4.1. Policy Perspectives on Radon Testing and Mitigation among Homeowners and Renters
Radon remains not only a public health threat but also a policy issue in Utah. Except for the radon mitigation certification law [
40,
41], Utah’s radon laws are nonexistent. The state lacks policies on radon testing, mitigation, and disclosure during real estate transactions and there is not a specific regulation on radon as a health hazard in a way that is similar to lead and asbestos laws [
40]. In addition, there is no stipulation in building codes or a construction standard for radon-resistant new homes nor to have a radon mitigation system as a basic residential feature versus a home upgrade [
40,
41]. Currently, neither homebuilders nor home sellers are required by law to test and disclose radon levels in new and pre-existing Utah homes.
The State of Utah relies on voluntary radon testing, reporting, and remediation. Although radon tests are conducted, it is not required during home construction, building inspection, home purchase, or after occupying a current residence. This may explain why our study showed that 99% of survey respondents in Utah County were unaware of any specific policy or resolution on radon testing and mitigation in the State. The deficit in radon legislation is in stark contrast to the elevated radon hazards presented by Utah’s geological potential for which EPA has classified the whole state as Zone 1 or Zone 2 [
22]. Geologic potential accounts for the factors that facilitate the release of radon indoors such as soil permeability, uranium, thorium, and radium deposits, and groundwater [
40]. Although the state’s geological landscape determines the potential for radon exposure, it is the quality of homes and their capacity to resist the entry of radon indoors that exerts an even more significant impact on an individual’s or a family’s exposure. Likewise, the paucity of radon policies reflects not only the lack of political will, but also the insensitivity to the economic and emotional costs of a lung cancer diagnosis and treatment [
40], particularly for a state that continues to have lung cancer cases despite having the lowest smoking rate in the nation.
Utah has seen some changes in terms of radon support from the real estate and construction sectors. In 2014, radon was added in the Real Estate Due Diligence Checklist as a health hazard that must be considered when buying or selling a home in Utah [
40,
41]. In 2016, the Utah Construction Commission, with the support of the Utah Home Builders Association, voted to allow general contractors to install mitigation systems in new homes, which used to be performed only by licensed mitigators [
41,
42]. Though intended to promote and pre-empt radon-resistant new construction, the potential downsides include the lack of warranty since testing is not required after occupying a new home, the lowering of mitigation certification requirements, and the absence of a state standard on remediation systems. This also contradicts the State’s mitigation certification law that requires professionals who perform radon remediation work to be licensed and nationally certified [
41,
42].
In spite of this policy headway, without legislative pressure and incentives for testing, mitigation, and disclosure of radon levels in new and pre-existing homes, statewide compliance in Utah is not guaranteed. Not every builder may include a radon mitigation system or test for radon. This leaves the public unprotected and the health of families at risk. In addition, the lack of legislative action could translate into the loss of funding leverage for economic assistance for homes needing radon corrective action, especially for low-income families and communities, and the loss of financial support for radon research.
4.2. Role of Policymakers in Increasing Radon Awareness, Testing, and Remediation
Participants in our study were asked about their views on various actions that local and state policymakers should do to heighten radon awareness, testing, and remediation (
Table 8). Both the Environmental Health and Vital Records participants expected their policymakers to intensify public education and awareness efforts regarding radon. Although participants were more likely to express an expectation from their policymakers to offer public education than legislative mandates, both groups were similarly supportive of radon policies on testing, disclosure, and mitigation during home construction, inspection, and purchase. As shown in
Table 2, both groups expressed the need for state laws requiring testing and reporting of radon levels, particularly in schools (98%), followed by businesses (85%), and homes (81%). Majority (92%) are supportive of requiring radon-resistant features in new homes (92%) and incorporating radon testing and mitigation in building codes (89%), with home sellers (34%) having the primary responsibility for disclosing radon levels to potential homebuyers. Interestingly, more participants in the Vital Records Group articulated the need for expanding access to radon testing (
Table 8). This could have stemmed from an assumption among participants in this group that testing costs were prohibitive without knowing that radon testing is relatively cheap. The Vital Records Group also voiced greater uncertainty regarding what to expect from their policymakers, which may stem from a knowledge deficit about radon (
Table 8). It is possible that those respondents, who did not feel well-informed about radon and its health effects, may have been hesitant to suggest a legislative path to increase testing while also weighing the potential short- and long-term implications of such policies.
