In conclusion, factor mobility within a county inevitably generates spatial spillover effects on URI in neighboring counties, operating through either positive diffusion or negative polarization mechanisms. Therefore, we propose the following hypothesis:
Hypothesis 3 (H3): Factor mobility exerts a significant spatial spillover effect on URI in neighboring regions.
2.4. The Regional Heterogeneity of Impact Mechanisms
In China, regional development disparities and uneven development are fundamental characteristics of the country’s socio-economic progress, primarily evident in the developmental gaps among its four major economic regions: Eastern, Central, Western, and Northeast China. Against this backdrop, the impact of factor mobility on URI varies significantly, shaped by these disparities. From the perspectives of regional development theory, factor mobility theory, and institutional economics, factor mobility may exhibit distinct patterns across different stages of development on URI. Eastern China boasts a developed economy and strong market absorption capacity, enabling it to more efficiently transform incoming production factors into sustainable development momentum. Moreover, the region’s mature market mechanisms significantly reduce market frictions and institutional barriers associated with factor mobility. As a result, factor mobility in Eastern China is likely to exert stronger direct and indirect effects on URI. Regarding spatial spillover effects, mature urban agglomerations and well-established industrial-chain networks in Eastern China are more likely to facilitate positive knowledge diffusion and market expansion; in contrast, core cities in Central, Western, and Northeast China may exert a “suction” effect on surrounding areas, resulting in negative polarization. Therefore, we propose the following comprehensive hypothesis:
Hypothesis 4 (H4): The impact of factor mobility on URI in China exhibits significant regional variation.
Hypothesis 4a (H4a): The positive impacts of factor mobility—both direct and indirect—on URI are most evident in Eastern China.
Hypothesis 4b (H4b): Spatial spillover effects are predominantly diffusive in the Eastern China but may be negligible or even negative—indicating polarization—in Central, Western, and Northeast China.
5. Discussion
5.1. The Mechanism of Factor Flow’s Impact on Urban–Rural Integration
Integrating the theoretical framework with the empirical findings, this study elucidates a comprehensive mechanism through which factor mobility collectively shapes urban–rural integration (URI) at China’s county level via three interconnected pathways: “Direct Factor Empowerment,” “Indirect Structural Transformation,” and “Spatial Restructuring” (
Figure 4).
First, factor mobility provides the fundamental impetus for URI through a “Direct Empowerment” effect. The significant positive direct effects of population and capital mobility confirm the foundational role of labor and capital reallocation in optimizing resource allocation and narrowing the urban–rural divide, aligning with classical development theories. Specifically, the transfer of labor from rural to urban areas optimizes marginal labor productivity across sectors, while the resulting remittances and return entrepreneurship directly boost human and financial capital accumulation in rural areas. Concurrently, capital investment in county towns directly improves infrastructure and public services and benefits rural areas through industrial-chain extensions, laying the material foundation for stronger economic and social linkages. However, the statistically insignificant impact of land mobility at the national level presents a critical counterpoint. This suggests that China’s current model of land-centered urbanization, characterized by a one-way transfer from rural to urban uses under the dual land system, has encountered efficiency bottlenecks. As highlighted by Wang et al. [
58], simple expansion does not equate to efficient use. In the context of URI, the inefficient conversion of rural land, often driven by local governments’ reliance on “land finance,” can lead to resource misallocation and impede the integration process, highlighting frictions in the land factor market that challenge conventional wisdom.
Second, factor mobility indirectly promotes URI by catalyzing efficiency gains within the urban–rural system through a “Structural Transformation” effect. The empirical results indicate that population mobility plays a significant mediating role by enhancing agricultural labor productivity (AVA). This confirms the classic logic of the Lewis model. The underlying mechanism is that rural labor outflows create conditions for moderate-scale land management. Coupled with the diffusion of technical knowledge from urban to rural areas, this directly increases the productivity and income of the remaining labor force, thereby narrowing the urban–rural income gap. However, our analysis reveals a crucial “inhibitory effect”: population and capital mobility exhibit an inhibitory relationship with URI through the mechanism of agricultural land-use efficiency. This “structural mismatch” paradoxically reveals that, although factor mobility is occurring, it is not effectively driving the intended modernization of the agricultural sector. This is a uniquely Chinese phenomenon in which rural labor outflows are not adequately accompanied by land consolidation due to institutional barriers, such as farmers’ tendency to “leave their hometowns without relinquishing their land” to retain their rights. Meanwhile, local administrative interventions strongly direct resource allocation toward high-yield urban sectors [
58]. Therefore, capital inflows may be redirected toward non-agricultural activities or short-term speculative ventures rather than long-term agricultural productivity enhancement, failing to significantly improve land-use efficiency.
