“Probably Much More Boring”: Future Projections of Christmas Market Heritage Landscapes

Abstract

Christmas markets are centres of place and culture, having heritage value through impressive histories and long-running traditions. With their array of congregation spaces, huts, and icons (Christmas trees, nativity scenes, carousels), they represent a cultural landscape en miniature, the structural elements being overlain by multisensorial elements (sounds, smells, tastes). Each of these factors are market-distinctive, as are space and place connections, with each heritage landscape being unique. Collectively, these markets represent a cross-national cultural landscape temporarily unifying communities with different cultural traditions. However, transition examination is limited, and missed experiences or future projections have not yet been addressed. Utilising on-site interviews at five Christmas markets in Germany and UK (Dresden, Mainz, Frankfurt, Offenbach, Birmingham) in 2023, we examine changes over remembered time—what was missed, what has emerged, and what future projections were envisaged. While each market is distinctive, overall trends included a decrease in artisanal products and a concomitant increase in gastronomy, an increase in tourism/commerciality, and diminished traditional experience—with factors including policy/administration control and shifting social demographics. Future projections included diminished ambiance, lessened authenticity, and more commercialisation. Our findings highlight potential conflicts considering transition/development across these cultural landscapes, and issues with respect to heritage and cultural integrity.

1. Introduction

Cultural landscapes, as spatially circumscribed interactions of people with their environment, can have numerous manifestations. While the focus of most research tends to be on tangible landscapes in the form of observable and tangible traces of events and activities on a larger micro- or macro-landscape scale (e.g., structural evidence, field systems) [1,2], there are also intangible landscapes. They can be cultural constructs, manifesting themselves as toponymic landscapes, where settler colonialist societies supplanted the First Nations appellations of localities [3], indigenous landscapes, where locales are imbued with meaning and spiritual features [4], or they can have a form that is perceivable by a person’s senses, such as smellscapes (e.g., spice bazaars) [5]. Indeed, the term ‘soundscape’ or ‘smellscape’ alludes to a sensory experience within a circumscribed physical space, being considered culturally important upon conveyance of social values.

Cultural landscapes can be permanent, such as landform modifications, or they can be ephemeral, such as election landscapes [6]. The majority of cultural landscapes literature examines past landscapes, most of which are a palimpsest of successive layers of cultural interaction on the same circumscribed geographical space (e.g., Refs. [7,8,9]. Given that most cultural landscapes research is intertwined with cultural heritage management which relies on hindsight [10,11], conceptualisations of future cultural landscapes are rare [8], although methodologies for futurist hindsight in heritage exist [12].

The intangible sensory experience of cultural landscapes has been previously acknowledged, evidenced by research into aural heritage pertaining to Zimbabwean soundscapes [13] and Chinese classical garden landscapes [14], visuality of industrial landscapes [15], tactility of rock climbing landscapes [16], and multisensory engagement (visual, olfactory, aural, tactile) of designed garden landscapes [17] and historic Indian water system cultural landscapes (tactile and visuality) [18].

Furthermore, marketplaces are recognised as dynamic cultural landscapes, typically being spaces of discernible sensory and multisensory focus and, therefore, intangibly representative. Prior research has investigated intangibility of social markets in part, such as olfactory characteristics of Indonesia’s Chinese markets and Türkiye’s Spice Markets [5,19], gastronomic experiences of Spanish food markets [20], and multisensory (total sensory) experience of German and Austrian Christmas markets [21].

Indeed, Christmas markets are recognised as having historical and cultural importance [22] with the sensory experience (visual, smell, aural, gustatory, tactile) combining to form an ephemeral annual cultural landscape within a given space [21]. Previous research has investigated visitor characteristics [23], visitor motivation [24], crowding issues [25], and use value of Christmas markets [26], but discussion of cultural heritage connections, cultural value, and intangible experience is an emerging topic of research [21,22,27,28].

As ephemeral cultural event landscapes deeply rooted in German history and tradition [22,29], Christmas markets straddle the traditional dichotomy of tangible and intangible heritage assets (Figure 1). They possess heritage value through the impressive histories associated with some markets (such as the Christmas markets in Dresden, Nuremberg, or Frankfurt) and a parallel long-running tradition (e.g., early fifteenth century), the settings in which they occur (primarily historic market squares), and the intergenerationally transmitted cultural practices of participation [22,30]. Recent research has uncovered other aspects of heritage at both long-established and contemporary Christmas markets through contributing factors such as portable material culture (Glühweinbecher, tokens) [31], tangible infrastructure (carousels, nativity scenes), and intangible sensory components (Christmas music sounds, Kartoffelpuffer odours, Glühwein tastes) [32]. Although they would qualify under the definitions of the UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of Intangible Cultural Heritage [33], they so far have not been afforded any formal recognition at the national level by the German Commission for UNESCO [34] nor by the various Ministers for Culture at the state level [35,36,37,38,39,40,41].

Using Christmas markets as a focus, this paper will examine the trajectories of change and development of cultural landscapes, and attempt to project what future cultural landscapes of such markets will look like. Christmas markets are an eminently suitable case study as they represent an annually reoccurring ephemeral cultural landscape that by virtue of its stalls and focal attractions (e.g., Christmas tree, nativity scene) has a tangible form, but that also possesses intangible manifestations in the form of soundscapes and smellscapes. In further exploring the heritage of Christmas markets as both tangible (place-centred, iconic infrastructure) and intangible (multisensory interaction) cultural landscapes, this study therefore sought to find how a sample of Christmas markets have changed over remembered time—what was missed, what has emerged, and what future projections of these cultural landscapes were envisaged.

2. Materials and Methods

This study extends upon previous work by the authors investigating heritage perceptions of Christmas markets, using a parallel methodology [32]. For inclusion in this multiple case study [42], five Christmas markets were selected; four in Germany (Dresden Strietzelmarkt, Mainz Historischer Weihnachtsmarkt, Frankfurter Weihnachtsmarkt, and Weihnachtsmarkt Offenbach) and the fifth in the United Kingdom (Birmingham’s Frankfurt Christmas Market, an annual market officially exported from Frankfurt). These markets were chosen due to the strong historical association of Christmas markets in Germany, with several German Christmas markets having been continually operating since the fifteenth century (e.g., Dresden’s Striezelmarkt since 1434). Furthermore, German Christmas markets can be considered archetypal of a ‘traditional’ Christmas market, offering an experiential and social event which is recognised as culturally representative by both locals and tourists, often set in historic settings and encompassing rich sensory landscapes. Site selection included both historic and modern renditions of German Christmas markets, being geospatially and socially diverse, to incorporate a wide variety of site variables and thus a potentially more diverse range of perceptions (

Table 1. Christmas market data collection specifics of those selected for inclusion in this study.

