Newcomers in Remote Rural Areas and Their Impact on the Local Community—The Case of Poland

Abstract

The phenomenon of counterurbanization, understood as the migration of urban residents to rural areas beyond the suburbanization zone, includes both permanent relocation to the countryside and seasonal migration. The aim of the study is to identify the relationship between newcomers or people temporarily staying in rural areas and their permanent residents, with particular emphasis on the impact of the former group on the local community. The research was conducted in 2023 in 18 villages from different regions of Poland. It was assumed that the villages studied were located outside the zones of strong influence of large urban centers, including outside metropolitan areas. Surveys and in-depth interviews were conducted aimed at both permanent residents of the villages living there from birth and newcomers. The group of newcomers was divided into two categories—new residents who settled in the village in the last few years and owners of second homes who stay in the village temporarily. It can be generally stated that the newcomers from the city, when organizing their life in the countryside, are more active and more frequently initiate contact with the permanent residents than this takes place in the opposite direction. The purpose of the contact is to acquire information, useful for settling down or maintaining the estate, as well as for daily functioning in the countryside. The interactions between the representatives of the two groups considered are usually short-lived and momentary, and they take place usually in the central square of the village, in the street, or in a shop. Conversations concern daily life in the village and private matters. Encounters at home or in other places, which might be conducive to deeper exchange of knowledge and experiences and which might establish conditions for undertaking joint initiatives, are much rarer.

1. Introduction—The Theoretical Issues

The phenomenon of counterurbanization, understood as migration of urban dwellers to rural areas beyond the zone of suburbanization, encompasses both those moving for permanent stay and seasonal migrations [1,2]. Although the intensity of the process of migration from the city to the countryside is particularly visible within the metropolitan areas, it is observed, as well, that urbanites do select more distant territories for their flight from the urban hustle and lifestyle. They look for an own rural idyll, “green and pleasant”, “unchanging and safe” [3]. Sometimes, they form enclaves or small social groups, differing from those that have inhabited the rural settlements until then. The activity of these newcomers may become an inspiration for undertaking initiatives by the permanent rural dwellers and vice versa—the newcomers can acquire knowledge and experience from the rural inhabitants for purposes of new undertakings. This phenomenon has for a long time been a subject of the scientific literature, with migrants to rural areas being characterized as new agrarians, neopeasants, new pioneers, newcomers, urban incomers, back-to-the-landers, and so on [4,5,6,7,8].

It can be concluded on the basis of studies of counterurbanization that the process of movement of the population from towns to countryside is determined by both economic and non-economic factors [9,10,11,12]. Among the most important conditions, the drive towards a peaceful and equilibrated lifestyle is mentioned, which is to be realized in the high-quality natural environment and attractive socio-cultural rural space [13,14,15,16]. In this context, in the very distinction of urban–rural migration categories, the following notions are utilized, indicating migration causes: amenity migration, rural renaissance, retirement migration, leisure migration, and lifestyle migration [17,18,19].

The conditions that determine the movement of population from towns to countryside often constitute the basis for classifying the groups of newcomers, and so, T. Haartsen and A. Stockdale [20] distinguish two groups among families with children that migrate from towns to the countryside: (1) resolute settlers, who consciously integrate with the local community and decide to stay in the countryside for good, and (2) settlers who engage only in the activities associated with bringing up their children and are not certain whether they will stay in the countryside when their children grow up. Then, L. Karsten [21], when analyzing the reasons for moving from urban to rural areas in The Netherlands, distinguished (1) pragmatic settlers seeking better life conditions but preserving employment as well as social and cultural ties with the city; (2) families forced to move to the countryside for economic reasons and leaving the city with regret, and (3) “happy movers”—families seeking the rural idyll in order to break their ties with the city and start a new life in a village. Yet another set of conditions constituted the basis for distinguishing five categories of migrants in the Czech countryside: (1) third-age migrants, for whom moving to the countryside is the way to fulfil their dreams of peaceful ageing in an idyllic rural environment; (2) persons opting for rural settings in order to develop their interests and skills in a peaceful manner; (3) nature lovers, for whom the motive of moving is the wish of being closer to nature; (4) young inhabitants of the suburbs, who move to the countryside for the sake of their children; and (5) unwilling rural residents, who made the choice for economic reasons due to living in the countryside being cheaper than living in the city [22]. Newcomers from the city can also be classified with respect to the form and time of staying in the countryside into two basic groups: (1) newcomers settling in the countryside for good, and (2) newcomers who stay in the countryside only temporarily.

An important and often-addressed study issue concerning newcomers from the city is their role in the shaping of a better demographic structure and also, consequently, their role in improving the socio-economic conditions of the countryside. A common phenomenon in rural areas of the global North, especially those far away from urban centers, is constituted by the demographic shrinking and ageing of rural societies. In extreme cases, the villages might altogether disappear [23,24,25,26]. Inflow of new inhabitants is considered a chance for improving the demographic situation as well as for social and economic activation [27,28,29,30].

