Resisting Racism and Marginalization: Migrant Women’s Agency in Urban Transformation in Los Pajaritos Neighbourhood

Abstract

This study explores the agency of migrant women in Los Pajaritos, the neighbourhood with the highest level of socio-economic vulnerability in Spain. Through a multi-scalar approach and a qualitative methodology based on participant observation, focus groups, and life histories, the strategies of resistance and agency deployed by these women in the face of enduring dynamics of inequality and structural oppression are analyzed. The findings highlight their key role in generating social cohesion, creating networks of solidarity, reconstructing cultural identity, and transforming their communities. The study underlines the intersection between gender, migration, and territoriality, demonstrating how these women negotiate their right to the city. The results emphasize the urgency of inclusive public policies that promote equity in vulnerable environments.

1. Introduction

In the current stage of neoliberal globalization, it is evident that cities, responding to the capitalist mode of production, are shaped by an unequal distribution of territory, giving rise to so-called disadvantaged urban areas [1,2,3]. Discriminatory real estate practices systematically employed by the housing market and supported by housing policies enacted by states, create neighbourhoods that accommodate the most vulnerable groups in the city [4,5,6].

This spatial organization not only determines who lives in these territories but also shapes the dynamics of exclusion that permeate them. In many cases, these areas are located on the urban peripheries and are delineated by physical barriers, imposing the physical isolation of the communities that settle there [7,8]. Moreover, residents face a condition of “hyper-marginalization” [9], which not only restricts their opportunities for geographic mobility but also places them in a state of extreme vulnerability due to the lack of basic resources and services, job insecurity, and limited available networks, thereby constraining their possibilities for social mobility.

Living in disadvantaged neighbourhoods is also associated with a higher prevalence of chronic diseases and increased morbidity and mortality rates [10]. This situation is exacerbated by the poor quality of housing, many of which are in a severe state of disrepair, and the deterioration of the urban environment, characterized by deficiencies in infrastructure, architectural barriers, and sanitation and cleanliness issues [11]. These conditions not only hinder daily life but also create an environment where illicit activities, such as drug trafficking and crime, proliferate, further perpetuating the stigma and insecurity that define these territories [12].

Into these contexts, marked by severe precariousness and exclusion, immigrants arrive, driven by the search for better job opportunities [13]. Since World War II, migration flows to the Global North have coincided with restrictive immigration policies that hinder the social and economic integration of a significant percentage of migrants [14,15]. The exceptional capitalist urbanism model fosters the concentration of the most disadvantaged foreign populations in the most marginalized areas of cities [16,17]. This process of forced localization not only reinforces spatial segregation but also drives an increasing racialization of urban environments [4].

If the focus is placed on migrant women, the deep inequalities within the system become even more evident. Although migratory flows were predominantly male in the past, recent decades have seen a significant increase in female participation [15]. However, this numerical growth does not necessarily imply a reduction in the gender inequalities that shape migratory processes. Factors such as family responsibilities, the unequal distribution of resources within the household, and the expectations imposed on them influence their migratory trajectories. Moreover, structural violence not only defines their experiences in their countries of origin but also perpetuates their vulnerability in destination countries [18].

The residential exclusion faced by migrant women in host countries restricts their “right to the city”, limiting both their access to urban spaces and their ability to engage with and transform them [19,20,21]. The neighbourhoods where they settle not only hinder their integration but also weaken their sense of belonging and citizenship, both locally and transnationally [22,23]. This loss of rights is directly linked to racial hierarchies, which, shaped by perceived phenotype, migratory status, and country of origin, restrict their access to opportunities and reinforce their marginalization from urban space [24]. Moreover, these neighbourhoods function as poverty traps, limiting their prospects for economic mobility [25]. In this context, many migrant women with irregular administrative status become trapped in informal employment networks, being forced into precarious work in domestic service, care work, sex work, and other activities related to social reproduction [26,27,28,29].