Market Site Location	Country	Established	Data Collection Dates	# Interviews (# of People)	Site Variables
Birmingham	England	2001	Nov 18–22	11 (n = 13)	Non-historic setting, large town, very recent market
Frankfurt	Germany	1401	Nov 27–29, Dec 10	9 (n = 15)	Historic setting, large town, historic market
Offenbach	Germany	1978	Nov 25–26, 30, Dec 1	5 (n = 10)	Non-historic setting, medium town, recent market (post-WWII)
Mainz	Germany	1975	Dec 1, 8–9, 11	9 (n = 21)	Historic setting, medium town, recent market
Dresden	Germany	1434	Dec 3–6	12 (n = 15)	Historic setting, large town, icon historic market

). The extension to include Birmingham’s exported German-styled market further expanded site variables.

Data were collected through interviews across November/December 2023, targeting visitors (local, non-local), stallholders, and key informants—including representatives of market organisers and church figures of adjacent churches. Potential participants were approached on-site with the objective of exploring a large perspective range, including those from local and non-local visitors, and from across a range of demographics (e.g., age and gender). Thus, the sampling strategy objective was to collect a broad range of perspectives rather than to attain a fully representative sample. Semi-structured interviews were undertaken on location, or offsite as requested due to inclement weather. Key informant interviews were offsite (one online). Interview questions solicited perceptions of temporal change in markets (e.g., changes in market layout, stall composition, organisation, sensory experience, and visitor composition) alongside future projections, as well as missed experiences (if any) from past renditions. Interviews were undertaken in English and German, with the research team including a native German speaker for facilitation of multi-lingual communication. Length of interviews averaged twenty minutes, with a range from five to sixty minutes.

Fifty-eight interviews were employed in the original study. For the purposes of this study investigating temporal changes and projections, only repeat visitors from previous years were selected for inclusion, resulting in a total of forty-six interviews (Table 1). Informed consent was provided by prospective participants, and localness was self-identified. Procedures followed Charles Sturt University Human Research Ethics Committee protocols (Protocol Number H23548).

Coding and Analysis

Interviews were either audio-recorded or, in cases where participants declined consent for recording (n = 5), detailed notes were taken instead. All recordings were digitally transcribed and manually reviewed for accuracy. Each interview was coded according to its site location (e.g., Dresden = D1, D2; Mainz = M1, M2), with multiple participants at a given site labelled sequentially (e.g., Dresden = D1-1, D1-2). Survey data were also location-coded (e.g., Dresden = DS1, DS2) (see Supplementary File). Textual data were thematically analysed in NVivo 12 Plus across two coding rounds, with nodes generated iteratively as key themes emerged [43]. The initial coding framework was informed by findings from an earlier pilot study [44].

3. Results

3.1. Birmingham

The Birmingham Frankfurt Christmas Market is a comparatively recent market, consisting of approximately sixty stalls since its formal establishment in 2001. It runs from the western core area of the architecturally distinctive Victoria Square eastwards across New Street—a narrow street lined by commercial buildings. The market is visually attractive with high levels of stall illumination and iconic infrastructure, and becomes a hive of social activity for locals—especially on evenings and weekends.

For this market, local visitors commented on negatively perceived recent changes, such as the increased price of offered products (notably Glühwein) being a major catalyst for reduced visitation “it’s got progressively more expensive over the last few years to have drinks, so we now prefer to go somewhere else” [B1]. Other observations included positively perceived changes, such as the addition of LCD screens and the more noticeable presence of security staff alongside car barriers for pedestrian protection. However, some non-local visitors commented that little had changed recently, and others simply that numbers of seated eating places had reduced.

Other changes were also evident as a result of management adjustments reacting to the COVID-19 pandemic. There was a clear decline and/or change in stall numbers and offerings post-pandemic, with an organiser revealing that the market footprint was lessened in 2021 to reduce congestion, subsequent to the total cancellation of the market in 2020. A post-COVID one-way pedestrian system was reported to have significantly improved visitor flow and lessened apparent crowding issues.

Stallholders also commented on market size and composition change since the introduction of Brexit, resulting in fewer stalls operating, with a proportional increase in those offering foods and a concomitant decrease in crafts (e.g., Christmas decorations and nutcrackers). An account of overall composition evolution (including Brexit) was explained by a long-term market organiser. After an initial pilot market in 1997, the Birmingham Christmas market has run annually since 2001 (COVID year 2020 excepted), utilising German-sourced products and labour. Original stalls included Glühwein, bratwurst, and marzipan vendors, alongside a number of craft stalls such as those selling glass baubles and other Christmas ornaments. With market expansion from only ten stalls as a pilot, alcohol stall numbers increased concomitantly with the lifting of alcohol restriction zones, effectively forming a licenced premises over the duration and footprint of the market. Children’s programmes were correspondingly developed, as were adjacent events on nearby Centenary Square, which included a Ferris wheel, an ice rink, and an English craft market. Of significance, however, was the implementation of Brexit in 2020, due to complications and increased expense regarding products and staff—with the notable consequence being that vendors have since dropped out and certain offerings (such as craft and gift stalls) are now considerably limited. Recognition of compositional change enabled management’s attempts to rebuild what was lost, with actions including the targeted introduction of a craft stall in 2023 and a planned introduction for two more in 2024, and the re-supply of some iconic ‘non-returner’ products (such as paper stars)—enacted through other larger operating trader’s entities. Stallholders commented that established stalls such as those selling crystals, ceramics, and gifts were recently offered additional stalls to manage by the market organisers, with the aim to increase the footprint of the market through 2024 and beyond.

Stemming from the above, future projections of the Birmingham market were centrally connected to immigration policies associated with Brexit. An organiser advised that product authenticity could remain to an extent, with German beer, crafts, and foods being sourced and imported directly, although at increased cost through customs agents. However, items not considered as having ‘authenticity issues’ would be sourced locally from around the UK, such as serviettes and incidental foodstuffs (lettuce for example).