As a consequence of the inflow of new inhabitants (permanent or temporary), the social and cultural image of the countryside and its aspects are changing. Newcomers from the city usually have different life experiences, cultural models, and competences than permanent residents, due to which they can constitute a rich source of knowledge and information and of new behavior patterns for rural society [31,32,33]. At the same time, these newcomers also have definite needs and requirements, thereby influencing the spatial organization of the countryside as well as the level and quality of technical and social infrastructure. They often engage in the current life of the village, making use of their social capital and specific competences and skills, which is conducive to integration with the local community [34]. Yet, the phenomenon of the inflow of newcomers may also be accompanied by negative consequences, provoking tensions in social relations [28,35,36,37,38]. Potential conflicts, which may arise during contact between newcomers and rural residents, result most frequently from differences in their socio-economic status and lifestyles [39,40].

Even though counterurbanization processes have been well studied from several aspects, their significance in the context of knowledge being transferred and the resulting influence on the image of rural society and space still requires broader cognition. We mean, in particular, a deeper interpretation of the back-to-land process [5,41] and of the phenomenon of the concentration of second homes and, in particular, their social value for local communities [42]. Poland constitutes, in this respect, a good ground for investigation, as one can observe nowadays increasing interest in settling in the countryside. There is a constant increase in the number of second home owners, but the process acquired a special dynamic in the period of the COVID pandemic, which forced social separation upon urban dwellers and also opened up and made new forms of online contact and work at a distance common [43]. Many studies indicate an increase in the dynamics of the counterurbanization process in the post-COVID period [44,45,46].

The purpose of the present paper is to identify the relations between newcomers from the city and rural residents. The study is primarily intended to indicate what categories of knowledge and information predominate in mutual contact between both groups and what impact they have on the local community and the current “village life”. The two population groups differ in terms of their level of formal competences (expressed, in particular, through education level, place and form of employment, knowledge of foreign languages, etc.), their worldviews (expressed through religiosity, attachment to tradition, electoral preferences, etc.), level of wealth, entrepreneurship, or the ability to make use of higher-level services, as well as a broad spectrum of other features. These differences form a sui generis added value in the relations between newcomers and local residents. It is worthwhile, therefore, to identify the characteristics of newcomers from the city and the role they play in shaping the contemporary socio-cultural image of the countryside.

2. Study Area and Methodology

The investigations were carried out in 2023 in 18 villages (Figure 1) located in various regions of Poland (in 9 regions). The locations selected were justified by the need to account for potential social and historical–cultural differences. The criterion of regional differentiation made it possible to take into account units characterized by different levels of attractiveness of the natural environment, different agrarian structures, the form of agriculture in the period of socialism, which partitions they belonged to in the past, etc. It was also assumed that the investigations should be conducted in villages located outside of the zones of strong influence of large urban centers, meaning, in particular, outside of metropolitan areas. Such a selection allowed for the exclusion of rural areas that are subject to strong suburbanization pressure from the study, such areas losing the social and spatial character of traditional countryside to an increasing degree.

The case studies were carried out according to a unified scenario. The first stage consisted of the diagnosis of the development situation of a given unit (inhabitants, socio-economic condition, environment, etc.) with the use of the literature on the subject and study visits. The task, fulfilled at this stage, made it possible, inter alia, to distinguish the groups of inhabitants, among whom a questionnaire-based inquiry was planned, and to identify the potential participants in the in-depth interviews. In the second stage of the case study, the questionnaire-based inquiry was carried out, addressing both the permanent rural residents who had been living there since their birth1 (the “permanent residents” hereafter) and at the newcomers from urban areas. In the latter group, two categories were distinguished: (1) new residents of the village who had settled there during the last few years (after discussions among the project contractors, it was assumed that no more than five years would be allowed), and (2) the owners of second homes who stay only temporarily in the village but usually several times over a year. The study excluded, on the other hand, all persons visiting the village occasionally or once for a short stay, that is, tourists, guests, people visiting the inhabitants of the village, vacationers, etc.

The questionnaire-based inquiry had a standardized character, with the questionnaire composed primarily of closed questions. In the majority of these questions, a couple or even more than ten possible answers were proposed, and the respondent could also add their own individual answer. All in all, 363 questionnaires were effectively filled out, including 143 permanent residents and 220 newcomers (in the latter group, 66 were filled out by new residents and 154 by the owners of summer houses). In the present report, the attention of the author focuses on the outcome from the questionnaire-based inquiry among the permanent residents, which enables the assessment of the influence from newcomers and its effects regarding the local community and on the broadly understood appearance of the village. Among the responding permanent residents, women dominated (59%), and the shares of persons aged 40–59 and 60+ years were 35% and 29%, respectively (64% in total). Respondents with a secondary education accounted for 36% of the total, and those with tertiary and basic educations accounted equally for 24% each. Retired persons constituted 28% of respondents, employees constituted 26%, self-employed constituted 25%, pupils and students constituted 14%, and, finally, the unemployed constituted 7%.