However, the relationship between migrant women and territory must be analyzed comprehensively. Disadvantaged neighbourhoods not only present challenges and barriers but also contain resources and opportunities that must be recognized. As Massey [30] points out, these spaces are in constant transformation, both in their symbolic representation and material configuration, profoundly shaping the experiences of their inhabitants. Within the framework of globalization and transnational migration, neighbourhoods reflect tensions between hegemonic forms of appropriation and subaltern uses of territory, where local needs and cultural values shape access and management, transcending the boundaries imposed by the dominant order [22]. Migrant women play a key role in this dynamic, driving significant changes that generate both global connections and resistance [31,32].

In this regard, the agency of migrant women in vulnerable territories has garnered increasing interest in contemporary migration studies [31,33]. Research in this field has examined their role from various perspectives, exploring their resistance to social exclusion [34], the construction of transnational networks [35], and their strategies for labour integration in precarious markets [29]. Beyond these approaches, the intersection of gender, migration, and political action has highlighted the crucial role of these women as agents of social change. Through their participation in the defence of rights and the transformation of exclusionary structures, they not only challenge the barriers imposed by their context but also create spaces for inclusion and recognition [36,37].

Despite the growing body of research on migrant agency, gaps remain in the literature regarding its spatial dimension and its impact on the transformation of marginalized urban environments. Much of the existing scholarship has focused on the vulnerability and precarious conditions of these women [22,23], without delving into how their life strategies reshape the spaces they inhabit. As Mahmood [38] argues, agency does not always take the form of explicit resistance but can also manifest through subtle and adaptive practices that enable women to negotiate structural constraints in adverse environments. Little attention has been given to the ways in which migrant women redefine and reclaim urban territory. This study seeks to contribute to bridging this gap by incorporating an intersectional analysis of factors such as gender, race, and class in relation to territory, understood as a space of power relations shaped by structural exclusion and agency.

With this aim, the present study examines the transnational experience of immigrant women in the neighbourhood of Los Pajaritos, Seville, currently the poorest neighbourhood in Spain according to the National Institute of Statistics [39]. While focused specifically on Los Pajaritos, the dynamics explored are likely to resonate with those found in other structurally excluded urban areas [9]. Through this study, we explore how dynamics of structural exclusion coexist with forms of resistance and adaptation that enable these women to redefine their relationship with urban space. By focusing on their role as active agents in the reconfiguration of the neighbourhood, this research contributes to a more nuanced understanding of migratory dynamics and their impact on the suburban socio-spatial transformation.

To clearly outline the work carried out, the remainder of the article is structured as follows. In the section “Research Context, Methods and Tools”, the neighbourhood of Los Pajaritos is presented, along with the approach and tools used for data collection and analysis. In the section “Results and Discussion”, the main findings obtained through the various techniques applied are presented, and the key conclusions, as well as their implications for the academic field, are discussed. Finally, in the “Conclusion” section, the insights gained, and the overall conclusions of the research process are summarized, and the need to open new lines of investigation on the subject is highlighted.

2. Research Context, Methods, and Tools

2.1. Case Study: The Neighbourhood of Los Pajaritos

The neighbourhood of Los Pajaritos, located in the Cerro-Amate district in the east of Seville, borders the Carretera Amarilla Industrial Estate to the north, the neighbourhood of Santa Aurelia to the east, the Nervión district to the west, and the neighbourhood of Amate to the south. Along with the areas of La Candelaria, Nazaret, and Madre de Dios, Los Pajaritos forms part of the zone known as Tres Barrios (see Figure 1), which has been designated as an Area in Need of Social Transformation due to the structural conditions of poverty and exclusion affecting its residents [40].

The origin of this marginalization can be traced back to the rapid urban expansion of the 1950s and 1960s, when large-scale public housing developments were constructed to accommodate rural migrants under a developmentalist model that lacked long-term social investment [41]. Over the decades, the lack of infrastructure maintenance, disinvestment in public services, and the relocation of vulnerable families from other parts of the city contributed to the progressive deterioration and stigmatization of the area.