The central issue moving forward related to staff and complicated immigration rules; notably, that new staff who own, run, or manage markets are explicitly excluded from a suitable visa route. Whilst a ‘frontier worker permit’ (costs covered by the organiser) allows for 180 days of work annually in the UK for those previously working pre-December 2020, and descendant children aged 18 to 21 may apply for pre-settled status through parental frontier worker permits, such permits expire after five years. Whilst management accepted renewal costs, it was revealed that around 100 individuals needed renewed permits in 2026. The issue was highlighted that as individuals retire, have health issues, or become more family-focussed, core German staff and stallholders are unable to be replaced as no immigration route is available. The age profile of current staff suggested that an eight to nine-year timeframe (~2031–2032) results in a large tranche of people reaching retirement age, and whilst local staff can be readily hired to undertake ‘back of house’ duties, the core team of supervisor and managers will be profoundly affected, being not sufficient in number to run the market in its present rendition. Reasonable future projects therefore entail that, although some kind of market would be put into the space—“for Birmingham without a Christmas market now would be unimaginable, just unimaginable” [B11], it could not be an authentic German Christmas market. Being managed by a UK operator, “they might do German style, but it will all have to be built and sourced and staffed from the UK because without a change to the law, we just can’t get the staff in to do the work” [B11]. Critically, resultant authenticity issues were seen as the most significant challenge to the market moving forward, and significant to the social landscape of Birmingham as the current rendition remains as “the jewel in the crown of the Christmas package” [B11].

3.2. Frankfurt

Germany’s Frankfurt Weihnachtsmarkt comprises over 200 stalls, with the market traversing a space north from the river Maim to Hauptwache, a distance of approximately 500 m. Whilst the core area has been centred on Römerberg since 1401 (a square surrounded by fifteenth century buildings) (Figure 2), the market now includes other distinctive spaces including Paulsplatz (with plane trees and commercial buildings), and the northern Roßmarkt (an open square bordered by modern skyscrapers).

Changes to this Christmas market were reported over both temporal and spatial scales. A regularly returning non-local commented on product price increases together with a substantially higher number of people now visiting the market, but that actual stall composition had not changed over the last ten years. Another local commented on the market’s size expansion, being initially based on the Römerberg and since expanding into other districts, being negatively perceived and considered “just become too much, I would say” [F9-2].

Market organisers commented that security concerns and responses to the COVID pandemic were catalysts for market expansion, with very tight rows now making way for more space, based on safe visitor distancing requirements. This development resulted in an altered feel of the market, as closer lanes engendered more jostling between visitors. One local in her seventies commented that they had become accustomed to lower numbers of people in the pandemic time generally, and that current large numbers of visitors post-pandemic were a major consideration to constrain market visitation to quieter mid-week times, with weekends being actively avoided. Interestingly, an organiser noted that the spatial increase now offered on the Römerberg currently adheres to fire department regulations, but that the more compact previous rendition of the market also adhered to regulations ten years prior—suggesting that future regulations will require further layout and design modification.

Footprint expansion was explained to be a reaction to contemporary visitor demands and expectations, such as the inclusion of the Pink Christmas market in 2012 (an LGBT+ friendly addition) and the more modern market on Rosmarkt in 2021. As a necessary post-Corona step, the newest market area of Rosmarkt was designed to generate more space for visitors in a modern style. With a skyscraper setting and located in the heart of Frankfurt city, it was described to perfectly contrast the traditional Römerberg Christmas market with a contemporary ‘American’ rendition, much like “the North Pole and the South Pole” [F2-2], shifting away from the traditional style across the market’s entire footprint.

Frankfurt locals commented on other aspects of increased modernity of the market, such as the addition of a modern carousel, and comments were made by an 89-year-old that past market renditions were much simpler and modest, with modern iterations being glitzier and more ostentatious. Some locals commented on the preference of past smaller, more intimate markets, “Das war früher schöner [That used to be nicer]” [F6-1], generating disinterest of attending current renditions. Similarly to Birmingham, numerous visitors commented on the increased prices of products (notably Glühwein), and corresponding agreement of a shift away from specialist handicrafts like Hessian pottery to general commercialisation.

Other changes which were displeasing included the evolution to a modern container-style vendor stall (being easier to erect) from the more charming imperfect stalls of the past, and the shift from traditional incandescent bulb lights to LEDs, with an organiser stating “The light is warm also, but I don’t know what, but I’m missing something. Maybe the defect one” [F2-2]. Of interest here is the recognition of change being important to locals and those deeply connected to the market: “I guess our normal visitor won’t see the difference between the lights (…) It’s like always experts will see it and newbies don’t see it” [F2-2]. Such comments highlight that market familiarity engenders higher levels of connection and recognition. Other disliked changes include the shift away from traditional Christmas music to pop/disco music, as remarked by a 66-year-old local.

Future projections of Frankfurt’s Christmas market were largely linked to local policy and management, being considered as notable concerns for the overall market experience for future generations. Organisers raised the probability of the market being “much more boring in 50 years” [F2-2], with the potential for many things being forbidden in the future through implementation of stricter rules to make the market safer, such as no open fires, lower alcohol limits on glühwein, and tighter control of foodstuffs. Additionally, negative future projections were also linked to climate change. An organiser considered that significant changing local demographics would not result in an impacted Christmas market, but that climate-change-induced increased temperatures would fundamentally change the market’s essence.

3.3. Dresden

One of the oldest markets in Germany (proudly since 1434), Dresden Strietzelmarkt, continues to be located in the Altmarkt, a square bordered by architecturally distinctive buildings and the adjacent Kreuzkirche (Figure 3). It is considered a ‘must-visit’ traditional German Christmas market. Over two hundred thematically decorated and illuminated stalls are squeezed into the space, with several visual icons adorning the market, including an historic double-decker carousel and an impressive candle arch at the primary entrance.

The Strietzelmarkt was perceived to have undergone several changes over remembered time, both temporally short and long. In the short term, the market was reported as not running for two years due to the COVID pandemic (2020–2021). On resumption, younger Dresden locals commented how pleasing it was to see the market return to a size comparable to pre-COVID times, as the first rendition post-COVID hiatus was limited to around 100 stalls. Compared to the 2022 rendition—stated as being “so small and you didn’t get this feeling like today” [D1-1]—the 2023 version was significantly larger, with one local highlighting the positives “I’m happy that Christmas markets can be so big [as] before Corona because I missed it” [D1-1].