In the third stage of the case studies, in-depth interviews were carried out with the permanent residents and the newcomers, that is, the new residents of the villages and the owners of second homes. Among the permanent residents, the persons addressed were local leaders (village marshals, council members and officers of local administration, representatives of social organizations) and entrepreneurs (shop owners, tourist facility operators, farmers). The scenarios of these interviews were composed of open questions. The method of active interviewing was applied, giving the researchers greater freedom in the search for potentially useful information and relevant responses during the interview. Altogether, in 18 villages, 63 interviews were conducted, of which 30 were with representatives of the local community and 33 with representatives of newcomers.

3. Analysis of Results

3.1. Characteristics of the Newcomers and Locations of Their Inflow—Opinions of Permanent Residents

The two categories of newcomers distinguished in the study, i.e., new village residents and owners of summer houses, have, as a rule, different reasons for coming to the countryside and staying there, and hence, they can influence the local community in various manners. Owners of summer houses constitute a more homogeneous social category in this respect, lured to the countryside by the perspective of leisure, recreation and contact with the rural environment, and the fact that it is attractive in terms of nature and culture. New residents of villages feature a much bigger level of diversity within their group, as has been shown earlier through examples from the global literature. On the basis of the interviews carried out with the permanent residents, it turned out that it is possible to distinguish four groups of newcomers who decide to settle in the countryside:

• Persons looking for calm, peace, a better quality of life, and contact with nature; they are largely independent professionals or freelancers (artists, computer specialists, architects, lawyers, scientists, etc.), they mainly originate from large cities, and their professional life remains linked with the city;
• Entrepreneurs and “amateurs” who move to the countryside with the intention of conducting business (agro-tourism, other tourism-related services, handcrafts, food production, animal husbandry, and so on), and they are persons with business experience who try to make use of the countryside’s potential;
• Retired persons and representatives of free trades who transform their existing summer houses into whole-year residences, seeking a calm and cheaper life that is closer to nature;
• Persons returning “back to the roots”, i.e., those who had left the countryside before for the city or went abroad and who return after a longer time to the locality of their birth; this group also includes retired persons and those who undertake business activities.

The phenomenon of persistent or temporary migration from the city to the countryside is distinctly spatially polarized and concerns localities in areas attractive in terms of nature or culture to a higher degree. Newcomers are mainly persons who seek leisure, relaxation, and a rural way of life. This observation is confirmed by the opinions expressed by permanent rural residents:

A large group of people from Warsaw came to Kamieńczyk, attracted by the rivers Bug and Liwiec, forests, nice natural environment, who have built here and in the neighborhood, summer houses…

(an inhabitant of the village of Kamieńczyk);

Our region is attractive as regards tourism, landscape, and so for these reasons, partly, it is being chosen by the urbanites… Since its tourist attractiveness increases, hence a part of these persons definitely sees their life as associated with small tourist business …

(clerk in the municipality office of Dobków).

On the other hand, in villages that do not offer significant cultural or natural qualities, the numbers of newcomers are low. When they arrive, they are mostly individual families wishing to change their way of life, and they are often undertaking atypical business initiatives associated, for instance, with specialized tourist services, farming, or animal husbandry. For this group of newcomers who link their future with their new place of residence, of equal importance with the qualities of nature are the elements of the local culture and the positive attitude of the permanent residents and of the local authorities towards their activities and their plans. Here are two examples of pronouncements of permanent residents of the villages studied on the subject of such newcomers:

The newcomers are single persons, who came from the city and who like it in the countryside. They are professionally active, some work on their own, other commute to the city. They bought here old, “formerly German” houses…, which they repaired—far from the hustle, in peace and calm. … They are very keen regarding the esthetics of the farmyard

(marshal of the village of Gumieniec2).

… over the last few years some new persons arrived and they come, decidedly, from the large cities. They are such people, who often have never lived in the countryside. Simply, they try to find here a new manner of living… They decidedly represent independent professions…

(local social female leader in the village of Nowina).

It is increasingly frequent that the summer houses are turned into the whole-year ones and that more time is being spent in these houses in the countryside than in the city. This is particularly popular among retired persons and those performing free trades who value calm and life away from the city hustle as well as the usually lower living costs. One interviewee, an owner of a summer house in Kamieńczyk, stated that the number of summer houses is dynamically growing and that a high number of houses are being constructed adapted to whole-year use. This phenomenon is also confirmed by the permanent residents of the countryside:

… Recently, more and more people turn their summer houses into permanent residences. Mainly the retirees. They leave their apartments in the city to their children, and move into here for good. But young people do also work from here through teleworking.

