The Intersectional Lens: Unpacking the Socio-Ecological Impacts of Oil Palm Expansion in Rural Indonesia

Abstract

The Indonesian palm oil industry faces enduring social, environmental, and sustainability challenges stemming from rapid expansion over the past decade. Although technologies exist to enhance productivity and balance economic and ecological goals, adoption among smallholders remains limited. This study explores how rural communities respond to the climate crisis and how social and environmental justice is distributed within palm oil-producing regions in Indonesia. Using an exploratory qualitative design grounded in a collective social change perspective, data were collected through observations and document studies to examine institutional dynamics influencing smallholder behavior. The analysis applies institutional logic to understand smallholder attitudes toward sustainability and innovation, and institutional context to assess constraints such as limited access to land, credit, and technical resources. Findings reveal that structural barriers—including corruption, weak legal certainty, and social exclusion—impede innovation and reinforce inequality. This study contributes theoretically by integrating eco-colonialism, intersectionality, and political ecology frameworks to advance understanding of socio-ecological justice in palm oil governance. It highlights how gender, ethnicity, and class shape access to resources, vulnerability, and resilience, emphasizing that environmental issues are embedded in broader power structures rooted in colonial legacies and neoliberal policies. Practically, the research calls for community-centered, participatory policies that recognize customary land rights, institutionalize transparent licensing and FPIC processes, and strengthen smallholder capacity through ISPO-aligned training. These measures can foster inclusive governance, mitigate conflict, and enhance sustainability, contributing to more equitable and resilient palm oil supply chains.

1. Introduction

The rapid expansion of palm oil plantations has significantly transformed rural landscapes across Indonesia. Land that once supported forests and diverse community gardens (agroforestry) has been converted into monoculture plantations, representing a form of modern extractivism that prioritizes global profit over local ecological sustainability. This expansion has generated widespread land conflicts between companies and indigenous or local communities [1]. Through cultivation rights permits (Hak Guna Usaha or HGU), corporations frequently acquire lands that have been traditionally owned and managed by local populations but lack formal certification. Such practices reinforce structural inequalities, as corporate and state interests often override community rights [2]. The global demand for palm oil—used in products ranging from food to cosmetics—intensifies these dynamics, producing what scholars describe as a form of global injustice. While countries in the Global North benefit from cheap consumer goods, nations in the Global South, such as Indonesia, bear the environmental and social costs [3]. Poor and indigenous communities are the most vulnerable to eviction, marginalization, and environmental degradation, as they have limited access to legal and political mechanisms to defend their rights [4,5].

The expansion of palm oil in Indonesia reflects not only ecological degradation but also deeply embedded social hierarchies shaped by class, ethnicity, and gender. Existing studies tend to isolate environmental or economic dimensions, overlooking how structural inequalities and global power relations interact to shape local vulnerabilities. To address these interlinked issues, this study employs intersectionality and eco-colonialism as complementary analytical lenses. These realities can be understood through the theoretical lenses of eco-colonialism and intersectionality, which together reveal how colonial legacies, structural power relations, and environmental exploitation intersect to shape community vulnerability. Eco-colonialism frames the environmental crisis as an extension of historical domination and resource extraction, while intersectionality illuminates how social categories—such as gender, ethnicity, and class—mediate exposure to ecological harm and access to justice [6,7]. Together, these perspectives highlight that environmental degradation is not only an ecological problem but also a manifestation of enduring social and political inequalities.

Employing this concept, we can see that the issue of palm oil is not merely about “tree felling” or “pollution,” but rather about a long history of injustice, power, and domination that perpetuates both environmental and social crises simultaneously. Empirically, the expansion of palm oil plantations in Indonesia has been proven to be the main trigger of widespread agrarian conflicts. Data from the Agrarian Reform Consortium (KPA) consistently places the plantation sector, particularly palm oil, as the largest contributor to land conflicts, which often involve the takeover of indigenous peoples’ and local communities’ land through legal schemes such as cultivation rights (HGU) [8,9]. The high number of agrarian conflicts in Indonesia is shown in the figure below (see Figure 1).

Figure 1 reflects not only formal disputes but also deep power inequalities between large corporations and rural communities. Reports from Sawit Watch reinforce these findings, showing how corporate power, backed by state regulations, is able to override undocumented traditional rights, leading to systematic evictions and land grabs [10].