Los Pajaritos stands out as one of the most vulnerable neighbourhoods in Spain. According to the Urban Indicators report [39], it has the lowest annual net income per capita in the country, at just €6719. Additionally, it faces an unemployment rate exceeding 50%, which exacerbates socio-economic difficulties and significantly reduces the quality of life for its residents. The neighbourhood is home to 18,692 people. Although updated data on age and gender distribution are not available, a significant proportion of its inhabitants are of working age.

The foreign-born population has a strong presence in Los Pajaritos, with estimates suggesting that “economic migration” accounts for approximately 20–25% of the total population [42]. However, these figures may be even higher, as the actual number of migrants is difficult to determine due to the presence of people with irregular administrative status. Their exclusion from official records makes it challenging to obtain an accurate estimate. These dynamics reflect increasingly restrictive migration policies in Spain, which disproportionately affect women in irregular situations.

In terms of infrastructure, the neighbourhood comprises approximately 6678 housing units spread across an area of 65 hectares. Most of these homes, built between the 1950s and 1960s, range in size from 40 to 60 square metres. Around 58% of them require urgent rehabilitation due to their advanced state of deterioration.

Additionally, Los Pajaritos faces a high prevalence of social issues, including drug trafficking and consumption, youth delinquency, and high rates of absenteeism and school failure. These challenges contribute to an atmosphere of insecurity and significantly limit development opportunities, while also leading to a considerable decline in the sense of community [43].

2.2. Research Approach

The interaction between territory and the experience of migrant women, over time and across space, requires a precise analytical approach. To address this, the study adopts a multiscale perspective [32].

Instead of assuming a hierarchical view in which places of origin and destination (“here” and “there”) are treated as separate categories within a fixed taxonomic order, this approach conceptualizes scales as relational and dynamic constructions [44]. Rather than viewing scales as predefined and nested structures [45], the emphasis is placed on how they emerge through interactions and social relations. Thus, this approach recognizes that scales can be both emergent and perspectivist, that is, they are shaped not only by structural processes but also by the experiences and agency of actors in different contexts [45,46]. This perspective enables an analysis of how migrant women negotiate, transform, or reinterpret spatial and institutional scales, such as the neighbourhood, the city, or transnational spaces, through their everyday practices, social interactions, and movements across different territories.

Consequently, this analytical framework not only highlights where migratory processes take place but also how they are perceived and experienced by the individuals themselves, considering their position, context, and trajectory over time and space. In this way, the multiscale approach enables a deeper understanding of transnational interactions and transformation processes in host locations, shedding light on the ways in which migrant women reconfigure the meanings, attachments, and senses of belonging they develop in relation to the spaces they inhabit throughout their migratory experience.

2.3. Methodological Tools

To ensure a holistic understanding of the experiences of migrant women in contexts of urban exclusion, this study adopts a mixed-methods approach. The research is based on ethnographic fieldwork supported by participant observation, complemented by life stories and focus groups.

The study was conducted with 11 women who currently reside or have previously lived in the neighbourhood of Los Pajaritos. The sample was selected through purposive sampling to capture a diverse range of experiences. The participants’ countries of origin were considered to ensure perspectives from different sociocultural backgrounds. Additionally, the length of residence in Spain was considered, allowing for a comparison between the experiences of recently arrived migrants and those with longer migratory trajectories. The sample also includes a wide age range, enabling an analysis of migrant agency across different stages of the life cycle (see

Table 1. Profile of study participants.

Participants *	Country of Origin	Age	Years in the Destination Country
Rose	Ecuador	55	26
Lily	Nicaragua	43	19
Daffodil	Colombia	57	7
Giselle	Colombia	58	2
Tulip	Colombia	45	2
Orchid	Morocco	37	16
Sunflower	Peru	61	34
Peony	Nicaragua	36	6
Lavender	Nicaragua	43	3
Daisy	Peru	54	32
Camellia	Peru	55	16

* To preserve anonymity, the participants’ names have been replaced with pseudonyms. Source: Own elaboration.

). The selection and contact process was facilitated by professionals from Asociación Claver and Fundación Ecca Social, who played a key role in identifying and reaching out to potential participants, and in creating a safe and trusted environment for participation.