(local social leader from the village of Mierzwice).

… Most often these are the persons, who still partly live in the big city, but they bought an estate and start to find a solution that would allow them to move into the countryside. I can give such an example of a family, who bought two years ago an old house in Dobków, they are repairing this house all the time, do some activities already on place, in the village, but cannot yet make their living uniquely from these activities, and so they still reside in the city

(owner of an agro-tourist farm in the village of Dobków).

The opinions of permanent residents of the countryside on newcomers from the city are highly differentiated and represent quite opposite attitudes. However, the dominant opinion among the interviewees is that newcomers, and especially owners of second homes, alienate themselves from the rural environment, are not interested in rural life, and are primarily concentrated on their own affairs. The group of interviewees who appreciate the presence of newcomers and see their involvement in current matters of the village and its inhabitants is clearly smaller. Positive opinions concern newcomers who have decided to settle in the village for good to a higher degree. We quote below some examples of opposing opinions:

… Those, who settled here permanently, are the persons from large cities, Włocławek, Lodz, and those, who come here only for some period, are also most frequently from the city … Those who settled here for good only reside here, and their professional life is linked with the city, they do not get involved, rather, in the village life, they came, because they liked the area.

(owner of a shop in the village of Bogołomia).

… In the neighborhood of my estate second homes have been built, belonging to the newcomers, whom I do not know and whom I am not even capable of recognizing. Clearly, the newcomers come mostly from Warsaw and from the localities near Warsaw. The newcomers are very much demanding, which is not to the liking of the inhabitants of Kamieńczyk. They are mostly interested in their own affairs and do not care for the needs of other inhabitants.

(marshal of the village of Kamieńczyk).

… All these persons, who came here and settled down, are educated and cultivated people, with a lot of knowledge, very kind, helpful, and, at the same time, modest, not considering themselves superior to the others. Likewise, they do not show jealousy nor cynical smartness, so often encountered in the countryside. It is owing to these people that the village lives at all. On the other hand, they sometimes present strange behavior (like, e.g., barefoot walking)—but there is nothing wrong with this. They do not complain about anything, including farming odors, cows, etc.

(marshal’s wife in the village of Nowe Kawkowo).

3.2. Characterization of Relations Between Newcomers from the City and Permanent Residents

3.2.1. Intensity and Location of Contact Between Newcomers from the City and Permanent Residents

In the context of the basic objective of the study, direct interactions between the two groups considered are reported of essential importance. The question of personal contact with newcomers (encounters, conversations) was answered positively by 73% of the permanent resident interviewees. This is distinctly less than vice versa (87% of newcomers confirmed having personal contact with permanent residents). The difference of 14 percentage points is most probably due to two factors. The first of those is, as confirmed in the in-depth interviews, the fact that more frequent attempts at contact with permanent residents come from the side of newcomers, as the former have good knowledge of local conditions and practical information on day-to-day life in the village. The second factor can largely be assigned to statistical features. Namely, newcomers from the city usually constitute a small community in a village, and so it is easier for them to get in touch with permanent residents, who are the majority, than vice versa. An additional explanation for the difference observed is provided by the content of the interviews themselves. Thus, some permanent residents treat newcomers from the city as an “alien body” and do not undertake attempts at contacting them. It is also very telling that as many as 46% of the permanent residents who confirmed having had personal contact with newcomers also indicated that these contacts were very sporadic, taking place less than once a week. On the other hand, those newcomers who declared a lack of contact with permanent residents were primarily the owners of summer houses. Their stays in the countryside are concentrated in the spring and summer seasons and are associated with recreation and leisure. This is why, as indicated by the interviewees themselves, contact with the “locals” is inessential.

Encounters between newcomers from the city and permanent residents take place most often in a shop or, more generally, within public spaces (central squares, streets, bus stops). This has, presumably, an influence on the form and character of the encounters, which are usually short and momentary. The questionnaire respondents included the possibility of indicating any number out of the proposed seven places of encounters where mutual contact between the two groups considered takes place (home, church, shop, club/village hall, restaurant, school/kindergarten, any other place). The most popular places of encounters are shops and streets or central squares, indicated as “other place”. Thus, for instance, shops were pointed out as places of contact by 42% of newcomer settlers, by 44% of owners of second homes, and by 30% of permanent residents of the village. This is also confirmed by the interviews, in which shops are often mentioned as central places of information exchange.