Land grabbing due to palm oil expansion has a direct impact on the socio-economic conditions of the community [6,11]. Communities that have lost their land are often forced to switch professions from independent farmers to wage laborers on plantations. Data from the Central Statistics Agency (BPS) shows that wages in this sector are often unstable and below the minimum standard, creating a new cycle of poverty. Data on wage inequality in the palm oil sector is presented in the table below (see

Table 1. Year-on-year palm oil sector wage data and comparison with minimum wage.

Region	Palm Oil Worker Wages (in IDR)	Minimum Wage 2022	Minimum Wage 2023	Minimum Wage 2024
Riau	Approximately IDR 2.8–3.6 million. Note: many daily/contract workers receive fluctuating incomes (wages per kg of fresh fruit bunches or daily) [7].	IDR 2,938,564 [1]	IDR 3,191,662 [2]	IDR 3,294,625 [2]
Center Kalimantan	Approximately IDR 2.5–3.3 million (indicative; many daily/piecework workers; wages often depend on the piecework/harvest system, so monthly income varies and is sometimes below the minimum wage) [3].	IDR 2,922,516 [4]	IDR 3,181,013 [4]	IDR 3,261,616 [4]
West Papua	Approximately IDR 2.5–3.4 million (indication/estimate; wage conditions in Papua/West Papua tend to vary greatly: some projects/labor providers use outsourcing with very low wages; there are also workers who receive wages close to/above the minimum wage, depending on the company). NGO field reports and investigations show wage vulnerability, outsourcing practices, and cases of violations [5].	IDR 3,200,000 [12]	IDR 3,282,000 [12]	IDR 3,393,500 [12]

Source: various studies, 2025.

).

Based on Table 1, a number of oil palm workers (especially casual daily workers, outsourced workers, and those paid on a per-TBS basis) often receive incomes below the local provincial minimum wage, especially in areas with intensive piecework practices. Low wages in the oil palm sector trap communities in economic dependency and make them vulnerable to exploitation. Various academic studies published in journals such as the Journal of Rural Sociology and Agriculture also confirm this transition, highlighting the loss of economic independence and increased social vulnerability among affected communities [13,14].

Empirically, the negative impacts of the palm oil industry are not felt equally, but rather affect groups that are already intersectionally vulnerable. The Indigenous Peoples Alliance of the Archipelago (AMAN) [15] documents how indigenous peoples are losing not only their land, but also their cultural identity, which is closely tied to nature. Furthermore, gender analysis shows that rural women bear a disproportionate burden. Reports from organizations such as the ILO and academic research focusing on gender and the environment show that women are losing their traditional economic roles as gatherers of forest products and natural resources, and often face discriminatory and exploitative working conditions on plantations. This confirms that the palm oil issue is a complex one involving gender, class, and ethnicity [16]. This is the case in several regions in Indonesia, such as Riau, West Papua, and Central Kalimantan.

Riau is experiencing the expansion of oil palm plantations, which has led to agrarian conflicts due to the conversion of indigenous peoples’ land and pollution from factory waste that is harming the health of local residents. In addition, although it increases income, oil palm also encourages consumptive patterns among the community that have the potential to weaken the sustainability of the local economy [17]. Meanwhile, the palm oil industry in West Papua has been shown to damage river basins by increasing sedimentation and water pollution, as well as reducing the quality of the community’s environment. The loss of customary forests also cuts off local communities’ access to food, medicine, and culture, which form the basis of their livelihoods [18]. Similar damage has also occurred in Central Kalimantan. The expansion of oil palm plantations in Central Kalimantan has often reduced the amount of land available to local communities, causing them to lose their traditional livelihoods. In addition, the practice of burning land to clear it for oil palm plantations has exacerbated forest fires and haze, which have had a widespread impact on health and ecosystems [19].