Finally, factor mobility reshapes the URI landscape across counties through a “Spatial Restructuring” effect. This provides robust support for the principles of new economic geography and flow-space theory, both of which highlight the significance of flows in shaping regional spatial structures. As a carrier of knowledge and information, cross-regional population movement can transmit the positive effects of URI to neighboring counties through mechanisms such as demonstration effects, technological diffusion, and the dissemination of consumption concepts. By comparison, the spillover effects of capital and land are more complex and geographically constrained. The impact of capital tends to be highly localized, with benefits predominantly confined within administrative boundaries. Moreover, the profound regional heterogeneity and spatial spillover effects observed in this study can also be interpreted through the lenses of regional development stages and spatial governance policies. In the mature market environment of Eastern China, well-established infrastructure and integrated industrial chains facilitate the positive diffusion of population and knowledge. Conversely, the negative spatial spillover of land mobility in Central and Northeast China is largely driven by China’s strict top-down construction-land quota system. Because land quotas are scarce developmental resources, urban expansion in one county often implies restrictions on development space in neighboring counties, creating a “zero-sum game” under pressure from local economic growth targets. In this context, core cities exert a “siphon effect,” draining rural hinterlands of essential elements. In contrast, the positive spillovers of land mobility in Western China are policy-driven. Supported by the national “Western Development Strategy,” land quotas are allocated to construct cross-regional public goods and ecological infrastructure, structurally transforming spatial relations from competition to cooperation. These findings underscore that the spatial restructuring mechanism is highly contingent upon underlying institutional constraints and specific regional development paradigms.
In conclusion, the impact of factor mobility on URI is a complex process involving the superposition of multiple pathways and scales. The direct effect is the immediate manifestation of resource reallocation, the indirect effect represents the long-term outcome of systemic structural optimization, and the spatial spillover effect reveals the interactive and interconnected nature of URI within regional networks. Elucidating this integrated mechanism provides a strong theoretical basis for formulating differentiated, regionally coordinated development policies.
5.2. The Theoretical and Practical Implications
5.2.1. Theoretical Implications
This research expands on previous studies in two primary ways. First, it provides a precise depiction of the characteristics and dynamics of the spatial and temporal evolution of URI at a national scale in China. The connection between urban and rural regions, as reflected in URI, has garnered considerable academic interest, as it is a crucial issue in China’s socio-economic advancement. However, existing research predominantly focuses on the processes and characteristics of URI at provincial and regional levels [
7,
9,
59], resulting in an insufficient understanding of national-scale URI dynamics in China. While several studies attempt to analyze and discuss URI characteristics on a national scale [
1,
19,
22], most adopt provincial and municipal areas as their primary research units, leading to a generalized characterization of these features. Most national-scale studies indicate that China’s URI is currently at a low level, although it shows signs of improvement and an ongoing upgrading process [
22,
60]. The findings of this study closely align with these observations. Building on this foundation, the present study further identifies significant disparities in the evolutionary trajectory of URI across China’s four major regions, with a specific focus on integration level and growth rate. Furthermore, regarding the spatial characteristics of URI in China, existing studies at provincial and city scales generally suggest that, similar to patterns observed in economic development, Eastern China emerges as a concentrated region exhibiting a higher level of URI than Western and Central China [
22,
35]. Using county-level observations, this study reveals that the URI of China’s county units exhibits a spatial pattern that transcends the simplistic characterization of being “high in the east and low in the west.” Notably, a significant number of high-level units are also identified in the western region, which aligns with the findings of Yang et al. [
39]. Additionally, the findings of this research demonstrate a geographical shift in URI agglomeration in China, shifting from Eastern and Northeast China toward Central and Western China. Moreover, it identifies a low-level URI belt that stretches from central Inner Mongolia, across North China, to the Tibetan Plateau. The results deepen our understanding of the characteristics and trends of URI in China, thus offering a conceptual basis for developing region-specific strategies to optimize URI.