Over the long-term, older locals explained how the Striezelmarkt used to be limited locationally to the Altmarkt, but has since spread to the side streets, towards the Elbe, and continually expanded all the way to Albertplatz. Comparatively new additional market elements were the Schwibbogen (candle arch) and the pyramid (from around 2007). Another major change included the titled narrow rows of “Soldatenmäßig [solider-like]” [D5] stalls from the GDR period being developed into a more organic arrangement around 2008. One long-established stallholder explained that the preceding rows created equal opportunities for stallholders to purvey their wares without the recent problem of “really dead corners” which “looks good, but once you are here, it’s very confusing” [D10]. This alteration, combined with the addition of the subterranean garage, fountains, and round stalls, was explained to have taken much of the old ‘flair’ away, and the previous market design was missed by some locals. However, local preference of design was mixed overall, with some preferring the less dense market as one aged, and others preferring the original organic rendition.

The sensory experience of the market was also reported to have changed temporally. Some locals drew attention to the improved visual amenity of the space over time, as during the GDR times (former East Germany) the surrounding sandstone buildings were black because they were covered in soot. Mixed feelings were raised—the black buildings made the lights more intense as a child in the past due to the visual contrast, and that modern market renditions look more colourful now due to the absence of black. Others drew attention to the diminished aural amenity, with recorded sounds being noticeably absent as a result of licencing issues and substantially increased costs, with national music no longer played. This loss of traditional sound was highly missed by older locals, with the additional feeling or unique flair that was engendered through the aural realm being notably absent.

Comments highlighted the deficiency of previous children’s evening programmes, apart from the recent inclusion of a children’s bakery over the last 15 years. The dearth of stalls offering interactive craft opportunities for children (painting, Christmas ball decoration, singing of German Christmas songs) was highly missed by younger locals, being considered a reminisced childhood activity, engagement of which had significant personal importance.

Older locals compared the current market to previous renditions operating during the GDR, which focused more on crafts and handicrafts (knitting, stonework) before a gradual change in composition to less handicraft and production post-GDR. Earlier renditions also comprised fewer (and older) booths offering greater product variety. It was observed that the modern market offered comparatively more gastronomy, and most locals commented on the ubiquitousness of food and Imbiss (snack bars), alongside the general increase in prices. Where craft products were currently offered (like Erzgebirge products), they were frequently considered “alles mehr so industriell [more industrial]” than in the past [D9-2]. Specifically, artisan products like glass blowing were reported to have ceased, with the last stallholder passing away in recent years and no family member wishing to take the position on. Other artisan products in decline included hand-crafted brooms, hand-carved Erzgebirge, Swiss-carved church figures, and important/nationally significant crochet and lacework (consisting of five or six vendors previously). A pottery stallholder revealed that around 30 years prior there were 12 stalls selling pottery from areas including Lausitz and Thüringen, with this merchant now being the single operator selling such handicrafts.

Rationale for artisanal decline was pronounced multi-fold. Firstly, it was explained that the stallholders were generally of an older population, with few younger workers employed. That the central problem “lies in the younger generation” [D10] was often reported, whereby they shy away from difficult work in the cold, demand comparatively high prices to work despite being inexperienced, and/or prefer to work in heated huts of Glühwein stalls where they are supplied with free drinks and food. Secondly, the modern row positioning limits opportunity, with a difficult position in a comparatively obscure row returning only 20% of the intake compared with a highly prominent position. Additionally, it was explained that because of price increases for energy and other costs, craft traders cannot simply afford to run a stall, but, conversely, sausage traders can: “Wir Händler so mit unserem Handwerk hier, wir sagen immer, gegessen wird immer. Dafür ist immer Geld da. Aber für das hier, so, damit gehen wir kaputt. [We traders with our craft here, we always say, we always eat. There is always money for that. But for this, like this, we’re going to break.]” [D7]. Finally, the COVID pandemic seemed to account for the final straw for the artisanal merchants: “Und durch die Pandemie sind sehr viele Stände weggefallen [And due to the pandemic, a lot of stands have been lost]” [D6], with many providers not returning post-pandemic for a multitude of reasons, including simply not being able to finance the business. Most interesting is that the social community of the stallholders ceased to exist post-COVID as previously, with “Auch die Geschäfte, die Händler, die jetzt noch da sind, die sind härter geworden [The shops and dealers that are still there, have also become tougher]”. Vendors are now forced to look after themselves and become more commercially focused, which, as one stallholder reported “das ist das Hauptproblem geworden [that’s become the main problem]” [D7].

Results of these issues are clearly observable. A stallholder explained that the Striezelmarkt could harbour around 260 individual stalls prior to 2008, and market organisers correspondingly received around 550 applications. For the 2023 rendition, of the 225 stall positions on offer, an application rate of approximately one-to-one ensured reasonable success for any potential future stallholder. It is obvious how limited supply of stallholders could create substantial shifts in product choice and availability. As an example, to sustain stall numbers as desired by management, it was reported that stall categories have been substantially diversified, with around five to seven around forty years ago, later increasing to 15 or 20, and comprising 44 different categories in 2023.

Aside from composition, the Striezelmarkt has undergone other changes. Comments were made that there were no dangerous situations in earlier times, so the market could be more tightly packed safely. It was observed that the recent inclusion of bollards, barriers, and police is now always a consideration “das schlummert ja am Hinterkopf [that’s at the back of my mind]” [D9-2], which softens the mood and creates secondary thoughts for attendance.

Being a Christian-centred event, it is interesting to consider how locals consider the religious connections of the Christmas market over a temporal period. Comments were made that there was a significant decline in terms of visitors at religious services and events in an adjacent church over the last ten years, with the COVID pandemic accelerating such trends. It was even reported that current church attendance reflected GDR communistic state times—when church traditions were totally unsupported. A church figure made clear that church concerts were well attended by visitors, but people “sobald die irgendwas mit Gottesdienst oder beten oder mit Service, dann sind sie zurückhaltend [as soon as they have anything to do with worship or prayer or service, then they are reserved]” [D12], and also that the ambience and history is appreciated, but too much service and too much religion is considered a problem. How much this is directly connected to market visitation and associated transformation is debatable, but considering deep religious connections to the Striezelmarkt’s opening ceremony, such trends are notable and worthy of attention.