… The shop is the point of information exchange. People talk a lot and exchange current information… The shop is the place, where those, who do not live here daily can get information on local specialists, from whom one can buy something, who provides what kind of service, whether an establishment is working

(female shop owner in the village of Mierzwice)

… My shop has become such a point of tourist information. The announcements are hanging here on the organized excursions, boat rides. In view of my being a council member for already 15 years, local people, interested in business matters come to me with questions concerning, e.g., photovoltaics, waste removal, internet installation, and so on. I am a kind of contact point and an intermediary between the inhabitants and the municipal office

(shop owner in the village of Tobołowo)

In a distinction from interactions in a shop or in a public place, ones that take place at home may take on the character of longer and deeper encounters. However, the occurrence of such interactions was indicated by a much smaller proportion of the respondents. From among the permanent residents, only 14% meet newcomers at home. Regarding the second group considered here, meetings with locals were declared by 26% of summer house owners and by 30% of new settlers in the village. These numbers confirm the bigger need for interactions for newcomers from the city and their higher activity in this respect. The remaining places of potential contact, as suggested in the questionnaire, are clearly less popular. Thus, for instance, churches as places for encounters were indicated by a slightly higher proportion of permanent residents than newcomers from the city, this resulting, most probably, from the differences in the worldview of the two groups considered. Permanent residents of the countryside are characterized by a higher attachment to religion and to tradition, while newcomers from the city participate in local religious ceremonies to a very limited degree. This may also partly result from the fact that, for instance, owners of second homes are more associated with places of religious worship in the locality of their permanent residence.

3.2.2. Themes of Encounters

The subjects taken up in the conversations between the representatives of the two groups are highly diversified. The questionnaire proposed 18 various categories of questions, which the respondents could select without any limitation as to their number (see

Table 1. Structure of responses to the following question addressed towards permanent residents of villages: Please, indicate the subject that is most often relevant for the information and knowledge, acquired from the new or temporary inhabitants; and the following question addressed at newcomers: Please, indicate the subjects that is most often relevant for the information and knowledge acquired from the permanent residents.

Subjects of Conversations	Permanent Residents (%)	Newcomers (%)
Spending leisure time	37	49
Diet, food	11	19
Production	9	17
Odd jobs, additional revenue	8	6
Events, festivities	27	53
Construction	14	11
Medication, health	31	28
Hobbies	17	24
Sale of products	12	28
Provision of services	18	29
Esthetics of the environment	14	12
Politics	16	9
Shopping	16	32
Plant cultivation	26	32
Animal husbandry	14	13
Neighborhood assistance	30	48
New devices	6	3
Social life of the village	28	46
Other responses	3	3

Source: own elaboration.

). The conversations concentrated primarily around the forms of spending leisure time (37% of permanent residents and 49% of newcomers from the city), neighborhood assistance (30% and 48%, respectively), social life in the village (28% and 46%, respectively), events and feasts (27% and 53%, respectively), health and medication (31% and 28%, respectively), and plant cultivation (26% and 32%, respectively). Some of the subjects mentioned are reduced to simple information pieces, but there are also issues in which an important role can be played by specialized knowledge, experience, and practical skills (such as, e.g., plant cultivation, animal husbandry, construction, the esthetics of the environment, and so on). It should be emphasized that individual subjects of conversations were indicated, as a rule, by a higher proportion of newcomers from the city, which may demonstrate that they are more active and interested in contact with inhabitants of the countryside than the other way around. Concerning permanent residents, they displayed higher interest than newcomers from the city regarding odd jobs, construction, politics, the esthetics of the environment, health and medication, animal husbandry, and new devices, that is, issues involving professional knowledge and experience, characterizing newcomers from the city.

Additional light is shed on the subject of transferred knowledge by the pronouncements expressed in the interviews. Permanent residents and newcomers were asked about the knowledge categories that are most often addressed in their mutual contacts. In effect, five broad categories were distinguished regarding the issues tackled: socio-cultural life, professional life, public space, estate organization, and private life. The most frequently indicated category was private life, followed by professional life and socio-cultural life. We quote here some relevant examples:

… they most frequently talk of private matters, some leisure time, lifestyle, someone boasts a recent purchase and where was it done. It also happens that people talk of matters, related to construction

(shop owner in the village of Bogołomia).

The most frequent subject of conversations is politics, high prices, but also jokes, especially during the integrating meetings with the newcomers at a fire with some vodka or moonshine (the latter highly appreciated by the newcomers). Women exchange their cuisine experiences, speak about fashion, about life of celebrities. These conversations have a private character and do rather not exert any influence on the social life and village development, at least not directly, since contacts with so different people certainly indirectly and in a tacit manner leave an impact on the opinions.

(inhabitant of the village of Tobołowo).

We talk most often of private life, as nothing much happens in our village. We exchange news on what is going on here, the things that concern us directly (…) I am an advocate and neighbors sometimes ask me about various things, associated with solving of their problems

(newcomer from the city in the village of Bogołomia).

