1. Introduction
Childhood overweight and obesity have emerged as a critical public health concern during dietary transitions worldwide, and the consumption of sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs) is identified as a pivotal etiological factor [
1]. A growing body of research establishes excessive sugar intake as the primary determinant of nutrition-related health risks [
2,
3], and sugar-sweetened beverages contribute to weight by either stimulating appetite or suppressing satiety signaling [
4]. The epidemiological data reveal that global childhood obesity rates reached 159 million cases in 2022, representing a threefold increase since 1990 [
5]. China faces particularly severe challenges in this regard, as the Global Burden of Disease Study ranks it as the country with the highest absolute number of pediatric obesity cases [
6]. Notably, Chinese boys and girls rank 70th and 102nd, respectively, in global obesity prevalence [
5], underscoring the urgency of addressing this public health issue. A sugar-sweetened beverage is any drink with caloric sweeteners, such as carbonated soft drinks, sports drinks, energy drinks, fruit drinks, chocolate (or otherwise sweetened) milk, and sweetened coffee and tea [
7]. The global sugar consumption has tripled over the past five decades [
8], and the consumption rates of sugar-sweetened milk beverages (30%), and regular SSBs (25%) among Chinese children and adolescents substantially exceed those of adults [
9]. Multi-regional investigations confirm this trajectory, including nationally representative surveys [
10], South China studies [
11], Northeast China analyses [
12], and North China research [
13]. Importantly, SSB consumption patterns in childhood exhibit longitudinal persistence and often extend into adolescence [
14]. Given that adolescence constitutes a critical period for dietary habit formation [
15], it is imperative to target sugar-reduction interventions for this demographic [
16]. Consequently, the systematic investigation of the determinants and mechanisms underlying pediatric SSB consumption is essential for developing evidence-based strategies to reduce intake and advance the realization of the “Healthy China 2030” initiative.
Schoolchildren’s sugar-sweetened beverage consumption is influenced by various factors, with the family microsystem playing a pivotal role. Existing research primarily examines the influence of familial factors on children’s SSB consumption across three interrelated dimensions. First, the material environment significantly affects consumption feasibility. Household economic capital [
17] and the accessibility of SSBs [
18] increase children’s access to these beverages. Moreover, media exposure indirectly influences dietary behavior by shaping nutritional cognition [
19]. Second, from a normative behavioral perspective, parental nutrition literacy contributes to the intergenerational transmission of implicit dietary norms [
20,
21]. In addition, explicit parental interventions, such as dietary restrictions, have been shown to directly affect adolescents’ beverage choices [
22,
23]. Third, the modeling effect represents a key mechanism of dietary transmission. Parents’ consumption of unhealthy foods is positively associated with children’s SSB intake [
24], whereas health-supportive parental behaviors are inversely related to children’s SSB consumption [
25]. Importantly, inadequate caregiving may further exacerbate environmental risks, particularly during early childhood. For example, maternal absence due to migration has been identified as a critical factor with potentially long-term adverse effects on a child’s development [
26].
With the transformation of economic and social structures, the change in family structure has led to an increasing reliance on intergenerational care among schoolchildren in developing countries [
27]. By 2015, 244 million individuals, roughly 3% of the global population, were involved in international migration [
28]. By 2020, 22% of children in China (66.9 million) were in situations where their parents had moved within the country [
29]. With the migration of both parents for employment, grandparents increasingly serve as primary caregivers for children [
26,
30,
31], exerting substantial influences on children’s cognitive development and health-related well-being. Notably, the increasing involvement of grandparents in childcare is not limited to China but also encompasses countries such as the United States [
32], Italy [
33], and other European nations [
34]. However, compared with Western countries, grandparents in China are more likely to take care of children [
27,
35]. Wu and Zhang (2017) [
36] found that about 71% of children lived with their grandparents in the sample. In terms of cognitive development, grandparents’ care contributes to children’s social skills [
37], but it may negatively affect adolescents’ non-cognitive skills [
38]. Regarding health and well-being, grandparents’ support contributes to adolescents’ life satisfaction [
39], yet it is also linked to declines in their grandchildren’s academic performance [
31]. Moreover, grandparent care significantly increases the risk of childhood obesity [
40], and it is detrimental to the health of rural children [
41]. Intergenerational care often relaxes behavioral restrictions for children. Concurrently, the proliferation of social media increases screen time exposure among children, thereby elevating sedentary behavior and raising the likelihood of unhealthy food purchases [
42].