Second, this study provides empirical evidence and elucidates the underlying mechanism of factor mobility in URI through comprehensive quantitative analysis. The existing literature generally posits that the systematic exchange of factors between urban and rural areas is a prerequisite for achieving URI and rural revitalization [
7,
9,
19,
27]. However, regarding the mechanism of factor mobility in URI, most existing studies primarily adopt a qualitative perspective for theoretical discussion, with limited emphasis on empirical quantitative research and systematic analysis. Du and Liu [
29] argue that factor mobility influences the dynamics of rural–urban relations through economic and political mechanisms in China. Furthermore, Ping et al. [
34] found that factor mobility exerts an indirect influence on the URI process. By considering China’s counties as the fundamental unit of analysis, this study substantiates that factor mobility plays a pivotal role in fostering URI while also highlighting regional disparities in its promoting effect, consistent with previous findings [
35,
39]. However, this study also finds that land mobility does not promote URI in China’s counties and, in certain regions, even hinders it. This diverges from Ping et al. [
35] but aligns with Yang et al. [
39]. Furthermore, through rigorous quantitative analysis and empirical research, this study clarifies the direct, indirect, and spatial spillover effects of factor mobility on URI. It reveals that factor mobility can influence the URI process through three interrelated pathways: “direct empowerment,” “structural transformation,” and “spatial reconfiguration.” Moreover, the study identifies prominent challenges in this process, including the “asymmetry” of factor impacts and the “structural mismatch” between factor mobility and industrial structure transformation. These findings resonate with broader discussions in rural geography, particularly Woods’ [
14] emphasis on the diverse and often contradictory outcomes of rural restructuring, where global and national forces interact with local specificities. Our observation of regional heterogeneity in factor mobility’s impact on URI, for instance, aligns with Bosworth and Atterton’s [
36] argument for a nuanced understanding of local interactions within the rural–urban continuum, rather than a monolithic view of urban–rural relations. These insights provide both a theoretical and practical foundation for formulating an optimal strategy for URI in China.
5.2.2. Policy Implications and Recommendations
Through systematic theoretical construction and empirical analysis, this study demonstrates that factor mobility can effectively facilitate the process of urban–rural integration (URI) in China’s county units. Furthermore, the empirical results reveal the complex mechanisms through which factor mobility drives URI in China. Specifically, the influence of factor mobility on URI exerts not only significant direct effects but also intricate indirect effects and notable spatial spillover effects, and it exhibits substantial regional heterogeneity. These findings have significant practical implications for China, which is currently undergoing a critical phase of advancing rural revitalization and new urbanization strategies. Policymakers should move away from uniform, national-level macro-control and establish a more targeted policy framework that integrates “top-level design” with “region-specific measures,” thereby maximizing the positive impacts of factor mobility on URI while mitigating potential adverse effects.
(1) National level: Deepen institutional reforms and establish a top-level institutional framework to facilitate the two-way mobility of factors.
At the level of national macro-policy design, it is essential to enhance institutional innovation and reform to guide factor mobility between urban and rural areas toward a balanced two-way circulation, moving away from the traditional one-sided urban bias and thereby fully unlocking the positive impact of factor mobility on URI.