A key public health implication that is easily obscured from a policy context is the synergistic damage caused by smoking and radon. The combined effects of smoking and radon increases the risk of lung cancer much more than either exposure alone. Of the deaths from radon-induced lung cancer, 86% are in current and previous smokers [
43]. Lantz, Mendez, and Philbert [
43] made an emphatic call to action to integrate radon risk reduction policies and messaging with the tobacco cessation and lung cancer screening programs as a cost-effective public health measure. This could potentially reinvigorate policymakers’ attention on radon reduction regulations in Utah. A “test, mitigate, and quit” public health message from a consolidated smoking cessation and residential radon control program is legislatively appealing, not only because it is needed and economical, but because it also offers the opportunity to geotarget current and former smokers in radon hotspots.
However, the reverse could also happen. It is possible that a consolidated strategy may not receive sufficient legislative backing as Utah has not only the lowest smoking rate but also the lowest cases of lung cancer and lung cancer deaths (16.4) in the nation vs. the national rate of 34.8 deaths per 100,000 [
44]. By lung cancer incidence, Utah reported a 25.6 age-adjusted incidence rate per 100,000 population in 2016, which was approximately half the national rate of 56 per 100,000 population [
45]. In terms of adult smoking rates, Utah has a 9% statewide average smoking rate compared to the national average of 14% in 2019 [
46,
47]. However, when the state average is disaggregated by counties, the EPA Zone 1 counties in Utah, which have the highest indoor levels of radon, are also the counties that reported the highest smoking levels among adults 18 and older, as compared to Utah County, an EPA Zone 2, which reported the lowest rate in the state at 4.1%. For Utah’s seven EPA Zone 1 counties, adult smoking rates were comparatively elevated with Carbon at 23.1%, the highest in the state; Grand at 18.7%; Duchesne at 17.1%; Piute at 16.5%; Uintah at 15.4%; Sevier at 13.9%; and Sanpete at 11.9% [
48].
Policies on radon preventive measures and remediation are cost-effective. Gray, Read, McGale, and Darby looked at the cost-effectiveness of radon policies in terms of preventing lung cancer deaths from indoor radon exposure, cost of remediation, and as complementary to smoking reduction policies [
49]. They concluded that expanding the policy nationwide on requiring even basic radon-reduction features in all homes was more cost-effective than limiting it to only the new homes, and thus, should be incorporated in building regulations [
49]. Additionally, their analyses showed that such policy could prevent a thousand deaths from lung cancer in 20 years of implementation [
49]. This preventive measure remained cost-effective even when compared to the policy of requiring full remediation of existing homes only if indoor radon exceeded 200 Bq/m
3 (5.4 pCi/L), which is the action level in the U.K. [
49]. Gray et al. contended that this action level-based policy on existing homes disregarded the fact that lifetime exposures to radon, even when below the action level, were still significantly associated with radon-induced lung cancer, especially among smokers [
49]. Nevertheless, remediation measures were deemed cost-effective, particularly among home residents who were current smokers, and would benefit current and future homeowners.
4.3. Bridging the Gap between Radon Awareness and Testing Behavior: Social Cognitive Constructs and Radon Policy Perspectives
Despite the dearth in radon policies, Utah has public education programs and awareness campaigns on radon that have been supported by the State Legislature [
40,
41]. In 2013–2015, funding appropriations were allocated for media and electronic campaigns to increase public awareness of radon. For instance, in 2013, the Substitute Concurrent Resolution on Radon Gas (SCR 11) authored by then Representative John Valentine, designated January 2014 as Utah State Radon Action Month to coincide with the National Radon Action Month [
40,
41]. Additionally, USD 25,000 was allocated for electronic media campaigns on radon and lung cancer [
41]. Then again, no comprehensive legislative measure regarding radon testing, reporting, and mitigation has been brought forward since 2013.
Radon testing behavior in Utah remains low. Investments in radon awareness and public education have not translated into a widespread testing culture. Of the Utah County homeowners and renters surveyed in our study, 69% reported having heard about radon from broadcast, print, and social media including personal associations, health organizations, and healthcare providers. Nevertheless, when asked whether they have ever tested their homes for radon, 90% admitted to never having done so. The results of this study are similar to the findings of the 2013 Behavioral Risk Factor Surveillance System (BRFSS) Survey in Utah in which 80% have not ever tested their homes for radon [
28]. Based on the BRFSS data, the top 5 reasons for not testing included: “haven’t thought about it” (34.6%); “not at risk/not needed” (14.1%); “don’t know what radon is” (13.3%); “don’t own home/renting” (8.1%); and “house is new” (8.0%) [
19]. Fifty-one percent of the BRFSS respondents knew that lung cancer was associated with radon [
28]. However, 18.5%, believed that radon was associated with asthma and almost as many (17%) thought that it wasn’t even associated with any health condition [
28]. What was concerning was that despite investments in educational programs on radon, a substantial percentage of respondents (48.4%) remained unaware of the severity of the medical consequence of radon exposure, while others erroneously ascribed the effects of radon exposure to a different chronic disease [
28].