When probed to predict future market iterations, a stallholder replied that there is real uncertainty resulting from the retirement of the older generations, with the example given of the sole remaining traditional lacework merchant being in her seventies. Another crafts stallholder highlighted the difficulty in attracting younger people to purvey traditional handicrafts because of the difficult working conditions. The perspective was made that stalls offering handicrafts will become significantly fewer in the future. If, as predicted, the continued trajectory of diminished handicrafts continues through future intergenerational change, one stallholder suggested that market organisers would need to incorporate an increased number of product categories and diversify the market even further to retain financial capability, further altering market composition.

Modernisation of the future market iterations was also viewed as a real issue. A stallholder projected increased modernisation throughout the market, with the result that as traditionalism becomes lessened, the recognisable spirit of the market “dass dann das gewisse Etwas weggeht [that the special something would then go away]” [D7]. It was anticipated that special seasonal products offered would be readily available (and more cheaply) for purchase in standard shops or even online (e.g., Amazon), resulting in the loss of the market’s unique identity, the demise of respect for craftsmanship and quality of work, and a break in the depth of connection with respect to culture and community through loss of sentimental inherited products.

Finally, similar to a notion observed in Frankfurt, older Dresden local visitors reflected that the warmer winter temperatures as a result of climate change would make the market much less interesting, as cold temperatures are essential to the Christmas market experience; “wir gehen schon gerne, wenn es kalt ist [we like to go when it’s cold]” [D9-2].

3.4. Mainz

The Mainz Historischer Weihnachtsmarkt is a relatively small, visually attractive market, comprising approximately 100 stalls within the Marktplatz and surrounds (Figure 4). Whilst being a comparatively recent addition in the historic calendar (since 1978), the current market rendition has links to past Christmas markets in Mainz centuries earlier. It is a popular stop for tourists travelling on Rhein River cruises, and also for locals for regionally distinctive gastronomy.

The Mainz Christmas market was reported to have undergone several changes, again both short- and long-term. Over the short-term, a stallholder observed that there was a notable increase in visitor numbers over the past six years, and a corresponding increase in attendance of family groups. The comment was made that although people were generally more friendly in the past (and now wander around with a more morose temperament), if the stallholder were to engage them in a pleasant manner, they would be paradoxically happier than before, with a vitalised Christmas spirit. Explanations were offered in that visitors were more stressed now, with high prices resting heavily on their shoulders. Another comment was made that locals’ behaviours have shifted since the pandemic, with a subconscious pursuit of distance between visitors now taking place, interrupting the carefree nature of a busy market experience.

Young locals highlighted problems concerning significant price increases, suggesting that a preferred option would be to look for cheaper market options in smaller towns or communities. Older locals also commented on this issue, and whilst one dismissed it as “people pay it because of the atmosphere” [M1], the majority of locals viewed this a major drawback of change. Older locals also commented on the perceived market footprint increase over time, and the increase in security which was considered a major concern.

Multiple locals reported that stall locations were perceived as highly consistent over recent years. Such certainty created an anticipation of food which was considered comforting and provided familiarity and structure which was satisfying. Long-term stallholders, however, observed that in the early market renditions, stalls were scattered around much more and not so formalised as a concentrated unit being centred on the square. One stallholder commented that the increase in footprint was considered acceptable, but it was clearly stipulated that further increases were undesirable and unsustainable.

Other changes in market composition were offered. It was reported that previous renditions offered themed events like performances specifically for children, but that these are now no longer presented. A long-term stallholder also commented that the older carousel used to be double story with horses to ride on, unlike the single-story ride currently presented. Similarly to Dresden, recent issues of the lack of broadcasted Christmas music were highlighted as being critical. Running sporadically, background Christmas songs of Mainz Weihnachtsmarkt were “einfach schön [just beautiful]” [M7] and lifted the mood and spirit among the people, and the cessation of music across 2023 was considered sadly missed.

Whilst stall numbers have increased temporally, it was revealed that stall variety had not—there was simply a larger number of stalls purveying similar wares/products. Glühwein stands, for example, had increased from four to eleven. A stallholder acknowledged that whilst the public generally like a larger market, the increase in Glühwein stands changes visitors’ behaviour by allowing more alcohol to be consumed (through shorter queues), with the evening attracting more young people intending to become inebriated, with the market dynamic changed as a result. It was also observed that with the reduction in handicrafts, spatial expansion requires an increase in gastronomy stalls but with fewer people buying products at any given stall—reducing profits for stallholders and an overall ‘loss’ for everyone. More recently, the market was considered to have become more commercial in feel overall—more stressful, hectic, and profit-oriented.

Long-term stallholders remarked that the Christmas market had doubled in size, shifting from a totally compact market on the square to the more expansive, sprawling market village around twenty years ago. Also considering the long-term, it was repeatedly reported that the market was presently centred less on craftsmanship offerings (crafts, carvings) and focused more on consumption, with food stalls now being considered so prevalent that they were deemed overwhelming. The introduction of low quality, Chinese-manufactured Christmas presents at the expense of rural German craftmanship was frequently observed as being highly displeasing for a traditional Christmas market, with stalls like Käthe Wohlfahrt being denoted as a major culprit with its inception around 2011. The demise of craftsmanship stalls was considered directly affected due to the shift in handicraft business practices. With the provision of non-local Christmas ornaments at reduced prices, established stalls offering higher-quality local crafts became priced out, could not compete, and ultimately disappeared from the Christmas market. Examples were given whereby two well-established stalls selling Christmas tree baubles and many selling wooden knickknacks (kleine Nippes) had completely disappeared as a result. The power of Käthe Wohlfahrt was evidently pointed out by one stallholder, who explained that the company directly opposed instructions to set up on the lower outskirts of the market, and fought for a prominent position in which to trade—even so that a large traditional carousel had to be displaced: “Ja, wir haben immer zwei Karussells. Aber das war hier, wo die steht, war ein Karussellplatz [Yes, we always had two carousels. But that was here, where it [Käthe Wohlfahrt] stands, was a carousel place]” [M5-2].