First, the market-driven allocation of land resources should be further strengthened to achieve a more effective balance between urban development and farmland protection. This study reveals that the current flow of land factors in China has not significantly promoted URI at the national level. Indeed, in Central China and Northeast China, it has generated a significant negative spatial spillover effect. This indicates that the prevailing one-way model of land transfer—from rural to urban areas—centered on land urbanization has led to efficiency losses. Therefore, policymaking should place greater emphasis on revitalizing existing urban construction land. It is imperative to accelerate nationwide implementation of a cross-regional trading mechanism for surplus indicators under the “increase-decrease linkage” policy. Policymakers should explore establishing a direct linkage between new construction-land indicators allocated to super-large and mega-cities and the outcomes of rural construction-land consolidation, reclamation, and high-standard farmland construction in major grain-producing areas or ecological function zones. Through institutional reforms, the urbanization demands of developed Eastern China can be transformed into direct drivers for rural development in Central, Western, and Northeast China, thereby enabling interregional “reverse compensation” of land-factor value and facilitating a “two-way flow” of resources between urban and rural areas. In addition, policies should also facilitate the market-oriented circulation of rural construction land and homesteads, allowing farmers to gain a fairer share of land value appreciation. This would address the “structural mismatch” where labor leaves but land remains idle and would transform land from a barrier into a catalyst for URI.
Second, it is essential to innovate incentive mechanisms for capital sinking and build a unified urban–rural factor market. While the direct effect of capital mobility is positive, its insignificant spatial spillover suggests localized agglomeration. Furthermore, the mediation effect analysis of the research indicates that capital mobility has not effectively promoted agricultural modernization or improvements in agricultural land-use efficiency. This reflects the tendency of capital mobility in rural areas to be “disconnected from the real economy and inclined toward the virtual economy” and to be short-term-oriented. Therefore, moving beyond traditional credit guidance, integrating the performance of “capital down to the countryside” into the Key Performance Indicators (KPIs) for financial institutions serving rural revitalization is crucial. Concurrently, piloting the issuance of special bonds backed by the future income of rural collectively owned profit-oriented construction land within the framework of the “Three Rural Lands” (rural collective-owned commercial construction land, rural homestead land, and rural contracted farmland) reform can inject large-scale, sustainable capital into rural industries. Furthermore, the government should enhance its regulatory guidance to direct capital toward rural areas more effectively. It is recommended that the China Development Bank and other policy banks take the lead in establishing, in collaboration with major state-owned enterprises and market-oriented investors, a national-level “Rural Revitalization Industry Investment Master Fund.” This fund would guide capital toward strategic sectors such as smart agriculture—areas characterized by long payback periods but high long-term value—rather than short-term, non-agricultural ventures, thereby catalyzing broader social investment in enhancing the core competitiveness of China’s agricultural sector.
Third, implement the reform linked to “household registration–public services” to smooth the two-way mobility of population between urban and rural areas. This study confirms that population mobility exerts significantly positive direct and spatial spillover effects on URI. To consolidate this positive impact, it is recommended to pilot the decoupling of the “residence permit + points” system from access to public services in selected regions. Individuals with stable employment or residence within a county should have equal access to basic public services such as education and healthcare, irrespective of their “Hukou” status. This would mitigate issues of “involuntary left-behind” groups and “semi-urbanization,” thereby fully activating the integrative power of population mobility.
(2) Regional level: Implement region-specific strategies and develop targeted policy instruments.
The regional heterogeneity analysis indicates that the impact of factor mobility on URI varies significantly across China’s four major economic regions. Therefore, differentiated policies and strategies should be formulated to fully harness the promoting effect of factor mobility on URI and achieve balanced regional development.
For Eastern China, the focus should be on “networked integration” to address the issue of capital siphoning. Population mobility in Eastern China shows a significant positive spatial spillover effect on URI, while capital mobility has shown a negative spillover effect. In response to this situation, in addition to market mechanisms, enhanced policy guidance and coordination are essential. It is recommended that mature urban agglomerations such as the Yangtze River Delta and the Guangdong–Hong Kong–Macao Greater Bay Area take the lead in formulating a “Metropolitan Circle Urban-Rural Integration Development Plan” to overcome administrative fragmentation. By integrating critical infrastructure—including intercity rail systems and digital networks—the functions and industries of core cities can be more effectively redirected to surrounding counties, promoting balanced regional development. Industrial enclaves with a tax-sharing mechanism should be promoted. Core cities should be encouraged to co-develop industrial parks in surrounding counties to host manufacturing links or supply-chain partners. A cross-jurisdictional mechanism for sharing tax revenues and GDP would be established to mitigate the capital siphon effect and foster win–win development. Moreover, county-level units in different spatial locations should adopt targeted strategies to advance urban–rural integration. Core suburban counties within metropolitan areas should focus on achieving functional synergy with central urban zones, while ordinary counties outside these areas must be safeguarded against excessive resource depletion and strengthened through the development of endogenous growth driven by characteristic industrial clusters.