There appears to be a gap in the translational pathway between radon knowledge and testing/mitigation behavior. In addition to a policy vacuum, the findings from the 2013 BRFSS survey and from our study suggest that there are intervening factors between radon awareness and testing that could either dampen or drive the trajectory towards testing. Although the use of the action-level approach (i.e., risks are negligible if action is taken to reduce risk to a certain level) in public health risk communication is straightforward and easy-to-understand for residents and homeowners, such approach does not account for the complex interactions of several determinants that influence the perception of risks, which has “context-specific” and “multidimensional” elements [
50,
51]. The context-specific aspect includes social norms such as “community, cultural and social values, and behaviors” while the multidimensional component is comprised of “cognitive and emotional responses” [
51]. However, the dissemination of radon information focuses typically and inordinately on the cognitive/information aspect but neglects to incorporate the emotional and contextual elements of risk perception, which drive individual action. According to Adler and Pittle [
52], the desired behavior is not dependent on “empirical knowledge,” but largely on “philosophical and ideological factors” [
52]. Hence, Johnson and Luken recommend that government programs identify and incorporate components that will positively impact the behavioral intent to voluntarily carry out radon protective measures, which would then translate radon information into an effective policy tool [
50].
Behavior change theories provide the theoretical framework for examining the determinants of risk perception and health behavior [
53], such as radon testing. In particular, the Social Cognitive Theory focuses on the dynamic and reciprocal influences of one’s environment on behavior and on personal/cognitive factors [
54]. One’s social environment shapes the individual inasmuch as the individual shapes his or her social environment. Through behavioral modeling and observational learning, one learns by watching, imitating, and modeling the behavior and attitudes of others, particularly those within one’s immediate social network. Behavioral modeling motivates through social support, emotional encouragement, and verbal persuasion as one learns from others’ actions. As new behavior is learned, both self- and collective efficacy are enhanced, which further reinforces the behavior. For instance, Davis et al. [
30] examined the role of risk perception, behavioral modeling, self-efficacy, and radon knowledge on increased residential radon testing—all four of which were found to be positively associated with the desired behavior.
Policy perspectives and mitigation behavior are both influenced by risk perception. Johnson and Luken’s study [
50] on the perspectives of Maine homeowners showed that even when provided with objective risks to encourage voluntary radon mitigation, such as actual home radon levels, pamphlet material on radon health risks, and suggestions on reducing radon exposure, their perceived risks still significantly underestimated the objective health risks of radon. Weinstein, Klotz, and Sandman [
55] found similar results among New Jersey residents. There was no statistically significant relationship between objective risks and increasing mitigating behavior [
55]. Although improved radon knowledge may convince respondents of the seriousness of the health issue, the presence of “optimism bias” [
55] led residents to significantly underestimate their own personal risks for radon, even when presented with radon facts.
To comprehend the knowledge-to-action gap from a policy context, our study examined the influence of demographic characteristics and social cognitive constructs on radon policy perspectives.
Table 3,
Table 4,
Table 5,
Table 6 and
Table 7 list both unadjusted and adjusted associations between characteristics and opinions on policies regarding: (1) mandating testing and reporting of radon levels in homes and (2) businesses; (3) including testing and mitigation in building codes; (4) specifying the use of radon-resistant materials in building codes; and (5) the total number of affirmative responses to the questions on radon policy. Questions pertinent to behavioral modeling or observational learning, a social cognitive construct [
54], inquired about having been encouraged by a family member, friend, or neighbor to test for radon. Questions on risk perception, a Health Belief Model construct [
56], asked about the personal importance of unseen risks, radon levels at home, and having to worry about being sick from radon.
In terms of demographic characteristics, our study found a strong association between having pro-radon policy perspectives and being female, younger (18 to 44 years of age), and of a lower socioeconomic status (annual income of USD 15,000 to USD 64,999). The substantial association between being female and younger and answering affirmatively the policy questions on having laws mandating testing and mitigation could be explained by the influence of the social support network that behavioral modeling creates. In terms of social cognitive constructs, the higher the behavior modeling, the greater the likelihood of testing for radon and of answering “yes” to all five policy questions. Previous studies have shown that females typically have larger social networks [
57], were more likely to share health information within their social networks [
58], and were more likely to perceive radon as a health concern than men [
59,
60,
61]. Thus, the strong association between being female, younger, and having pro-radon policy perspectives may be explained by the influence of the social support networks that favor behavioral modeling and a heightened perception of personal risk, which promotes a health-seeking behavior.