3.2.3. Directions of Transfer of Knowledge and Experience

One of the questions in the questionnaire was related to new knowledge or information that the respondents acquired during their conversations. The proportion of responses clearly confirming such a fact was distinctly higher among newcomers from the city, especially among second home owners (Figure 2). This confirms the earlier observation that newcomers look for information on current life in the village as well as local products and services. This is particularly important for holidaymakers who take advantage of ad hoc services (waste removal, tree cutting, grass mowing, small repairs, etc.) or purchase local crafts and food products. With regard to new permanent inhabitants of the village, one can expect that they already have a better orientation concerning local service providers and producers.

Interesting results were observed in the responses to the question concerning the direction of the transfer of knowledge and information. Respondents could choose one of three answers: (1) it is me, who mainly learns something new; (2) it is me, who mainly transfers new knowledge and information; (3) knowledge and information flow in both directions (I learn something new, but I also provide new knowledge and information). In all three groups of respondents, the third answer dominated very distinctly (among permanent residents: 79%, among new inhabitants of the villages: 69%, among owners of summer houses: 64%). However, it can be concluded from the responses that newcomers are more open to knowledge that they might acquire from permanent residents of the countryside. Thus, among new settlers, roughly 26% stated that they primarily learn something new from permanent residents through their interactions, and the share was even higher among second home owners (30%). On the other hand, only 8% of permanent residents chose this kind of answer.

Similar results were obtained in the in-depth interviews. So, among newcomers from the city, the dominant opinion was that the flow of knowledge and information is bidirectional (19 interviewees). Then, eight interviewees opted for a unidirectional transfer, with them mainly acquiring new knowledge and information from permanent residents of the villages. Only two persons from this group indicated the reverse direction of knowledge and information flow. Some interviewees did not provide an unambiguous answer, explaining, usually through a broader pronouncement, that knowledge is transferred in different directions depending upon the character of this knowledge. Thus, for instance, professional and specialized knowledge is mainly transferred from newcomers to permanent residents, while practical knowledge is mainly transferred in the opposite direction. Regarding permanent residents of the villages, their responses were less unambiguous. There were numerous respondents who would not assign any of the three proposed options to the transfer of knowledge. Altogether, a bidirectional transfer of knowledge was indicated by 15 interviewees, unidirectional transfer of knowledge, from newcomers to permanent residents, was indicated by 2 interviewees, and unidirectional transfer of knowledge occurring mainly from permanent residents to newcomers was indicated by 4 of them.

… It is mainly a unidirectional knowledge, from me to them, since it is them, who try to learn as much as possible on cultivation. We talk sometimes when the newcomers are doing shopping. They learn how to take care of hens, cultivate ecological vegetables, and so on. I do mainly answer the questions, and do not ask about anything…

(farmer from the village of Boguszyce)

… The flow of information is unidirectional. The newcomers are interested in where one can buy various products, like eggs, poultry, vegetables, potatoes, milk. Sometimes they look for persons, who, for instance, have construction equipment or provide specialized services…

(marshal of the village of Guzówka).

4. Influence of Newcomers on Rural Social Life—A Discussion

Taking into account the common trend of depopulation of the countryside, counterurbanization processes are perceived mainly from a positive perspective, as they bring improvements to the demographic structures of the countryside and may stimulate increased economic and social activity [27,28,29,47,48]. Discussions concerning relations between newcomers from the city and residents of the countryside often address the issue of the social and economic capital of the two groups. The presence of newcomers from the city who invest not only their money and time but also their identity in rural areas constitutes a resource, which may be activated by the local community. “Urban actors” bring knowledge and experience into rural areas, enhancing the local capacity of social innovation [49]. J. F. Rye [50] points out access to external social networks, the provision of new knowledge and skills by newcomers, and the fulfilment by them of the role of “ambassadors” of rural localities in urban circles.

Newcomers from the city and permanent residents are characterized by significant differences in terms of education and professional competences, which finds direct expression in the nature of knowledge and experience, which are transferred through interactions. A large proportion of newcomers have higher education and usually have a wider range of knowledge than people with vocational and primary education, constituting a significant percentage of permanent rural residents. Hence, the contribution of newcomers to knowledge transfer concerns more complex topics, distinctly from permanent residents, for whom concrete knowledge and current information are of higher value. Such a conclusion is confirmed by the pronouncement from one of the newcomers to the village of Kamieńczyk, who stated that his knowledge, which was transferred to the inhabitants of the village, has a “metaphysical” character, while the knowledge he acquired from the permanent residents has an “informative and practical” character. In this context, the correct interpretation of acquired knowledge and information is crucial. The ability to effectively acquire it depends on the effectiveness and efficiency of the knowledge transfer participants (sender and recipient), as well as on their mutual understanding and shared context [51]. For the recipient, the crucial issue is their ability to acquire knowledge, i.e., the ability to use information sources and the willingness to learn and use the acquired information [52].