The research was structured into three complementary phases. First, a focus group was conducted to collectively explore the participants’ experiences and the social dynamics shaping their environment [47,48]. This first group session took place on 12 September 2024. Subsequently, the fieldwork was carried out over a period of 5 months. The life story technique was applied through in-depth interviews. The number of interviews varied according to the criterion of information saturation, ensuring an optimal level of depth in the narratives. This methodological approach not only allowed for the reconstruction of individual trajectories but also linked these testimonies to broader social processes [49,50]. Finally, a closing discussion group was held on 20 February 2025, in which participants reflected on the main findings of the research. This space facilitated the comparison of interpretations, validation of results, and the promotion of collective knowledge construction based on their own experiences.

The narratives obtained through interviews and focus groups were analyzed using Critical Discourse Analysis [51,52], following a three-phase procedure. In the first phase, a thematic categorization was conducted with a deductive cross-case approach, identifying key analytical axes and establishing recurring discursive patterns in the life stories. In the second phase, an in-depth discourse analysis was performed with an inductive within-case approach, closely examining each narrative to identify emerging categories within each thematic axis (see

Table 2. Categories of analysis.

Territory and Mobility	Economy	Networks and Communication	Interculturality	Agency and Transformation
Socio-spatial Production	Labour Precariousness in the Care Sector	Solidarity and Resistance Networks	Intercultural Processes	Processes of Collective Awareness
Territorial Reconfiguration	Entrepreneurship and Subsistence Strategies	Participation and Collective Organization	Persistence and Transformation of Cultural Practices	Agents of Change and Social Justice
	Remittances and Transnational Livelihood		Mestizaje and New Social Imaginaries	New Technologies and Migrant Agency

Source: Own elaboration.

). Finally, during the triangulation phase, all interviews were reanalysed based on previous findings and compared to identify similarities and divergences. This final stage not only allowed for the identification of power structures and exclusion mechanisms faced by migrant women but also provided insights into their agency processes and their impact on the territory. The analytical process unfolded in parallel with the fieldwork, allowing for dynamic and iterative engagement with the material, although it was fully consolidated during the final phase, once all the data had been collected.

The fieldwork and data analysis were conducted by the authors within the framework of a broader research and action process carried out by the Institute for Research in Social Transformation Policies at Universidad Loyola. Since 2017, the Institute has been actively supporting disadvantaged neighbourhoods in Andalusia, with a particular focus on bottom-up community development. Specifically, the research in Los Pajaritos is part of an ongoing engagement with this neighbourhood that began in 2021, aiming to deepen our understanding of the everyday realities and transformative potential of people living in contexts of urban exclusion.

This research was conducted in accordance with ethical standards for studies involving vulnerable populations. It received formal approval from the Ethics Committee of Universidad Loyola Andalucía (Spain), as part of the work carried out by the Research Institute on Policies for Social Transformation. All participants received detailed information about the purpose and scope of the study and provided written informed consent prior to participation. They were assured of their right to withdraw at any time without consequence. To protect participants’ confidentiality and integrity, pseudonyms are used throughout the manuscript, and all identifying information has been removed from the data and analysis.

3. Results and Discussion

The findings of this research highlight the fundamental role of migrant women in transforming marginalized territories. Through the analysis of their life experiences, the dynamics shaping their daily lives and agency are identified. Far from being mere recipients of structural inequality, these women employ strategies of resistance and negotiation that redefine their relationship with the city and their communities of origin. This section presents the results derived from their testimonies, emphasizing how they re-signify urban spaces while challenging exclusionary structures.

3.1. Territorial Reconfiguration in Transnational Migration

The narratives of migrant women reveal how economic constraints confine them to territories marked by suburban exclusion, where renting a room, often shared with several others, is the only viable option within their financial limitations. The lower cost of a room or a shared apartment in these areas aligns with their precarious economic conditions, reinforcing residential segregation as a structural consequence of economic inequalities.

I started out by renting a room, because that was all I could manage at the time. And of course, I wasn’t alone there were at least six of us in the apartment. I paid 250 euros for that room. It was very basic, and we all had to share the kitchen and the bathroom. It wasn’t easy, but when you first arrive, you just adapt to whatever you find.