Policy and governance were offered as central reasons for specific future projected renditions in Mainz. One stallholder suggested that management change to a more centralised department, such as ‘Tourism Mainz’ for example, would generate an entirely different market experience, with increased fees and commercialisation as a result. Issues of intergenerational recruitment were presented similarly to Dresden, with a stallholder offering that there will be continued succession problems with the craft stalls, with the opinion offered that if a given family is not large enough to continue, the stall will ultimately disappear.

Modernisation issues were also linked to anticipated future management processes and planning, with a shift from the traditional experience towards greater commercial development and expected concomitant tourist-centric exploitation. Stallholders gave the opinion that markets were expected to become more modern, with a foreseeable increase in potential conflicts between management and stallholders as organisers adjust, modify, and constantly innovate. Multiple opinions were given that if the market was allowed to increase its size further, its distinctive atmosphere and identity would dissipate, and as such (from a stallholder’s perspective) the market was desirable to be maintained in its current form and style.

3.5. Offenbach

Being a relatively small market (32 stalls), Weihnachtsmarkt Offenbach is largely aimed at local visitors. Established in 1978, it consists of gastronomical-centred offerings, the stalls of which are highly unique, with some being highly decorated and others presented as food trucks.

Local visitors commented that programmes, facilities, and huts presented at the market have been largely consistent over the last ten years, but with a generally appreciated expansion in market size over the previous decade. However, considering the longer term, one local commented that the market has lost much of its character, with resultant diminished number of visitors, a halving of size since around 30 years ago, and a loss of the traditional Christmas smells—being “nichts mehr [nothing anymore]” [O3-1]. Other locals commented that the present rendition is “alles so kommerziell [all so commercial]” [O1-2], and although typical smells of Glühwein remain, the lack of Christmas music makes the market feel like nothing to do with Christmas anymore, and now deemed being “nur Geldmacherei [just a money-making scheme]” [O1-1]. It was commented that the lack of traditional Christmas bakery smells contributes to forming a depleted atmosphere, and that the addition of live carolling would be “ein Traum [a dream]” [O3-1] and would substantially contribute to the market befitting a ‘wonderland’.

In line with other markets, long-term stall composition had reputedly changed over time, with the loss of handmade products such as lamb skins, handmade cups, and jewellery. Despite this, a long-term stallholder made clear that the smaller number of stalls presently tendered ensured a market which is not overloaded with multiples of each offering—a design which was suggested to be preferred by visitors.

Critically, the market space was reported to have diminished in quality since the pandemic, with a decline in general quality of the shopping district and increased crime in the region, with the result being that locals often tend to prefer to shop in nearby Hanau or Mainz. Specifically to the market, the visitor experience was considered to be somewhat lessened. Older locals reported that the atmosphere was completely lacking due to an absence of Christmas music as a result of increased GEMA royalty licence fees. Visual amenity was also affected by the installation of concrete blocks prohibiting driving attacks, also affecting atmosphere by engendering a background fear. Flowers decorated previous renditions of markets before a subsequent shift to other lighted decorations, with these now being considered under threat due to rising energy costs over the four-week operating period—an extended season to assist stallholders’ profits in light of lost income due to pandemic closures. It was also observed that post-COVID, customer demographics have changed somewhat, now being more centred on the 20–30-year-old age bracket rather than the older generation—with the younger generations being more interested in the traditional experience.

When considering future projections, a stallholder in her forties expressed fears that alongside general closure of shops and shift to internet shopping, the reduction in people in the streets would result in a corresponding decline in visitor numbers, a decreasing market footprint, and a conceivable obsolescence of the market over a twenty-year time period. The opinion was offered that larger, more tourist-focussed markets such as Nuremberg and Frankfurt would continue to operate, but smaller markets such as Offenbach might be forced to discontinue.

4. Discussion

Despite unique findings for each of the five Christmas markets, themes of transition are observable across all sites. There was a notable shift away from traditional handicrafts towards gastronomy and mass-produced products due to (amongst other reasons) increased economic pressures, commercialisation, and problems of intergenerational recruitment (

Table 2. Data summary of the five studied Christmas markets—up arrows denote increase, down arrows denote decrease, horizonal denote similar continuation (for sensescape change: up arrows denote improved, down arrows denote diminished).

Issue		Birmingham	Frankfurt	Dresden	Mainz	Offenbach
Visitation	Visitors	↓ short term	↑	↑	↑ short term	↓ long term
	Profile				↑ younger and family groups	↑ younger
Stallholders	Ageing	Yes		Yes	Yes
Stall numbers		↓ short term ↑ long term	↑ long term	↑ long term	↑ long term	↑ short term ↓ long term
Layout	Footprint	↓ short term ↑ long term	↑	↑	↑	↑ short term ↓ long term
	Laneway size		↑	↑
	Layout change			Yes—soldier like to organic arrangement	Yes—more formalised and concentrated
	Seating	↓
Stall offerings	Variety	↓ management working on this	→	↓	→	↓ long term
	Foods	↑		↑	↑
	Glühwein	↑ long term			↑
	Crafts	↓ management working on this	↓	↓	↓	↓
Prices		↑ short term	↑	↑	↑
Children’s programmes		↑ long term		↓	↓
Security presence		↑		↑	↑	↑
Commercialisation /Industrialisation			↑	↑	↑	↑
Modernisation		↑	↑
Sensescape change	Soundscape		↓	↓	↓	↓
	Visualscape	↑	↓	↑ and ↓	Yes—not stated	↓
	Smellscape					↓
	Tactile (climate change)		↓	↓
COVID-19 related		↑ visitor flow ↓ crowding ↓ stall numbers and offerings	↑ market footprint ↓ crowding	↓ artisanal products ↓ stallholder social community	Subconscious pursuit of visitor distancing	↑ younger generations ↓ older generations
Future projections	Projections	Continuation but not as an authentic German Christmas market	↑ sterile environment further layout and design modification	Uncertainty of artisanal offerings ↓ unique identity ↓ respect for craftsmanship and quality of work ↓ depth of connection with respect to cultural and community ↓ sentimental inherited products altered market composition	↑ centralised department ↓ traditional experience ↓ craft stalls ↑ commercial development ↑ tourist-centric exploitation ↑ fees ↓ distinctive atmosphere and identity	↓ visitor numbers ↓market footprint conceivable obsolescence of the market
	Expected causes	Effects of Brexit policy and immigration rules Ageing staff profile	Tighter regulations Local policy and management	Ageing stallholders Difficulty attracting younger workers Modernisation	Policy and governance Expectation of modernity Intergenerational recruitment	Shop closure Internet shopping

). Such shifts were observable in all markets, being similar across all town sizes and market histories. Indeed, the predicted loss of handicraft offerings would result in the demise of industry heritage representation throughout entire markets. This is known to be particularly important in Dresden, as active engagement with traditional products (e.g., lacework, glass-blowing, wood carvings) at the Striezelmarkt was deemed vital in communicating historic and social practices of the local area’s industry to subsequent generations [32]. The importance of such handicrafts to the heritage landscape was not raised by respondents at the other four markets studied, but if similar sentiments are held there as well, then it would be critical to address any predicted demise.