Conversely, being male, older (45 years and above), having a higher annual household income (USD 65,000 or greater), but lower behavior modeling and risk perception scores were less likely to be associated with radon testing behavior and answering “yes” to having radon policies. It is possible that being an older male and having a higher income underestimate the personal risks of radon. Risk perception is a factor of both the perceived susceptibility and perceived severity of threat [
55]. Despite the common assumption in public health that heightened awareness of health risks will rationally result in increased precautionary action, and in the case of radon, improved testing and/or mitigation behavior, there is actually a tendency to underestimate risks, or express optimism bias, especially the more the risk becomes personal than collective. This may explain why increased radon awareness, though positively related to increased perception of risk to the community, does not automatically result in personal testing and/or mitigation behavior. Misinterpretation of risk through optimism bias could be used to excuse inaction, particularly from an environmental threat, such as radon [
55].
The findings of our study showed an increased likelihood of testing among those in the lower socioeconomic bracket. The pro-testing behavior among low-income individuals and families seen in our study counters the findings from several research on radon exposure and testing by socioeconomic status. Both smoking and radon are known to disproportionately affect the poor who are more likely to be financially challenged by the cost of mitigation [
62,
63]. Nevertheless, the motivation to test may be explained in part by renting or living in basements and/or by having landlords either subsidize or pay wholly for testing, particularly if required by law. This pro-radon policy stance may also come from the safety net provided by various organizations that provide radon mitigation assistance to low-income individuals, families, and communities. Weinstein, Klotz, and Sandman posited that the public tend to take risk seriously, even to the point of overreacting, when the accountability for mitigating the risk falls on others or on government entities rather than on themselves as homeowners [
55]. However, further research needs to examine this specific demographic association.
Radon testing is a cancer prevention behavior. An accurate assessment of exposure while also emphasizing the social context of radon risk, especially within the context of risk behaviors such as smoking and poor testing compliance, could help prevent lung cancer. Where threat, such as radon-induced lung cancer, is perceived as “distal and uncertain,” it could easily be downplayed or disregarded [
51]. Radon information will lead to testing behavior if the other elements of risk perception, such as the emotional and social components, are addressed [
31,
51]. Since health risks or threats are shared experiences [
51], individuals tend to gravitate toward their social networks, particularly those whom they trust. Having a family member, friend, or neighbor who models radon testing is predictive of future testing and support for pro-radon testing/mitigation policies. Thus, incorporating behavioral modeling and risk perception in radon prevention strategies enhances the progression from knowledge-to-action, that is, from radon awareness to radon testing. This would likely require shoring up educational and awareness efforts by targeting not only the individual but also the individual’s immediate social network who could reinforce a radon testing behavior. This could also mean utilizing peer-to-peer mentoring to develop a cadre of highly motivated individuals, who are benefited by the positive feedback from group encouragement and from the experience of carrying out a cancer prevention behavior.
Future efforts to reduce the incidence of radon-related lung cancer in Utah should include the following initiatives: (1) advocating for legislative action on statewide radon testing, disclosure, mitigation, and the construction of radon-resistant homes; (2) collaborating with several disciplines, such as psychology, and building a statewide radon coalition involving public health, nonprofit organizations, radon mitigation professionals, health care institutions, researchers, and other stakeholders; (3) applying and evaluating theory-based interventions that target the motivational influences of one’s social environment to promote the translation of radon knowledge into testing behavior; and (4) incorporating the social, emotional, and cognitive elements of risk perception and testing behavior in radon education programs.
The Iowa Radon Coalition (IRC), comprised of almost 100 stakeholders, may serve as a model program to build from. Since its inception in 2010, the IRC has worked to increase radon awareness, testing, and mitigation across Iowa, and has pursued policy interventions related to testing and mitigation. From 2009 to 2014, these efforts resulted in a 20% increase in radon testing, and a 108% increase in radon mitigations completed by certified contractors in Iowa [
64].
Limitations of this study include a relatively small sample size, which may explain some wide confidence intervals that likely reduced power for detecting statistically significant associations between participants’ characteristics and opinions of radon policies. The cross-sectional design may mean the results represent awareness and opinions of radon policies and associations between participants’ characteristics and opinions of radon policies during a specific time (i.e., May 2014–January 2016). Thus, the results may not reflect changes in awareness and opinions of radon policies and associations between participants’ characteristics and opinions of radon policies over time. Although associations between participants’ characteristics and opinions of radon policies were adjusted for multiple potential confounders, bias from unmeasured confounders (e.g., political party affiliation or ideology, smoking status) could have affected some of the results. The convenience sample may mean results do not generalize to all Utah County residents or to other populations in Utah. The meanings of “I don’t know” and “I am not interested in this issue” responses were unclear but including categories for those responses in analyses could be similar to including a missing data indicator variable, which has been shown to bias results [
65]. Therefore, “I don’t know” and “I am not interested in this issue” responses were recoded as missing values, and multiple imputation was used to impute all missing data in the variables used for analyses [
33,
34].