Peony (28 January 2025 interview)

In marginalized environments, where physical and social isolation restricts population mobility [7,8,53], migrant women act as active links to the outside world, generating highly dynamic transnational spaces [15]. The challenges of migration strengthen transnational ties based on the constant circulation of goods, people, and information, transforming these neighbourhoods into nodes of global exchange. Moreover, conditions of exclusion in the host society foster the creation of dense community networks [35,54], challenging the immobility that has historically characterized these territories. Through their connections with their countries of origin and other migrant communities worldwide, migrant women turn these neighbourhoods into spaces open to the flow of relationships, knowledge, and transnational experiences, thereby breaking the barriers of isolation.

The little girl I left in Peru when she was one year and fifteen days old came here when she was seven, because I didn’t get my legal status until after six and a half years of being here, so then I brought her. And of course, today she is already thirty-three years old, time really flies, doesn’t it? She got married and moved to Edinburgh. My granddaughter was born there, in Edinburgh, Scotland. However, even though she was born there, she dances Peruvian folk dance as if she had been born in Peru.

Daisy (16 October 2024 interview)

3.2. Labour Precariousness and the Role of Remittances in the Transnational Economy

Despite their economic periphery status, marginalized neighbourhoods generate essential economic activity through migration that extends beyond their own boundaries. From the most impoverished urban spaces, migrant women not only contribute to the economic sustenance of their communities but also reshape the economy of host countries. Their participation in the labour market, often in essential yet undervalued sectors, ensures the functioning of various economic structures. By challenging the barriers imposed by marginalization, their work fosters new dynamics of inclusion and resilience, driving changes that reshape both their immediate environments and the broader economic and social fabric.

In this context, the care sector, often avoided by the native population, represents a key area where migrant women play a fundamental role. Their work, essential to collective well-being, takes place under vulnerable conditions characterized by exhausting workdays, low wages, and a lack of full labour rights [55]. The absence of proper recognition and regulation enables the perpetuation of abusive practices, affecting their physical and mental health [56]. However, many of these workers develop an increasing awareness of their situation, organizing themselves into support networks and advocating for their rights. In this regard, the implementation of public policies that dignify their labour is essential, ensuring access to fair working conditions and adequate protections.

I don’t even earn the minimum wage, and I can only go out every 15 days. I don’t get paid for holidays, vacations, nothing […] I can’t take this anymore. I’ve already gotten sick, I have severe sleep problems, and it’s because of the stress […] We are aware, we know our rights, but one swallow alone does not make a summer.

Lavender (10 December 2024 interview)

In response to these adverse conditions, many migrant women seek alternatives that provide greater autonomy and economic stability. In this context, entrepreneurship becomes a key strategy to overcome labour precariousness and create their own opportunities. Many migrant women establish businesses in sectors such as hospitality, commerce, and services, addressing unmet needs and stimulating local trade [57]. Through solidarity networks and transnational strategies, they strengthen their businesses and gain access to broader markets, driving innovation and economic diversification [58]. These initiatives not only generate employment and transform deteriorated areas into productive spaces but also contribute to the well-being of their communities. Migrant women’s entrepreneurship not only challenges exclusion, particularly from stable employment and local economic circuits, but also transforms these territories into more resilient and socially cohesive spaces.

That was one of the reasons I started organizing excursions. Even if it was just a round trip, people came back completely different, with a totally changed mindset. At first, I did it as a favour for friends, and then it turned into a business. It was a bus with fifty-five people, each with their own life, their own reason for going, but almost everyone shared the same need—to get out. Even if we left on Sunday morning and returned at night, at least they got to go out.

Daisy (23 October 2024 interview)

Migrant women play a key role as transnational economic agents by sending remittances to their countries of origin. These financial resources allow their families to build or repair their homes, acquire food, or pay for their children’s health or education. This dynamic is not new; as historical studies such as Diner’s [59] show, women have long sustained transnational family economies through remittances, often from positions of labour precarity. The resources sent by a single person to their family, when counted along with others, represent significant figures for many countries [22,60]. Paradoxically, although these remittances emerge from contexts marked by economic precariousness, they contribute to the well-being and prosperity of communities in the countries of origin, highlighting a complex dynamic of exchange between local poverty and transnational development. Migrant women in precarious conditions often become key actors in global economic dynamics, sending remittances and participating in international economic networks [61].