These cases show that the negative impacts of the palm oil industry are not only local in nature but also closely related to broader economic and political structures. Therefore, in order to understand the root causes and socio-ecological implications of these issues, a theoretical framework is needed that can explain the connections between resource exploitation practices, global power relations, and the vulnerability of certain community groups. This study argues that the socio-environmental crisis arising from the palm oil industry in Indonesia cannot be fully understood without the frameworks of eco-colonialism and intersectionality. Theoretically, eco-colonialism shows how the logic of domination and exploitation inherited from the colonial era continues to persist [20,21]. This is manifested in large-scale extraction of natural resources in countries in the Global South, such as Indonesia, to meet global market demand in the Global North. The expansion of oil palm plantations is a contemporary manifestation of this extractivist model, in which diverse forests and lands are converted into monocultures that benefit corporations rather than local communities. The urgency of this research stems from global market pressures and regulations (EU, import policies), the climate crisis, human rights violations, and governance reform efforts that demand empirical evidence combining social justice and ecological sustainability.

This approach highlights that palm oil expansion is not only about environmental destruction, but also about systemic land grabbing. Through legal schemes such as cultivation rights (HGU), companies often take over customary and communal lands, ignoring the traditional rights of communities that are not formally documented. This practice creates deep structural injustice, where indigenous peoples and local communities that have historically been marginalized, often due to poverty and lack of political representation, are the most vulnerable to eviction and loss of livelihoods. This reinforces the cycle of poverty and dependence on unequal wages, perpetuating power inequalities.

Furthermore, the intersectional framework allows us to see how the impact of the palm oil industry is felt differently by groups that overlap in terms of identity. For example, women in rural areas are often the ones who suffer the most, losing access to natural resources that are important for household subsistence and also facing the risk of exploitation as plantation workers. Their identity as women, combined with their social class and ethnicity, shapes a unique experience of injustice. Thus, this issue is not only about the conflict of “corporations versus communities,” but also about how gender, class, and ethnicity influence the distribution of vulnerability and resilience in the face of industrial expansion.

In light of these dynamics, this study seeks to answer the question of how rural communities respond to the climate crisis and how social and environmental justice is distributed within palm oil-producing regions in Indonesia. It also asks in what ways eco-colonial and intersectional perspectives can reveal the hidden mechanisms of exclusion and vulnerability for rural communities often overlooked within social and environmental justice approaches. By addressing these questions, this research contributes to expanding the theoretical scope of rural sociology and sustainable environmental governance studies. It moves beyond dominant techno-managerial narratives by conceptualizing palm oil expansion as part of a broader struggle for agrarian justice and decolonization. Accordingly, this study operationalizes eco-colonialism by examining how state–corporate alliances reproduce colonial patterns of resource control, while intersectionality is applied to analyze how overlapping identities such as gender, ethnicity, and class shape differentiated experiences of dispossession and resistance. These frameworks guide the case analysis presented in the following sections, allowing for a multi-layered understanding of socio-ecological inequality within Indonesia’s palm oil sector.

2. Objective

This study argues that palm oil problems cannot be resolved solely through technical or environmental approaches. Instead, an eco-colonial/intersectional approach emphasizes the need for environmental justice, decolonization, and structural reform as prerequisites for sustainability. Theoretically, this article contributes to rural sociology by showing how the processes of industrialization and globalization in rural areas are not neutral, but shaped by a history of power and injustice. By analyzing the relationship between colonialism, capitalism, and social inequality, this study paves the way for a more comprehensive understanding of the environmental crisis as an extension of existing social injustice.

In line with this framework, this study has three main objectives: first, to analyze the existing governance and practices of the palm oil industry in the study area by highlighting the relationship between state actors, corporations, and local communities, particularly in terms of access to land, labor, capital, and knowledge; second, to identify the socio-ecological impacts of oil palm plantation expansion and how this affects the distribution of environmental justice, taking into account factors such as gender, class, ethnicity, and Indonesia’s interconnectedness in the global value chain that reproduces eco-colonial dynamics; and third, to formulate a community-based institutional innovation model that can strengthen the internal capacity of smallholders, integrate sustainability principles, and encourage socio-technical innovation to link social justice with ecological sustainability in palm oil governance.