Moreover, the concomitant proportional rise in alcohol stands has resulted in some markets (notably Mainz) feeling more like drinking venues than social functioning spaces, with traditional experiential formats being lost. Whilst explanations from the supply side have been identified earlier (high turnover, desirable products), questions arise regarding demand. Recent analysis of Christmas market layouts has revealed that consumption of gastronomic offerings has become a major focus of Christmas market visitation, and has even accelerated post-pandemic, as evidenced by the increase in such stalls across several German markets [45]. The question remains regarding what causes this increased demand. How much of the increased proportion of alcohol offerings is linked to intensified tourism or changing local visitor demographics? If it derives from increasing visitation by younger generations, then implications arise for older generations who typical hold onto ‘traditional’ heritage ideals. If it results from increased tourism (national or international), then ramifications for local visitors are obvious, evidenced by those who seek more ‘traditional’ options in smaller towns or communities.

Other transition themes emerge from amended government policy and law, such as authenticity issues of Birmingham’s market caused by Brexit, with the end result being the provision of a stylised Christmas market, but not German or ‘traditional’ in essence. Expectations of modernity and ‘improvement’ in Mainz also suggest redrawn future market styles, with prospects seemingly focused more on commercialisation and tourist appeal rather than on imparted heritage values or cultural importance. Increased prices and lessened stall diversity has made markets feel more commercial, and stall layout variation has resulted in an altering of visual amenity and, by extension, the entire intangible atmosphere. Additionally, attitudes upon return post-pandemic have resulted in some markets having a lingering sense of fragmentation and diminished cohesion, alongside changed visitor behaviour to avoid peak periods of weekends and evenings—notably so for older age visitors. Importantly, whilst footprint expansion has often created larger markets deemed ‘too much’ than desired (Frankfurt, Mainz), status quo operations would naturally result in saturation through increased visitation.

Most critical, however, is the decline in the intangible sensory and experiential landscape of the markets, notably pertaining to the visual, aural, tactile, and olfactory realms. Loss of traditional music (and indeed all music) is palpable, characteristic smells of baked goods/incense are conspicuously missed (notably so in Offenbach), visual amenity has changed with the introduction of container-style stalls and LEDs (Frankfurt), and tactile childhood encounters were largely absent (Dresden). These issues form critical discussion for future projections by multiple participants. That an organiser of the Frankfurt market suggested that their Christmas market will become ‘much more boring’ in the future speaks profoundly of stricter regulation, climate change, and modernisation. Conversely, that Birmingham’s modern market revealed an improved visualscape raises further discussion on the status quo of predicted sensescapes, being not drawn into community expectations. Furthermore, as this study forms part of a larger project exploring multisensory heritage of Christmas markets, it would be doubtful if such elements would have come to light so fruitfully if our focus was solely on visual or physical/spatial components, rather than a holistic multisensory analysis.

The transitions highlighted above ultimately affect both authenticity and identity of a given market, with overall experiential feelings being more generic and less rooted in the traditional—a shift away from the ‘magical atmosphere’ to more functional, and possibly sterile, environments. If authenticity, traditional quality of work, and sensory richness continue to decline as predicted, the future experience of these cultural landscapes is at risk.

Importantly, the gradual change in offerings (to more alcohol and modern wares) perhaps diminishes any “Christmas-ness” of a Christmas market. This is additionally so considering the loss of Christmas music, a decline in religious connections, and lessened interactive Christmas-themed activities. Recognising changed values in the German population, such as the increase in importance of friends and, therefore, social engagement [46], we need to consider at what point will Weihnachtsmärkte be considered ‘Christmas markets’ in the future or simply just ‘markets’ that occur at Christmas time as they used to be in the pre-Bourgeois era. The whole essence of Christmas-ness at these markets appears to be diminishing—whilst there are some positive efforts to retain this existence, identified changes (whether perceived as positive or negative) are ultimately changing the fundamental anchor (Christmas-ness) of the markets. What does it mean if Christmas markets and the ephemeral cultural landscape that they represent are no longer about Christmas? Could this be conceived as a ‘win’ for living heritage or a ‘loss’ of traditional heritage? While numbers of practicing Christians in Europe are recognised to be decreasing [47], that does not necessarily equate to Christmas-style traditions being desired to be discarded. Indeed, there has been an almost doubling of church attendance on special holy days such as Christmas over the last twenty years in Germany, and a reported increase in religious importance across Germany [46]. Such consideration has significant implications for local heritage Christmas market landscapes, and indeed national and/or cross-national landscapes during the Advent period. This may be particularly so in areas of strong immigration incorporating multi-faith populations such as Offenbach, and although beyond the scope of this paper, presents fruitful avenues for future research.

The importance of a multisensory investigation and analysis demonstrated in this paper raises critical contemporary issues considering landscape heritage not previously addressed in the literature. Whilst recognising sample limitations, our study has merit and finds that Christmas markets represent multidimensional ephemeral cultural landscapes. Seen through the lens of ‘traditional’ spatially circumscribed tangible approaches to cultural landscapes, Christmas markets with their arrays of stalls and focal points (e.g., Christmas trees, nativity scenes, carousels) can be equated with temporally constrained miniature villages of a non-residential character. These miniature villages are erected within the confines of an urban open space which acts as a giant stage with the commonly historic buildings providing for a theatrical backdrop.