On Saturdays and Sundays, I work, and I am supporting my mother and my siblings. I built a big house where the five of us live […] I also bought a very large car so that my father and mother can go for rides. In other words, these things they have because I work here […] But what rewards me after all these years, all this suffering, is that I gave my siblings an education. My sister has a degree in nursing, my brother is a doctor, and the other brother did a master’s in physical education and is working at a school. Look, they are very good students because they knew that I worked hard here.

Rose (22 October 2024 interview)

3.3. Solidarity Strategies in Migratory Contexts

The construction of community, understood as a network of solidarity and reciprocal cooperation [62], emerges as a key mechanism of resistance against oppression. Migrant women, in contrast to the contemporary dynamics of individualism predominant in receiving societies, build strong networks of solidarity that serve as spaces of mutual support and resistance to exclusion from the most marginalized environments. The migratory experience and the needs they face make them radically transform their connections. These networks allow for the establishment of a collective identity based on shared experiences. In immigrant enclaves, proximity and daily interaction strengthen these bonds, making the community a refuge in the face of adversity [63].

Look, in my house we are from three countries: Honduras, Colombia, and Nicaragua, and we get along well. Each one makes their own food, their own special dishes, and if one doesn’t have something, they give it to the other. I always try to help because one has been through so much… I am the kind of person who says: if I have a loaf of bread, I’ll split it in half and give it to that person, because I know what it’s like to be hungry […] So, it’s something we bring with us, values that your family teaches you, right? My mom always told me: never give from what’s left over, but from what you have. So, that’s how I am.

Lily (26 November 2024 interview)

Furthermore, these social networks generate new cultural practices that challenge the hegemonic norms of receiving societies. In this sense, the way they use public spaces turns them into venues for meeting and coexistence. The activity patterns they develop are diverse, ranging from children’s games to informal gatherings in squares and parks [64]. Celebrations such as birthdays or barbecues in open spaces are not mere adaptations, but forms of resistance against isolation and exclusion. By appropriating public space without subjecting it to the logic of the market, migrant communities challenge consumption and productivity, fostering relationships based on conviviality and a sense of belonging.

They have barbecues, and all the countries come together there, even the Spaniards or those who are married to Spanish people. We gather, eat grilled meat, play music, everyone is happy, and it’s all about coexistence. In Los Pajaritos, it happens a lot in the small square, on the stairs, which is very well known.

Lily (5 December 2024 interview)

These networks not only provide emotional support but also serve as the starting point for organized initiatives that promote the exercise of active citizenship in the host society [15], encouraging the social and political participation of migrant women. From these community networks, associations and collectives emerge, functioning as spaces for empowerment and collective action, where they can exchange experiences, learn about their rights, and organize strategies to confront situations of oppression. In this way, the creation of these community organizations not only strengthens individual and collective resilience but also acts as a bridge for immigrant women to access their rights [65]. Through these initiatives, processes of social transformation are promoted that challenge structures of exclusion and inequality, allowing migrant women to position themselves as agents of change in their communities.

I’ve always liked everything that has to do with the social side of things, so that’s why I started volunteering at the parish, helping people and families in need. I organize events, activities for children, those kinds of things that fulfill me.

Tulip (22 October 2024 interview)

3.4. Intercultural Encounters and Hybridization Processes

In disadvantaged neighbourhoods, characterized by a high concentration of cultural diversity, authentic intercultural coexistence is observed. These urban spaces, despite the conditions of exclusion that define them, become places where daily interactions between people from different backgrounds generate practices of coexistence and cultural dialogue that are rarely found in other parts of the city [65]. In this context, the territory, understood not only in its physical dimension but also its symbolic and cultural ones, becomes an essential reference for the transnational experiences of migrant women [66].