For Central China, a “Strong County” development strategy should be implemented to cultivate “county growth poles”. The population mobility and land mobility in Central China both show significant negative spatial spillover effects, while capital mobility has positive spillover effects. Policies should focus on curbing excessive polarization. On the one hand, the “County-level Central City Upgrading Initiative” should be implemented by selecting counties or county-level cities with relatively strong foundations and providing them with preferential support in finance, land use, and infrastructure investment. Priority should be given to county-level units with established industrial foundations and favorable geographical advantages. This support aims to enhance their industrial carrying capacity and improve public service provision, thereby enabling these cities to absorb rural populations locally and prevent large-scale outmigration and its associated negative spillover effects. On the other hand, by leveraging the high-speed railway network and other key transportation corridors, “urban-rural industrial integration development belts” should be strategically planned and constructed. Capital should be directed along these corridors to foster clusters of industries such as agricultural product processing and trade logistics, thereby transforming positive capital spillover effects into a sustained driving force for regional development.
For Western China, the “policy-driven” approach should be continued to magnify the positive spillover effects of land factors. Western China stands out as the only region where land mobility exerts a significant positive direct effect and generates notable spatial spillover effects on URI. Under the new framework of “Western Development,” priority should be given to locating a batch of national-level major infrastructure projects. The newly added construction-land quotas for these projects should be allocated separately by the state, rather than deducted from local quotas, to maximize the positive effect of land mobility. Additionally, exploring the “flyover park” model—allowing Eastern China to invest in and build industrial parks in Western China with shared output and tax revenue—can foster interregional synergy.
For Northeast China, the “smart contraction” strategy should be implemented more proactively and assertively. Northeast China faces severe population loss, with the most intense negative spatial spillovers from population mobility and land mobility. In this context, Northeast China must acknowledge the reality of population decline and guide urban space utilization and sustainable development through territorial spatial planning. In territorial spatial planning, it is essential to clearly distinguish between areas of population agglomeration and those experiencing demographic decline; strengthen the management of urban growth boundaries; guide public resources toward central cities, key counties, and central towns; and implement orderly mergers and administrative adjustments for villages and towns suffering significant population loss, thereby enhancing both living-environment quality and the efficiency of public service delivery.
5.3. Limitations of the Research
This study has three primary limitations. First, the scope of factor mobility examined in this study is limited, as it primarily focuses on material factors while underrepresenting or neglecting the mobility of non-material factors. With ongoing socio-economic development, the range of mobility for urban and rural factors is broadening. In addition to traditional factors of production such as labor, capital, and land, there are now new forms of factor mobility, such as information, technology, and culture. However, due to data limitations, this study incorporates only material production factors—namely population, land, and capital—into the analytical framework of factor mobility, excluding non-material factors such as information. Integrating these non-material factors into mobility would significantly enhance our understanding of the mechanisms through which factor mobility influences URI. Therefore, future research should continue to improve data and methodologies, build upon the current understanding of material element mobility by incorporating the dynamics of non-material elements, and thoroughly investigate how the interactions among multiple factors of mobility influence URI.
Second, the application of the parameter substitution method to measure and represent element flows between urban and rural areas, as well as URI, limits the accuracy and precision of these measures. Specifically, unobservable flow data are substituted with available statistical data, such as urbanization rates and fixed-asset investment. In recent years, the advent of the digital and intelligent era has introduced transformative approaches. Notably, big data—exemplified by mobile phone signaling and internet usage records—has emerged as an innovative tool for directly and effectively measuring urban–rural factor mobility. Nevertheless, challenges persist in the precise collection and analysis of such data at the county level across China. Therefore, future research will aim to achieve a higher level of precision in understanding and characterizing the dynamics of factor mobility in China at a more granular level by utilizing multi-source big data. This fundamental undertaking is essential for gaining deeper insights into factor mobility and its consequential impacts. In addition, this research has established a comprehensive evaluation system that encompasses economic, social, spatial, and ecological dimensions, facilitating a scientifically rigorous measurement and assessment of URI. However, it is crucial to recognize the limitations posed by the availability of county-level economic and social statistical data in China. Consequently, there remains scope for further refinement and optimization of the index system developed in this study, particularly with respect to its ecological and social dimensions. Specifically, the ecological integration dimension in this study relies on a single macro-level indicator (energy efficiency), which may limit the construct validity of grassroots ecological interactions. Future research should incorporate micro-level agricultural ecological indicators—such as non-point source pollution and ecological carrying capacity [
42]—to construct a more robust and granular URI evaluation system. This represents a vital avenue for future research.