3. Materials and Methods

3.1. Research Design

This study uses an exploratory qualitative case study design [22] based entirely on secondary data because this study focuses on interpreting well-documented institutional and socio-ecological dynamics using credible secondary sources, which are valid empirical materials in qualitative inquiry [23]. This method is important to strengthen data triangulation, which increases the credibility and validity of the results and findings. It also explores and traces in depth the mechanisms and causal relationships of the dynamics of policies to changes in social and institutional structures to provide support for the synthesis of research results across cases and regions. The main focus is on examining the socio-ecological consequences of oil palm plantation expansion in rural Indonesia through an intersectional perspective. The analysis was conducted in three regions with contrasting characteristics: Riau, as the most-established palm oil landscape with long-established institutional arrangements; Central Kalimantan, which represents corporate-driven expansion with recurring tenure conflicts; and West Papua, which stands out for its issues of indigenous rights and ecological vulnerability. Based on the frameworks of political ecology and intersectionality, this study examines how differences in access to land, labor, capital, technology, and institutional mechanisms shape unequal social and ecological outcomes. Through this approach, the study aims to reveal how variations in local contexts influence the distribution of environmental justice and open up opportunities for institutional and technological innovation in smallholder production systems.

The research draws on secondary sources published within the last five years (2020–2025), including peer-reviewed journal articles, government regulations and policy documents, NGO and civil society reports, and credible media investigations. The inclusion criteria were (1) materials providing empirical or analytical discussion on palm oil governance, socio-ecological impacts, or justice-related issues in the three selected regions; and (2) sources produced by reputable institutions or experts in the field. The exclusion criteria were (1) documents lacking verifiable sources or methodological transparency, and (2) opinion pieces or advocacy materials without analytical depth.

3.2. Site Selection

This study focuses on three provinces in Indonesia that show striking differences in the dynamics of oil palm expansion and its socio-ecological impacts, namely Riau, Central Kalimantan, and West Papua. Riau represents an area with an established palm oil industry and a relatively stable institutional network. Central Kalimantan illustrates a pattern of expansion dominated by corporations with high intensity of tenure conflicts and smallholder dependence on plasma schemes. Meanwhile, West Papua represents a new frontier context, where issues of indigenous peoples’ rights, social marginalization, and ecological vulnerability are more prominent. These regional differences provide an important context for examining how variations in local conditions affect the distribution of environmental justice and open up opportunities for institutional and technological innovation in smallholder production systems. Figure 2 shows the locations of these three provinces in the Indonesian archipelago.

3.3. Data Collection and Data Sources

This study employed document analysis and qualitative synthesis to collect and integrate information from multiple secondary sources. The data consisted of 3 academic books, 41 peer-reviewed and online scientific articles, 7 mass media reports, and 4 institutional or research reports [see

Table 2. Data collection and data sources.