An interesting phenomenon is constituted by the involvement of persons with no previous association with the countryside and farming in farming activities and the adoption of the rural lifestyle [5,41]. In the study reported here, these were rather marginal cases, in which newcomers from the city were active in the search for local farming and gardening knowledge but who also, which ought to be emphasized, transferred into the countryside agricultural knowledge that they acquired from various sources. They brought with them knowledge of new crops and technologies, which could potentially be useful for local farmers.

Attention should be paid, as well, to the flow of cultural patterns, behavior, and lifestyle models from the city into the countryside [53]. The interviewees indicated a change in the behavior patterns and practices of the local community taking place under the influence of observation of and contact with newcomers from the city. An example is provided by an increased care for the esthetics of the surroundings. One of the interviewees stated that no care was previously taken in terms of the haphazardly overgrowing surfaces around the farmyard. The custom of mowing such grass arrived along with the newcomers, with this custom being initially treated as strange but then generally being adopted by the permanent residents. Another example is the attitude towards animals. Until quite recently, dogs were first of all treated primarily in terms of farm protection and were permanently attached to kennels. Newcomers brought with them a new pattern of behavior with respect to animals. Nowadays, the image of a dog tied with a chain has become a rarity, and animals are treated better and properly taken care of.

On the basis of the studies carried out in 18 localities, it can be concluded that the migration of urbanites into rural areas situated far from urban centers appears to be a rare phenomenon, mostly concerning individual persons or families. Hence, one can hardly expect visible changes in the local population structure. However, it should be noted that even single persons may be capable of mobilizing inhabitants of a village to new undertakings. Newcomers from the city who decide to settle in the countryside are usually active persons and frequently inspire the local community towards new actions. These observations are confirmed by the following two exemplary opinions expressed by permanent residents of the countryside:

… People from the outside… motivate the residents to joint activities. It is very frequent that this person from the outside overcomes the passive attitude and undertakes formation of a group, attempting to acquire some funds, in order to prepare something for the village. I think that these newcomers may bring a renewal of social activity, and also business activation

(employee of the municipal office in the village of Dobków).

The village is generally very much united, consonant, active, tolerant, open. Persons, having come here from the city, changed the village. Without them, it would die out. There would be nothing here. Owing to these people the village lives at all. The village gained a lot, old traditions are being maintained, old houses are taken care of and repaired, along with other farm buildings. The village lives, something is going on here, there is activity, cooperation. All this is due to the newcomers.

(marshal’s wife in the village of Nowe Kawkowo).

There are also cases of “alienated” persons among newcomers—those who are professionally and emotionally associated with the city but who, no matter how long they have been living in the countryside, enter into closer, deeper relations primarily with other newcomers from the city. Their contacts with permanent residents of the village, even if frequent, have a rather superficial character and concern, first of all, practical matters. This confirms the conclusions of N. Elias and J. L. Scotson [54] and of M. Maffesoli [55], who indicate that the distance between the two categories does not disappear with time but finds its foundations in stereotypes and remains a persistent element of the structure of the local community. In extreme cases, conflicts may arise between new and old residents, resulting from worldview differences or from differences in their expectations as to the forms of organization of the village space. Thus, for instance, persons that have come from the city tend to preserve the landscape qualities of the places in which they settle. They do not expect intensive development, as they would like to preserve the traditional features of rurality. This phenomenon was already observed at least 40 years ago in the United States [56]. The wish to maintain landscape qualities is linked with the high appraisal of traditional forms of village organization and rural architecture, which may be in opposition to the needs of permanent residents of the village. Newcomers do not want the modernization of infrastructure (e.g., new roads and sidewalks), which are expected by the local society, since they perceive such undertakings as a threat to rurality. The causes of conflict may also be constituted by the very newcomers from the city, whose behavior may be hard to bear for local residents.

A part of inhabitants of the village get direct benefits—they sell their produce or rent rooms to tourists. Some organize boat excursions, and so they earn money in this way. Yet, there is a certain group of permanent residents of the village, who do not approve of the situation. The village becomes too crowded and too noisy for them. They are not satisfied with the increasing inflow of the “strangers” to the village.

(council member from the village of Obrocz).

Side by side with the already mentioned issues, potentially leading to conflicts, there are also cases in which the two groups joined their forces on matters of importance for both of them (like fighting back a planned unwanted investment project), as well as cases in which the skills of the newcomers were used for improvements to the esthetic qualities of public spaces. E. H. Hujibens [57] used the term “lifestyle locals” to denote active newcomers from the city who wish to use their knowledge and skills for the sake of their new adopted “fatherland”. Here below, we provide an example of two groups joining their forces for the purpose of preventing the realization of an unwanted project:

There are also conflicts, associated with the development and spatial organization of the village. The newcomers, but also a part of the locals, would like to defend the village against modernization. At the same time, there is a group of persons (local residents, but first of all a council member, who came from somewhere beyond Olsztyn [regional provincial capital]), who attempted to build, with EU money, a sidewalk of paving blocks by the church, along with a pedestrian street passage and a slowdown threshold for drivers, with appropriate road signs. The sidewalk was built, but the newcomers (and partly the locals) did not like it, because it was built of standard paving blocks, with no relation to the regional, Warmian style and tradition. An association, formed by the newcomers, acted against this project.