While the spatial positioning of the focal points tends to be static, providing a temporal consistency, the arrangement of the stalls in rows or as agglomerations with pedestrian circulation spaces echoes urban planning concepts. This is reinforced by the zoning of stalls, on the one hand ensuring a mix of products, while on the other relegating less ‘Christmassy’ offerings to the periphery. From an organiser’s perspective, the ephemerality of a Christmas market not only allows adjustment with the zoning but also permits wholesale restructuring. That can be a dramatic redesign as in the case of the Dresden Strietzelmarkt, where a rigid linear, street-like arrangement of stalls in 2007 was changed into a conglomerate-type of arrangement in 2008, or this can be adjustments to the density of stalls in response to the COVID-19 pandemic [45]. The echoes of urban planning concepts resonate in the Frankfurt Christmas market, which has seen continual spatial expansion akin to urban sprawl. It extended from its traditional core on the Römerberg onto the Paulsplatz in 1973, the Neue Kräme and Liebfrauensberg in 1996, the Liebfrauenstrasse in 1997, the Zeil in 1999, the Mainkai in 2003, and finally the Roßmarkt in 2023 [29]. Even the concept of satellite towns is represented in Frankfurt with the establishment of the LGBTQIA+ ‘Rosa Weihnachtsmarkt’ (since 2012) [48].

Setting aside some tinkering with the spatial distribution of gastronomic offerings, the observed longitudinal structural changes discussed in this paper are unlikely to substantively alter the ‘urban planning’ aspects of the ephemeral cultural landscape that a Christmas market represents. As this paper has shown, however, Christmas markets represent another, distinct cultural landscape which finds expression in the intangible, multisensory realm. The multisensory realities of Christmas markets, which are recognisable and experientable with visual, audio, olfactory, and tactile senses, manifest themselves in the spatial domain as sightscapes, soundscapes, smellscapes, and touchscapes. Cumulatively, the sensescapes can find expression as a melange where individual senses compete for dominance, or as a palimpsest where stimuli for some senses dominate spatially, but where other sense stimuli persist in residual form.

The valuation of cultural landscapes, as that of all heritage assets, is subjective and shaped by the enculturation and the epistemology of the valuer [49]. The underlying tenet is that a valued asset is observable and that this observation can be replicated by others. When we are considering and evaluating ephemeral cultural landscapes, we assume that although these lack permanency, they have a modicum of chronological durability. While this holds true for the tangible construct of a Christmas market, the sensescapes are temporally more volatile. Air temperature, wind, time of day, and number of visitors will affect how soundscapes, smellscapes, and touchscapes, and even how sightscapes will be perceived. This volatility, coupled with the individual enculturation and the epistemology of the valuer, implies that no two visitors will have the same experience and perception of that cultural landscape in a given visit, and moreover, that it is unlikely that even the same visitors will experience the same sensescapes on repeat visits with the same market period, let alone between different years. Despite this, multiple visits would aggregate a sense of expectation of the intangible experience, especially if experienced over longer timeframes, of which any visit would entail anticipated sights, smells, and sounds of the market.

There is a third dimension that needs to be considered here, that of the Christmas markets past. While this does not apply to most tourists and visitors who experience a Christmas market for the first time (ever or at this location) in the here and now, it will affect the local residents. Their memoryscapes are subconscious lenses that will interpret and evaluate the reality of the present as ‘traditional’ and thus implicitly as ‘correct’, or alternatively as ‘modern’ and thus as implicitly alien and ‘not quite right.’

Gradual change in the sensescapes, especially where the tangible component remains consistent, may go largely unnoticed or may be tolerated unless reflection is prompted (which the interviews for this research project may have achieved). Rapid or incisive change, on the other hand, especially when accompanied by structural change in the market layout or set up, may trigger feelings of nostalgia and, if significant structural change occurred affecting the tangible elements of the Christmas markets, also a feeling of solastalgia.

Christmas markets are an event to participate in, but they are also a cultural landscape to experience through traversing the sensescapes. While department stores and online shopping have long since supplanted Christmas markets as the major venues to purchase Christmas presents, they cannot replace the landscape and sensescape presented by Christmas markets.

From the perspective of the management of the cultural heritage assets and the cultural landscapes represented by the Christmas markets, it would be desirable that the tradition of Christmas markets as a whole be recognised by the German Commission for UNESCO [34] or, failing that, that selected Christmas markets be recognised by Ministers for Culture at the state level, such as Nuremberg (Bavaria), Dresden (Saxony), or Frankfurt (Hessia). Such future listings can be aided by systematic historic analyses of these markets as well as by sensescape studies and sentiment analyses. Elsewhere, we have reviewed the nature of material culture associated with such markets [31], as well as the extent to which this material culture is being collected by museums [50]. This paper has shown the contribution that sensescape studies and sentiment analyses can make to the understanding of ephemeral cultural event landscapes.

5. Conclusions

Christmas markets represent a cultural landscape en miniature, the structural elements being overlain by multisensorial elements, with each heritage landscape being unique. Themes of transition are observable across all markets, including a notable shift away from traditional handicrafts towards gastronomy due to increased economic pressures and problems of intergenerational recruitment. Other transition themes emerge from amended government policy and law, with commercialisation and tourist appeal being the central focus.

Most critical is the decline in the intangible sensory and experiential landscape of the German markets, ultimately affecting both authenticity and identity, with the experiential feelings shifting away from the ‘magical atmosphere’ to more functional, sterile environments. Alongside the notable decline in soundscapes and smellscapes, modernisation and commercialisation of German markets present future projections which lack unique identities and traditional experience, being devoid of a distinctive atmosphere, and in the case of small-town markets such as Offenbach, conceivably obsolescent. The decline in the sensory landscape and loss of identity presents German Christmas market futures which can credibly be construed as ‘more boring’ in detail and experience. As Christmas markets represent multidimensional ephemeral cultural landscapes characteristic of urban planning, sensescape changes may trigger feelings of nostalgia or the more negative feeling of solastalgia. However, Birmingham’s Christmas market contrasts these findings, and although anticipated to be less authentic over the next ten years, management processes are actively engaged in processes to energise and revitalise Christmas market landscapes. Our findings highlight potential conflicts considering transition and development across these cultural landscapes in both Germany and the United Kingdom, and issues with respect to heritage and cultural integrity.