No.	Data Resources	References	Brief Relevance	Data Category
1.	Document Reports	Agrarian Reform Consortium (KPA). (2024) [10]. Agrarian Reform Consortium’s 2024 Year-End Notes: Is There Agrarian Reform Under Prabowo’s Command? A Report on Agrarian Conflict and Policy During the Political Transition. Retrieved from https://www.kpa.or.id/2025/01/adakah-reforma-agraria-di-bawah-komando-prabowo/ (accessed on 18 September 2025)	Provide critical insights into agrarian reform, indigenous rights, labor exploitation, and sustainability challenges linked to palm oil development.	Institutional reports
		MAN. (2024) [15]. 2024 Year-End Notes of the Indigenous Peoples Alliance of the Archipelago: Power Transition & the Future of Indigenous Peoples. Retrieved from https://www.aman.or.id/publication-documentation/304 (accessed on 18 September 2025)
		International Labour Organization (ILO). (2024) [16]. Eliminating the vulnerability of female workers to exploitation in the palm oil and fisheries sectors. Retrieved from https://www.ilo.org/resource/news/eliminating-vulnerability-female-workers-exploitation-palm-oil-and (accessed on 18 September 2025)
		WWF Indonesia. (2023) [24]. Study on Increasing Indonesian Palm Oil Production. Retrieved from http://www.wwf.id/id/blog/peningkatan-produksi-sawit-indonesia-berbasis-tipologi-intensifikasi-dan-ekstensifikasi-kebun (accessed on 18 September 2025)
2.	Government Documents and Website	Ppid Riau. (2022) [1]. Riau’s Minimum Wage Increases by 8.61 Percent, Manpower and Transmigration Office: Companies Must Pay. Retrieved from http://ppid.riau.go.id/berita/4805/ump-riau-naik-8-61-persen--kadisnakertrans--perusahan-wajib-bayar (accessed on 18 September 2025)	Highlight the intersections between labor conditions, wage policies, and palm oil production, which shape the socio-economic dimensions of oil palm expansion in rural Indonesia.	Government documents
		Media Center Riau. (2023) [2]. Upah Minimum Provinsi Riau 2024 Naik Rp 3.294.625. Retrieved from https://mediacenter.riau.go.id/read/82292/sudah-ditetapkan-ump-riau-2024-naik-sebesar-r.html (accessed on 18 September 2025)
3.	Books	Creswell, J. W. (2007) [22], Woolf, N. H., & Silver, C. (2017) [25], Miles, M. B., Huberman, A. M., & Saldana, J. (2014) [26].	Provides the methodological foundation for designing and conducting qualitative research to unpack the complex socio-ecological impacts of oil palm expansion.	Methodology
4.	Previous Study	Ayompe, L. M., Schaafsma, M., & Egoh, B. N. (2021) [11]. Towards sustainable palm oil production: The positive and negative impacts on ecosystem services and human wellbeing. Journal of Cleaner Production, 278, 123914. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.jclepro.2020.123914 Berenschot, W., Dhiaulhaq, A., Hospes, O., Afrizal, & Pranajaya, D. (2024) [8]. Corporate contentious politics: Palm oil companies and land conflicts in Indonesia. Political Geography, 114, 103166. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.polgeo.2024.103166 Busch, L. (2010) [14]. Can Fairy Tales Come True? The Surprising Story of Neoliberalism and World Agriculture. Sociologia Ruralis, 50(4), 331–351. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9523.2010.00511.x Kansanga, M. M., Bezner Kerr, R., Lupafya, E., Dakishoni, L., & Luginaah, I. (2021) [27]. Does participatory farmer-to-farmer training improve the adoption of sustainable land management practices? Land Use Policy, 108, 105477. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.landusepol.2021.105477 Widianingsih, I., Abdillah, A., Hartoyo, D., Putri, S. S. U., Miftah, A. Z., & Adikancana, Q. M. (2024) [28]. Increasing resilience, sustainable village development and land use change in Tarumajaya village of Indonesia. Scientific Reports, 14(1), 31831. https://doi.org/10.1038/s41598-024-82934-2	Describe the socio-ecological impacts of palm oil through diverse lenses, ecosystem services and human wellbeing, corporate land conflicts, neoliberal agricultural dynamics, participatory knowledge exchange, and community resilience in land use change, enriching the intersectional analysis of oil palm expansion in rural Indonesia.	Research article
5.	Media	Bisnis.com. (2025) [12]. West Papua’s 2025 Minimum Wage Set at IDR 3.61 Million. Retrieved from https://papua.bisnis.com/read/20241209/415/1822876/ump-2025-papua-barat-ditetapkan-rp361-juta#:~:text=Bisnis.com%2C%20MANOKWARI%20%2D%20Dewan,UMP%202024%20yaitu%20Rp3.393.500 (accessed on 18 September 2025) Trisnawati, S. (2025) [4]. Central Kalimantan’s Minimum Wage to Increase by 8.8 Percent in 2023. Radio Republic Indonesia. Retrieved from https://rri.co.id/daerah/1182755/upah-minimum-provinsi-pekerja-kalteng-naik-6-5-persen (accessed on 18 September 2025) MerdekaPlanet. (2025, May 2) [19]. West Kalimantan Palm Oil Expansion: Are Workers Neglected Amidst Corporate Profits? Planet Merdeka. Retrieved from https://planet.merdeka.com/hot-news/ekspansi-sawit-kalbar-nasib-buruh-terabaikan-di-tengah-keuntungan-korporasi-395131-mvk.html (accessed on 18 September 2025) Wiko, S., & Amin, S. (2024) [5]. “Fraudulent Investment”: Exposing the Burdens and Benefits of Palm Oil Investment in Papua. Retrieved from https://epistema.or.id/kabar/bodongnya-investasi-sawit-di-papua/ (accessed on 18 September 2025) Arif, A. (2024, May 3) [18]. Palm Oil Plantations Destroy Watersheds in West Papua. Kompas. Retrieved from https://www.kompas.id/artikel/perkebunan-kelapa-sawit-terbukti-merusak-daerah-aliran-sungai-di-papua-barat (accessed on 18 September 2025)	Illustrate how wage policies, labor conditions, and contested investment practices intersect with palm oil expansion, revealing both socio-economic vulnerabilities and corporate-driven inequalities in rural Indonesia.	Website

Source: processed from various sources, 2025.

