1. Introduction
According to the latest UN figures, approximately 54% of the world’s population live in areas classified as urban [
1]. According to an emerging literature on urban concentration and economic growth, different world regions experience various challenges often related to rapid rates of urban growth or urban lifestyle. However, study conclusions often differ on the effects [
2]. While populations in more developed regions are approximately 78% urban, in less developed regions, the equivalent proportion is 49%. In the Least Developed Countries (LDCs), 31% of the population live in urban areas, which is projected to increase to 50% by 2050 [
1]. In densely populated cities, the negative impacts of rapid urban growth include high rates of pollution, translating into ill-health, overcrowding and housing deprivation [
3,
4].
While still predominantly rural, in the last 60 years, Bangladesh has experienced rapid urban growth, which has had a number of important consequences in terms of the country’s human development. According to UN data [
1], in 1950, only 4.3% of the population were urban, compared to over 28% in 2011. During this period, the urban population grew rapidly, increasing 26-fold and exceeding 42 million by 2011. At the same time, the rural population, while still considerably larger, only increased threefold, reaching almost 108 billion in 2011. The annual rate of urban growth was particularly high between 1960 and 1980, when it exceeded 6%, slowly stabilising in recent years with an average urban growth rate of around 2.8% between 2005 and 2010.
In Bangladesh, rural to urban migration has been the main contributor to urban growth, accounting for around 70% of urban growth in the city of Dhaka [
5]. Bangladesh is one of the most vulnerable countries in the world in terms of the impacts of climate change [
6]. Among the top 39 cities exposed to natural hazards, Bangladesh’s Dhaka is listed as the seventh most vulnerable city, while Chittagong in south-eastern Bangladesh is in 37th place [
7]. The risk of floods, cyclones and other natural disasters from various factors, including sea level rise, is particularly high in the Ganges Brahmaputra Meghna (GBM) delta region, where environmental hazards along with poverty and lack of employment opportunities constitute push factors for migration [
8,
9]. While rural poverty is still predominant in the region, similar to the trends in other developing countries, urban poverty and intra-urban inequalities have been on the rise [
10,
11,
12,
13,
14]. Rapid growth of cities and peri-urban areas has resulted in increased slum dwellings and greater complexity of urban areas [
15]. Despite considerable progress in health indicators [
16,
17], large intra-urban disparities continue to exist, based on income, assets, social status and access to resources.
Given the evidence regarding the negative impacts of poorly managed or unplanned urban growth, ensuring inclusive urbanisation is crucial in order to advance sustainable development of communities and countries. Acknowledging the key role of urbanisation for human development, Sustainable Development Goal (SDG) 11 aims to “make cities and human settlements inclusive, safe, resilient and sustainable” [
18]. In light of the growing recognition of urbanisation as part of broader development processes [
19,
20,
21,
22,
23] and, consequently, human well-being, it is crucial to investigate the extent of existing intra-urban inequalities in rapidly urbanising economically and environmentally vulnerable countries and regions.
In this context, the main purpose of this study is to empirically assess the degree of wealth-based inequalities in human well-being in urban areas and assess the impact of wealth and other socio-demographic characteristics on the human well-being of households and individuals in the GBM delta in Bangladesh. Understanding these inequalities is crucial because the presupposed human well-being gap between rich and poor in urban areas can hamper the progress of development [
24]. In the analysis, we focus on three specific aspects of well-being, i.e., health, education and overall consumption and use data from the most recent Bangladesh Population and Household Census as well as the 2010 Household Income and Expenditure Survey (HIES). These data are analysed applying standard inequality measures, such as Atkinson index, concentration index and concentration curves as well as logistic regression modelling. The next section describes and discusses the data and methods used. In
Section 4, we discuss the results of the analysis examining the extent of intra-urban inequalities in selected well-being indicators. The final part of the paper contains conclusions and policy recommendations in the context of the current debates pertaining to the SDGs.
4. Conclusions
In contrast to the MDGs, the new SDG agenda recognises that sustainable development is conditional on inclusive and well-managed urban growth. Urbanisation has the ability to transform societies, and cities are the primary engine of economic growth and human development. Sustainable urban development will thus accelerate progress towards the achievement of the SDGs and contribute to the end of extreme poverty. Like other developing countries, Bangladesh is becoming increasingly urban. In Bangladesh, rapid urban growth is often accompanied by economic and environmental vulnerability, in particular in the delta region. In this context, the aim of this study was to investigate the extent of wealth-based intra-urban inequalities in the Bangladeshi Ganges Brahmaputra delta. The findings of our study show that stark inequalities exist in all aspects of human well-being, as measured by selected well-being indicators.
More specifically, the widest inequalities are found in educational attainment and access to postnatal healthcare, which is likely to be related to limited access to these services for the poorest urban dwellers. Ceteris paribus, for women from the richest households, the odds of benefiting from postnatal care are 2.7 times the odds for women from the poorest households. Women from the richest households are also significantly more likely to benefit from antenatal care. Inequalities are less pronounced when looking at gastric diseases. However, even in this case, the proportion of the poorest individuals suffering from a gastric disease is higher than the aggregate average. In terms of regional differences, the results of this study show that households residing in Chittagong are most likely to have the highest levels of consumption expenditure, while households residing in the coastal divisions of Barisal and Khulna are associated with the lowest levels of consumption. Likewise, regional inequalities exist in educational attainment and access to reproductive healthcare facilities.
Disparities were also found in educational attainment, as the urban poor mostly spend their earnings to fulfil the most basic needs such as food and shelter [
36]. Hossain (2005) [
36] showed that more than 60% of the poor had no formal schooling and, at the time of the study, in 50% of households at least one school-age child was not attending school. A negative association between being female and having low educational outcomes was also found in previous studies. This may be attributed to the social context of Bangladesh, which is often characterised by female seclusion and subordination as well as limited exposure to new information [
37], despite recent progress in gender equity [
15]. Inadequate housing and use of polluted water in informal urban settlements and slum areas are a frequent cause of infectious diseases [
38,
39]. Thus, relatively low inequalities in gastric diseases can be attributed to the overall poor sanitary conditions and overcrowding in cities [
31].
While the present study makes an important contribution to the existing body of literature, it has some limitations. First, as highlighted previously, we acknowledge a possibility of endogeneity bias owing to potential reverse causality between independent and dependent variables. As highlighted by previous studies [
40], the relationships between education, wealth and consumption are complex and often bi-directional. Second, related to the first point, the results of this study relate to the strength and direction of association and do not necessarily imply causal effects. Further analysis is required to determine the latter.
Given the stark intra-urban inequalities in human well-being, it is crucial that global and national human development agendas and plans account for the existing and anticipated consequences of urban growth. Therefore, when investments in different sectors are made, investors should keep in mind the concept of “sustainable cities”. A sustainable city can be defined as an organised system that enables all its citizens’ needs to be met without damaging the natural world or endangering the living conditions of other people, now or in the future [
41]. Thus, a sustainable city is a place where people live with sufficient income and free of anxiety. In this context, the SDG11 on sustainable cities and communities is an important step, both politically and from a policy and operational perspective. In addition to the SDG on urbanisation, inclusion of an overarching goal on inequalities constitutes a positive development in the recently endorsed SDG agenda. Given the results of the present study, it would be recommended that in addition to the current SDG indicators [
42], additional indicators include variables allowing the monitoring of progress in reducing intra-urban inequalities in human well-being. In order to ensure progress in sustainable development targets and specific indicators pertaining to urbanisation, it is crucial to establish effective monitoring and evaluation mechanisms within a wider accountability framework.