At the centre, you meet people from different places, whether South America or Central America. Through everyday things like food, you discover cultures you hadn’t encountered before. For example, I didn’t know what people from Paraguay ate. Here, I’ve felt welcomed. It’s like a second home, where you stop feeling like a stranger.

Dahlia (13 December 2024 interview)

Community dynamics are reinvented in the transnational context, allowing migrant communities to maintain their collective identity without depending on a fixed territory [22]. In this process, migrant women play a central role in preserving ties with their communities of origin while simultaneously transforming and adapting their cultural practices autonomously. This interaction strengthens social cohesion and generates a common repertoire of symbolic representations, essential for their integration and adaptation in new environments [15,54]. The rituals they recreate in host places must be understood as moments within broader, processual trajectories [67]. Far from being simple reproductions of their culture of origin, these practices incorporate a critical and adaptive reading of ritual, resignifying belonging and identity in the host territory [66].

I am from the jungle, from the Peruvian Amazon, and I’m going to talk about a specific date that is celebrated in my land, which is June 24th, the Feast of San Juan. Every year at my house, I celebrate San Juan, with the typical food. I remember that once, when there was the Peru activity, I’m not sure if it was in 2010 or 2012, I made about 50 “Juanes” to take to the gathering we had. People didn’t even know what it was, but they liked it so much, thanks to that they got to know it. The food from the jungle is a kind of… it’s wrapped in a tamale, but it has rice, egg, and strawberry in it.

Camellia (5 February 2025 interview)

Furthermore, beyond the exchange between different cultures, this coexistence leads to processes of mestizaje that not only enrich the involved communities but also transform the urban social fabric by generating new cultural expressions. In this process, migrant women play a central role as agents of change, as their ability to articulate links between generations and communities contributes to cultural continuity in contexts of change. Thus, borders are simultaneously revealed as boundaries that segregate and as points of resistance, reflecting the power of these communities to confront exclusion and build new meanings in marginalized urban spaces [16].

There have also been many couples here. I mean, there are many Latinos married to Spaniards, and practically there is already that fusion. And the children born here are Spanish, but they don’t lose their culture. It’s important. We take care of everything. We are teaching the children, even though they were born here, not to lose their roots, the culture of their country, their parents’ roots.

Sunflower (24 November 2024 interview)

3.5. Migrant Agency as a Driver of Social Change

Migrant women navigate between practices of adaptation and resistance to the adversities they face throughout the migration process. Their trajectories often lead them to processes of awareness that allow them to critically understand the structures of oppression that condition them. Following Freire’s approach [68], only by becoming aware of their situation is it possible to generate change and break the dynamics of exclusion. In this sense, the migratory experience can open pathways toward greater social and political awareness, encouraging them to develop aspects of resistance and create initiatives for liberation in the face of exclusion [6].

A man insulted me on the bus: ‘Go back to your country.’ I said: ‘I’m already in my country. The land doesn’t belong to anyone, it belongs to everyone. What are you talking about?’ I’ve worked, I’ve paid social security, probably more than many Spanish people.

Orchid (18 February 2025 interview)

Once migrant women reach an awareness of the dynamics of oppression they face, they are not only able to resist these conditions but also guide and support other women on the same path. In this sense, emigration is not just a physical displacement but also a catalyst for social struggle, where they emerge as agents of change [55]. Through the creation of community resilience networks and spaces for meeting, the process of awareness takes on a collective dimension, strengthening social ties and resignifying the territory. In this way, marginalized neighbourhoods cease to be mere scenarios of exclusion and become territories of resistance and collective empowerment, where sharing stories of oppression helps to build a sense of community [69].

And sometimes you tell your friends, “Don’t be silly, don’t let yourself be treated that way, look, act, act.” It’s not that they’re afraid to speak. Don’t be afraid to speak, it’s because you already feel brave, right? Because you know nothing will happen, that really nothing will happen, but many times they stay quiet because they say, “No, if I speak, I’m scared, and they’ll say at my job that I harmed myself.