]. These materials were selected based on their credibility, empirical relevance to palm oil expansion in Indonesia, and analytical depth in addressing socio-ecological issues. Table 2 provides details of the data sources used in this study.

Based on Table 2, the data analysis focused on identifying patterns linking resource inequality, social vulnerability, and ecological impacts arising from palm oil expansion. A qualitative content analysis was conducted through a systematic process of data reduction, categorization, and thematic interpretation. To enhance reliability, the study employed multiple validation strategies: (1) source verification by cross-checking information from academic, policy, and NGO reports; (2) methodological triangulation through the use of complementary qualitative synthesis techniques; and (3) theoretical triangulation by interpreting data through the combined lenses of political ecology and intersectionality. These steps ensured consistency, minimized researcher bias, and strengthened the credibility of the findings.

In terms of representativeness, the selection of secondary materials ensured balanced coverage across different provinces (Riau, Central Kalimantan, and West Papua) and types of sources, so that each region’s institutional and socio-ecological dynamics were proportionally reflected in the dataset. This approach follows Lincoln and Guba’s (1985) criteria of trustworthiness, specifically, credibility, dependability, and confirmability, by maintaining transparency in data selection and analytical consistency throughout the research process [29]. Such representational balance and transparent documentation enable the findings to reflect diverse empirical realities rather than isolated narratives, thereby enhancing the overall trustworthiness and analytical reliability of the study.

3.4. Data Analysis

Qualitative data analysis in this study was conducted using NVivo 12 Plus [25,26], developed by QSR International, which is used to organize, code, and analyze text and multimedia data. It helps researchers efficiently identify patterns and themes through tools for coding, querying, and data visualization. In this study, NVivo 12 Plus was employed to systematically manage and analyze secondary data, supporting thematic analysis and visual presentation of findings.

The process initiated with data collection and import into NVivo, accompanied by preliminary data cleaning to confirm consistency and accuracy. The coding process was then undertaken, where text segments relevant to the research theme were labeled and categorized. Thematic coding was organized into multiple stages to facilitate analysis and enable comparisons across regions.

The coding framework is organized into three major nodes: (1) Current Social Conditions, (2) Dynamics of Palm Oil Expansion, and (3) Distribution of Social and Environmental Justice, each containing several sub-nodes. For example, under Palm Oil Expansion Dynamics, sub-nodes include Access to (Land and Resources), Smallholder Production Systems and Institutional Dynamics, Socio-Economic Conditions of Rural Communities, Technology Adoption and Knowledge Systems, Ecological Transformation, and Narratives and Power Relations. Using this hierarchical framework provides a basis for thematic synthesis and facilitates consistent cross-regional comparisons.

Node comparison queries were applied to examine themes that co-occurred across the three provinces, enabling the identification of region-specific mechanisms. The matrix coding and visualization features in NVivo were used to map the interactions between nodes, particularly between institutional factors and socio-ecological outcomes. NVivo’s visualization tools similarly provided the means to create project maps and models illustrating the relationships between governance structures, ecological vulnerability, and patterns of social inequality.

The dataset consists of 4 institutional reports, 41 peer-reviewed articles, and 7 reports from NGOs or media publications between 2010 and 2025. These documents were purposively selected based on their relevance to palm oil governance and socio-ecological impacts in Riau, Central Kalimantan, and West Papua. This sampling logic ensures balanced representation across sources and regions, providing a comprehensive basis for comparative qualitative analysis.

In order to ascertain coding consistency and analytical accuracy, the coding process adopted an iterative refinement procedure (Figure 3). Coding rules and definitions were documented in a codebook that was continually updated during the analysis. Periodic inter-peer evaluations and coding reviews were performed to evaluate the stability of node classifications and theme interpretations. NVivo coding comparison and query tools were used to verify coding consistency across themes, ensuring transparency and reproducibility along the analytical process [29,30].