Third, this study primarily focuses on a unidirectional theoretical framework—how factor mobility drives urban–rural integration. However, in reality, a bidirectional causality likely exists. Potential endogeneity cannot be entirely ruled out: counties that have achieved higher levels of urban–rural integration may create a more attractive environment, which may in turn draw population concentration, attract more capital investment, and stimulate land conversion. Although we mitigated this through the fixed-effects Spatial Durbin Model and lagged-variable robustness checks, completely isolating this feedback loop remains challenging at the macro-statistical level. Future studies utilizing quasi-natural experiments or micro-level survey data could further disentangle this complex bidirectional mechanism.
6. Conclusions
Based on a theoretical framework, this study employs exploratory spatial data analysis in conjunction with a spatial econometric model to reveal the spatiotemporal characteristics of urban–rural integration (URI) at the county level in China while also examining the impact of factor mobility on URI. The core findings are enumerated as follows.
First, the geographical pattern of URI in China is undergoing profound transformation. While the national URI level has steadily improved, high-level (HH) agglomeration zones have notably shifted from Eastern and Northeastern China toward Central China and Western China, and a persistent low-level belt stretches from Inner Mongolia to the Tibetan Plateau. This dynamic spatial evolution challenges the conventional static perception of a simple “high in the east, low in the west” pattern.
Second, although the flow of various factors can drive URI, the magnitude and effects of these factors differ significantly. At the county level, both population mobility and capital mobility facilitate the URI process. In contrast, land mobility shows no statistically significant impact, suggesting that the current model of land-driven urbanization faces efficiency constraints. Furthermore, only population mobility exhibits a significant positive spatial spillover effect, indicating its unique role in fostering networked regional development.
Third, this research elucidates that factor mobility systematically promotes URI through a progressive mechanism comprising direct resource empowerment, indirect structural transformation, and macro-scale spatial restructuring. Specifically, capital constitutes the foundational input. Labor reallocation serves as the core mediator, triggering internal structural evolution within the rural sector and enhancing productivity. The synergistic flow of these factors ultimately guides the optimization and reconfiguration of urban–rural spatial functions. It is noteworthy that land mobility, due to its unique institutional attributes, predominantly functions as a structural constraint within this framework. This mechanistic model underscores that the essence of promoting URI lies in unlocking the potential of factor mobility and orchestrating its synergistic effects across these distinct yet interconnected pathways.
Finally, significant regional heterogeneity underscores distinct patterns of URI in China. Eastern China exhibits a “networked integration” pattern, with positive population spillovers but negative capital spillovers. Central and Northeastern China display a “polarized integration” model, where negative spillovers from population and land mobility hinder the URI of neighboring areas. Uniquely, Western China demonstrates a “policy-driven synergistic development” model, where land mobility generates significant positive direct and spatial spillover effects, largely attributable to targeted investments.
Consequently, these findings yield critical policy implications. Nationally, policy should pivot from a singular focus on land-centric urbanization toward facilitating high-quality population mobility and reforming land management systems to resolve the “labor-land mismatch.” Regionally, a “one-size-fits-all” approach is obsolete. Policies must be tailored: Eastern China should focus on managing network effects and mitigating capital siphoning; Central China must counteract polarization to foster inclusive growth; Northeast China should adopt the concept of “smart contraction” to optimize territorial spatial planning and enhance spatial governance; and Western China should leverage policy-driven advantages to build self-sustaining development momentum. Ultimately, this research provides an empirical roadmap for designing differentiated strategies to advance a more coordinated and sustainable urban–rural future in China.