It is predominantly qualitative rather than quantitative research that examines the impact of intergenerational care on schoolchildren’s SSB consumption [
43]. In China, the accelerated advancement of industrialization and urbanization has significantly intensified interregional population mobility, leading to a large-scale demographic transition [
44]. This transition has contributed to a distinct intergenerational division of family care responsibilities, whereby intergenerational care has evolved into a crucial institutional mechanism for reconciling the temporal–spatial conflicts between parental labor participation and child-rearing obligations [
37]. Qualitative studies have identified both beneficial and detrimental dietary influences associated with grandparental care. On the one hand, grandparents may model healthy eating, encourage the consumption of nutritious foods, and provide children with greater autonomy in dietary decisions [
42,
45]. On the other hand, they often fail to restrict energy-dense, nutrient-poor foods. Some studies report that grandparents offer unhealthy foods, including SSBs, as rewards, tokens of affection, or means of pacification [
40,
46,
47]. Other studies suggest that grandparents are moderate in providing unhealthy foods such as SSBs [
43,
48], and may even foster a healthy food environment by limiting access to unhealthy options [
49]. It is more common to provide healthy foods and beverages for grandchildren than SSBs [
50]. In conclusion, grandparent care plays an important role in shaping the nutritional environment and eating behavior of children and adolescents [
39,
47,
51]. However, it is unclear whether and how intergenerational care affects schoolchildren’s consumption of SSBs in China.
Based on data from the 2014–2015 China Education Panel Survey (CEPS), this study systematically examines the impact of intergenerational care on schoolchildren’s consumption of SSBs, as well as the mechanisms underlying this relationship. To address potential endogeneity, this study uses the proportion of intergenerational care in the same region, excluding the current sample as an instrumental variable. Furthermore, this study identifies key mediating factors, including schoolchildren’s social media exposure time, TV media exposure time, pocket money, and parental supervision, to explore the main transmission channels through which intergenerational care influences schoolchildren’s consumption of SSBs.
The main contribution of this paper lies in three key aspects. Firstly, this study enriches the understanding of how the family environment influences schoolchildren’s dietary and consumption behavior. These results highlight the need for targeted interventions to regulate SSB consumption within these specific subgroups. Secondly, this study systematically examines the impact of intergenerational care on SSB consumption among middle school students from one-child families. This study contributes to the understanding of the underlying mechanisms through which grandparental care influences SSB consumption among junior high school students in only-child families. Lastly, this study establishes a framework of nutrition and health policy grounded in optimizing family environments. Through analysis of parent–child interaction dynamics, this study provides actionable strategies to cultivate healthy dietary habits in youth. Further, its empirical framework offers insights for developing countries to mitigate children’s unhealthy consumption practices. The remainder of this paper is organized as follows.
Section 2 introduces the data sources, variable specifications, and research methodology.
Section 3 reports the empirical findings.
Section 4 presents a discussion.
Section 5 offers a general conclusion.
4. Discussion
This study examines the impact of intergenerational care on schoolchildren’s consumption of SSBs and explores the underlying transmission mechanisms. Using data from the 2014–2015 China Education Panel Survey (CEPS), we focus on grandparents’ care behavior rather than living with grandparents to more accurately measure intergenerational care indicators. In addition, to address potential endogeneity, we employ the proportion of intergenerational care in the same region (excluding the focal sample) as an instrumental variable. In order to ensure the robustness of the results, we apply the PSM method and conduct additional robustness checks by excluding samples not living with their grandparents. The results reveal that intergenerational care significantly increases SSB consumption among middle school children in one-child families.
These findings extend the literature on household environments and children’s consumption of sugar-sweetened beverages (SSBs) in developing countries. Existing research has established parental influences on children’s SSB intake, including parental education [
54], parenting rules [
18], parent modeling of food rules [
25], and parental support [
25]. Beyond these factors, intergenerational care emerges as another substantial determinant of children’s SSB consumption. Our findings provide an additional empirical support for this conceptual linkage.
For one-child families, intergenerational care increases schoolchildren’s consumption of SSBs because of the exposure to digital networks, pocket money, and parental supervision. Intergenerational care has been found to increase schoolchildren’s exposure to digital media, subsequently influencing their consumption of SSBs. Generally, grandparents find it challenging to supervise younger grandchildren alongside fulfilling their responsibilities, so they may rely on media as an accessible tool to keep children occupied [
57]. Compared to television, digital devices are more difficult to regulate, as TV content adheres to scheduled time slots and is inherently easier to control [
58]. When grandparents assume caregiving responsibilities, they exhibit greater permissiveness toward media usage, and grandfathers are more lenient than grandmothers [
57]. This dynamic substantially elevates the risk of screen addiction among schoolchildren.