(marshal’s wife in the village of Nowe Kawkowo).

Localities with developed summer holidaymaking functions deserve separate treatment. According to L. Robertsson and R. Marjavaara [58], the phenomenon of “seasonal buzz” exists in such localities, meaning an informal, unorganized, and unstructured sphere of contact and face-to-face communication conditioned by the capacity of spatial closeness. This is the effect of the gathering of persons originating from different circles and disposing of diverse knowledge and skill resources. Holidaymakers, who have time and know-how, constitute an important source of social potential for the village [42,50,59]. The question, therefore, arises as to what extent is this potential made use of?

Holidaymaking settlements in Poland for quite a long time have already been an unalienable component of rural space, especially in places that are attractive regarding nature. The dynamics of recreational housing construction have surged in an unprecedented manner since the time of the COVID pandemic. It can therefore be expected that temporary newcomers constitute a group that affect the social life and spatial organization of villages in a distinct manner. However, the interviews conducted among permanent residents imply that second home owners are little interested in the current life of the village and do not get involved in activities oriented towards the village community or the spatial development of the locality. This observation is confirmed by other studies, whose authors suggest that the second home owners often remain closed out in their private sphere, do not interact with the local residents, do not get engaged in community building [42]. It was observed, on the other hand, that holidaymakers with a longer period of presence in a locality who have been coming regularly there over many years are more inclined to participate in local social life [60,61].

It is also worth paying attention to the consumer behavior of owners of second homes and their impact on the local economy. For example, studies in Poland and Finland have shown a significant impact of second home owners’ consumption on the local community in terms of increased income [62]. The owners of second homes in the villages considered in the study reported here are primarily interested in the possibility of buying food from local producers and in the local service market. The permanent residents gain, therefore, new customers for their products and services, and new possibilities of gaining income from extra jobs appear for them (ad hoc work, “tasks” to fulfil), but they do not enter into closer relations with the second home owners. Exceptions are constituted by localities in which easily accessible places of meeting exist (municipal halls, fire houses) and where there are active social leaders who establish conditions for the integration of persons from various environments.

5. Conclusions

Newcomers from the city, both those deciding to settle for good in the countryside and those visiting the countryside temporarily, constitute an important source of social, cultural, and economic potential, whose appropriate use may be beneficial for the broadly understood village life. Triggering this potential depends, first of all, on interactions between permanent residents of the village and newcomers from the city, since it is such interactions that enable, as the key factor, the exchange of knowledge and experience, useful for both of these social groups. Therefore, it is crucial to create favorable conditions for welcoming new residents and enabling them to interact with rural residents. It is important to establish venues for mutual contact and to prepare a range of conversation topics that will be of interest to both groups. Online platforms can also serve as a catalyst for increased contact dynamics.

The investigations, carried out in 18 rural localities situated outside of areas of strong influence from large urban centers, indicated that the inflow of new inhabitants from urban areas is rather limited and concerns single persons or families. The dynamics of the migration inflows are much more pronounced for the group of temporary visitors from the city, who, given their numbers, play a more visible role in the everyday life of the villages (purchasing of products, use of local services, etc.). In definite singular cases, though, new inhabitants play a more significant role in the social and economic activation of the villages. Their contact with permanent residents of the countryside has a deeper character, and sometimes this results in joint undertakings or new actions, improving the cultural and economic qualities of the locality. Second home owners are, in the opinion of the permanent residents that participated in the in-depth interviews, less interested in the life of the village and unwillingly get involved in activities oriented towards the local community. Still, there exist cases of entering into closer cooperation, in which an important role is played by local leaders in stimulating newcomers and locals to undertake joint actions, bringing benefits for both these groups.

It can be generally stated that newcomers from the city, when organizing their life in the countryside, are more active and more frequently initiate contact with permanent residents than takes place in the opposite direction. The purpose of the contact is to acquire information that is useful for settling down or maintaining the estate, as well as for daily functioning in the countryside. Among the subjects of useful pieces of information, a particular place is occupied by repair and construction services and local food products. Interactions between representatives of the two groups considered are usually short-lived and momentary, and they usually take place in the central square of the village, in the street, or in a shop. Conversations concern daily life in the village and private matters. Encounters at home or in other places, which might be conducive to a deeper exchange of knowledge and experiences and to establish conditions for undertaking joint initiatives, are much rarer.