Daffodil (19 November 2024 interview)

New technologies have emerged as a key tool in empowering migrant women, allowing them not only to integrate into the host society but also to guide and support those facing similar challenges. Through digital platforms and social networks, many of them share useful information on training, employment, and rights, promoting strategies to overcome precariousness and avoid isolation. These technologies not only facilitate their connection with transnational communities but also transform the territory they inhabit, creating virtual spaces of support and learning that have a direct impact on daily life. In this way, digital networks strengthen collective organization [70] and amplify the dynamics of resistance and social transformation in marginalized neighbourhoods.

I’ve been very active on social media lately because, as they say, I’m an influencer [Laughs]. I’m really not, but I give a lot of advice to the young women who come here, telling them that even if they don’t have papers, they should take courses, not shut themselves in at home, and see the world out there. Because when you’re at home, you have everything, food, a house, and when those things are gone, or they kick you out, or the lady passes away, or whatever happens, you face a reality where there is no work, and if you don’t have any courses, they won’t take you… I really like doing that, and on social media, I do TikTok. I have friends from Mexico, Guatemala, and they follow me.

Rose (5 November 2024 interview)

4. Conclusions

The analysis of the experiences of migrant women settled in the Los Pajaritos neighbourhood helps to understand how their agency manifests in the transformation of excluded territories. Through their life stories, they challenge the prevailing narratives of marginality and make visible the structural violence that permeates their daily lives. However, far from being mere victims, their capacity for action makes them key agents of change. In facing exclusionary dynamics, they transcend structural inequalities of gender, race, and class, reconfiguring urban space and generating practices of resistance and communication that challenge capitalist, patriarchal, and colonial structures. They not only survive in adverse environments but also redraw the boundaries of the neighbourhood, resignifying it through collective action.

Their experiences and practices generate new dynamics that open these isolated and immobilized spaces to the global world, establishing connections that broaden their horizons of interaction, both locally and transnationally. They challenge the exclusionary structures that condemn these neighbourhoods to extreme poverty, as migrant women sustain society and the economy. Their action not only energizes the local economy in their host communities but also sustains and strengthens their territories of origin. Through transformative strategies, they expand the possibilities for economic and social development.

Their organizational capacity challenges the hegemonic individualistic order by building networks of solidarity that not only improve their living conditions but also strengthen the community and encourage participation in urban spaces. Through grassroots mutualism, they create support and self-management mechanisms that reorganize neighbourhoods based on a logic of horizontal solidarity. These initiatives not only address immediate needs but also generate new ways of inhabiting the territory, promoting active citizenship and a collective redefinition of the urban environment. Sorority stands as a fundamental pillar in this process. The alliance among migrant women represents a hope for transformation, allowing them not only to resist but also to achieve concrete goals that advocate for their rights. Their resistance processes challenge discourses of hate and racism.

Beyond material resistance, the agency of these women is manifested in the cultural dimension. By reconstructing their identities in the migratory context, they re-signify the traditions of their countries of origin and adapt them to their new reality, generating hybrid forms of belonging. In the most disadvantaged neighbourhoods, their cultural practices contribute to the creation of an intercultural melting pot that revitalizes these spaces, bringing new expressions, knowledge, and community dynamics. Thus, far from being static enclaves of exclusion, these territories become settings for exchange, creativity, and resistance, where culture becomes a key tool for integration and empowerment.

In this framework, the individual agency of each migrant joins the strength of the collective, which, by articulating these experiences, not only builds community but also engages in politics, transforming conditions of exclusion into spaces of struggle and hope. This phenomenon highlights the transformative potential of migrant women, who, from the margins, question and reconfigure the very foundations of the economic and social system in which their life stories are embedded.

However, this study highlights the importance of continuing to explore the role of migrant women as agents of change in vulnerable urban contexts. It is also essential to move towards an intersectional analysis that considers the multiple dimensions of exclusion and resistance, with the aim of contributing to the design of inclusive public policies that promote equity and social well-being in marginalized territories. In this regard, the findings highlight the importance of policies that recognize and protect care work, facilitate access to regularization processes, and strengthen community-based support networks for migrant women.