4. Results and Findings

4.1. Existing Conditions of Oil Palm Expansion in Rural Indonesia: Study in Riau, Central Kalimantan, and West Papua

It is important to emphasize that palm oil expansion in Indonesia does not occur uniformly across all regions. Riau, Central Kalimantan, and West Papua present different contexts in terms of land tenure, the institutional dynamics of smallholder farmers, the socio-economic conditions of rural communities, and the accompanying ecological transformations [31,32,33].

The variation in oil palm expansion across these regions is driven by historical, social, economic, and ecological factors distinct to each province. In Riau, the longstanding presence of commercial plantations, associated with more advanced infrastructure and market access, has led to more extensive and large-scale expansion [34]. Meanwhile, the expansion in Central Kalimantan has been affected by ongoing and complex land rights conflicts and the co-existence of smallholder farmers against corporate plantations, leading to a more fragmented and controversial development scheme [33]. In West Papua, the expansion of oil palm plantations faces challenges derived from recent land claims by less formal indigenous communities, lack of adequate infrastructure, and stronger local resistance due to environmental concerns and community opposition [35].

These regional variations are further shaped by differing levels of government intervention, institutional support, and local power dynamics, all of which influence access to land and resources as well as the social acceptance and distribution of benefits and burdens associated with oil palm cultivation [33,34,35]. Furthermore, the development narrative accompanying oil palm expansion is fraught with power relations that often marginalize indigenous peoples and smallholder farmers [35,36,37].

To understand this complexity, the following table,

Table 3. Existing conditions of oil palm expansion in rural Indonesia.

Dimension	Riau	Center Kalimantan	West Papua
Access to Land and Resources	The majority of land is controlled by large companies, with a plasma scheme for small farmers. There are many agrarian conflicts related to the conversion of customary forests.	Land is mixed between company concessions and local community ownership; overlapping permits are common. Community access to natural resources is limited, particularly productive land and secondary forests.	The land is still relatively vast, but formal control is in the hands of the state and corporations. Indigenous peoples have lost access to primary forests, rivers, and traditional food sources.
Smallholder Production Systems and Institutional Dynamics	Small farmers are bound by plasma patterns, limited autonomy, and dependence on companies. Local institutions are weak, with formal cooperatives rarely functioning optimally.	Smallholder farmers use a hybrid system: partly subsistence, and partly following the palm oil market. Village institutions have begun to regulate the distribution of inputs, but formal regulations are often ignored.	Indigenous farmers still use traditional subsistence systems, but are slowly integrating into the palm oil market system. Local institutions are very limited, with many decisions being made by companies and the provincial government.
Socio-Economic Conditions of Rural Communities	Income is relatively more stable due to integration into the palm oil market, but there is a high dependence on companies. Education and health services are moderate, and access to infrastructure is better.	Income is volatile due to dependence on palm oil yields and forest fires. Public services are limited, poverty rates remain high, and labor migration to cities is increasing.	Income is low and unstable, largely dependent on subsistence farming and seasonal work on palm oil plantations. Access to education and health services is very limited.
Technology Adoption and Knowledge Systems	Moderate technology adoption: use of fertilizers, pesticides, and modern harvesting techniques on plasma land. Dissemination of knowledge through companies and cooperatives.	Technology adoption varies; small farmers are limited to local knowledge, and the use of fertilizers and traditional tools is still dominant. Local innovations are beginning to emerge, such as crop rotation and controlled burning techniques.	Technology adoption is very low, and traditional practices are dominant. Formal technical knowledge is almost non-existent, and technology transfer is limited.
Ecological Transformation	Extensive deforestation, and conversion of primary and secondary forests into monocultures. Water and soil pollution due to palm oil waste.	Loss of secondary forests and peatlands, annual fires, soil degradation, and loss of biodiversity.	Loss of primary forests and rivers, habitat fragmentation, decline in the quality of river and terrestrial ecosystems, and threats to local biodiversity.
Narratives and Power Relations	The narrative of palm oil development as economic modernization of villages, but emphasizing corporate dominance. In unequal power relations, small communities are in a subordinate position.	The narrative of development is more mixed: there is talk of community welfare, but implementation is often controlled by companies. Power relations are complex, with negotiations between villages, investors, and the government.	The palm oil narrative is seen as an opportunity for national development, but the marginalization of indigenous peoples is high. Power relations are highly asymmetrical, with companies and the central government dominating decision-making.