Marketing of SSBs is pervasive across television and digital media, significantly increasing the likelihood of children consuming SSBs [
19,
59]. Children and adolescents exhibit heightened vulnerability to food marketing influences due to factors including immature cognitive development, peer pressure, and excessive digital media exposure [
13], which collectively drive increased consumption of SSBs. Greater screen time among children and adolescents is associated with the neglect of a healthy diet [
60], and television can influence children’s consumption of SSBs by providing an environment that encourages frequent consumption of SSBs [
61]. Celebrity involvement in food marketing further guides children’s SSB consumption behavior [
62]. With the development of emerging technologies, television has increasingly been supplanted by smartphones, which promote youth access to the internet and social media platforms [
63]. Marketing to younger consumers through digital media is more profitable and further increases youth exposure to unhealthy digital food and beverage promotions [
56], leading to increased purchasing and consumption of SSBs.
Intergenerational care reduces opportunities for parental supervision and increases the likelihood of parental financial support, leading to increased consumption of SSBs among schoolchildren. First, in the intergenerational guardianship model, parents provide less direct supervision due to work mobility or living in different places, which weakens parents’ supervision, especially that of fathers [
42]. Simultaneously, grandparents, influenced by traditional parenting concepts, often engage in “intergenerational spoiling.” Second, compensatory financial support becomes the key mediating variable, and parents compensate for the lack of companionship by increasing their financial allowances. However, due to limitations in nutritional cognition and self-control, children are prone to unhealthy consumption behaviors. Empirical evidence indicates that children who receive regular financial allowances consume approximately 12% more sugar from SSBs per week than those who do not [
13]. Notably, intergenerational disparities in nutritional knowledge exacerbate this issue, as the grandparent generation exhibits substantially lower awareness of the health hazards associated with SSB consumption compared to the younger parent generation. Such intergenerational discrepancies can lead to excessive consumption of these beverages among schoolchildren in intergenerational care households, thereby significantly increasing the risks of obesity and dental caries.
Consistent with previous literature, our study confirms that increased intergenerational care is associated with greater screen time among children [
42]. With the declining influence of TV media and the growing prominence of social media, children who use digital online media, impacted by self-regulation ability and peer pressure [
13,
63], are more likely to consume SSBs [
64]. Similarly, intergenerational care weakens parental supervision [
42], and the lack of parental companionship is compensated for by providing higher living allowances [
65], further exacerbating SSB consumption among children. Children’s consumption of SSBs should be addressed through family nutrition and health education, along with the establishment of rules for time management and pocket money allocation.
The heterogeneity analysis shows that there exist multidimensional differences in the impact of intergenerational care on schoolchildren’s SSB consumption. Specifically, at the individual level, intergenerational care in one-child families is positive and significantly associated with SSB consumption in boys, whereas no such significant effect is observed among girls. It is possible that a majority of girls adhere to regulating their beverage intake, whereas boys may present more heterogeneity in beverage consumption [
66]. At the family level, intergenerational care in families with higher parental education levels has a more prominent role in promoting schoolchildren’s consumption of SSBs. At the school level, intergenerational care significantly increases schoolchildren’s SSB consumption if children do not have health education in schools. This means that educational intervention yields a modest effect on reducing SSB consumption [
67]. This finding underscores the need to establish a tripartite intervention framework between individual, familial, and institutional dimensions, and the finding focuses on potential risks to children’s nutritional health stemming from intergenerational care.
This study acknowledges several methodological limitations that warrant consideration. First, the lack of quantitative data on schoolchildren’s exact SSB intake amounts means that we have to rely solely on consumption frequency metrics, which may compromise measurement accuracy. Furthermore, the mechanistic exploration remains incomplete due to inherent complexities in mapping the causal pathways through which intergenerational care influences schoolchildren’s dietary behaviors. While multiple plausible transmission mechanisms exist (e.g., caregiver purchasing patterns, intergenerational health literacy transmission, and family meal dynamics), the current analytical framework, constrained by data availability and variable operationalization limitations, focuses on verifying several predominant transmission pathways rather than exhaustively examining all potential mediators.