Sources: derived from various sources [24,33,38,39], 2025.

, summarizes the existing conditions in these three provinces based on a number of analytical dimensions, including access to land and resources, production systems, socio-economic conditions, technology adoption, ecological transformation, and narratives and power relations.

Based on Table 3, the expansion of oil palm plantations in rural Riau, Central Kalimantan, and West Papua shows similar yet unique structural patterns in each region. In Riau, the dominance of large companies through plasma schemes limits the autonomy of small farmers and strengthens their dependence on market mechanisms controlled by corporations [6]. This leads to an accumulation of distributive injustice: production profits are concentrated in companies, while ecological and social costs, such as land conflicts and waste pollution, are borne by local communities. According to the Agrarian Reform Consortium, 2024, there were 154 conflicts related to National Strategic Projects (PSN) that affected 103,000 families and covered 1 million hectares of lands, involving the takeover of customary and local community lands, which ignore the traditional rights of communities that are not formally documented [10]. Conflict related to palm oil expansion was also confirmed by the AMAN (2024) report, detailing that in 2024, there were 687 land-related conflicts, which resulted in indigenous people losing 11 million hectares of their land, with at least 925 people being criminalized and 60 people experiencing violence by state security forces [15].

In Central Kalimantan, despite a combination of farmer-owned and company-owned land, overlapping permits, and weak formal regulations, the bargaining position of small farmers is weakened, making them increasingly vulnerable to land degradation and annual forest fires [40]. Meanwhile, West Papua presents a more extreme context of marginalization, where indigenous peoples have lost access to primary forests, rivers, and traditional food sources, so that ecological shifts directly affect their cultural and social existence [35,41]. This is confirmed by WWF Indonesia (2023) [24], which reports that in 2020, the national oil palm plantation area increased by approximately 0.9 million hectares to 17.2 million hectares. Of this area, approximately 3.4 million hectares are considered “illegal” because they are located in forest areas. This expansion contributes to deforestation and ecosystem degradation [24].

The internal dynamics of smallholder production systems in these three regions reveal institutional limitations and capacity for innovation. In Riau, the plasma system provides limited access to technology and production inputs, but still relies on corporate guidance, so local innovation is rare [42]. In Central Kalimantan, hybrid practices—subsistence combined with commercial production—allow for some local innovations, such as crop rotation or controlled burning techniques, but adoption of formal technologies remains low [33,43]. Meanwhile, in West Papua, subsistence systems and limited access to technical knowledge hinder the potential for innovation, resulting in slow integration into the palm oil market and continued reliance on traditional practices [42]. This analysis shows that local institutions and access to knowledge are critical factors that determine the capacity of smallholders to innovate in the face of economic and ecological pressures.

Ecological transformation and power relations in these three regions also reveal different dimensions of environmental justice. In Riau, widespread deforestation and the conversion of forests into oil palm monocultures demonstrate that the mechanisms for distributing benefits and risks are highly unequal, confirming corporate dominance [44,45]. In Central Kalimantan, soil degradation, loss of secondary forests, and annual fires emphasize the weakness of procedural justice, as local communities have minimal space for participation in decision-making and land management [34,46]. Meanwhile, West Papua highlights the issue of recognitional justice, where the loss of primary forests and rivers threatens not only ecosystems but also the cultural existence of indigenous peoples [35,41,47]. This cross-regional analysis confirms that solutions to palm oil expansion cannot be based solely on technical or economic considerations, but must take into account the distribution of benefits, the strengthening of local institutions, and the recognition of the rights and knowledge of communities, in order to achieve socio-ecological sustainability.

4.2. Socio-Ecological Impacts and Environmental Justice Distribution

The problems caused by the palm oil industry cannot be solved solely through technical or environmental approaches [48,49]. Eco-colonial and intersectional approaches emphasize the need for agrarian justice, decolonization, and structural reform as the basis for sustainability [50,51,52]. The expansion of palm oil plantations has different social and ecological impacts across regions, with uneven distribution and injustices related to class, gender, and ethnicity.

The varying socio-ecological impacts of oil palm expansion in Riau, Central Kalimantan, and West Papua are shaped by distinct underlying mechanisms in each region. In Riau, extensive commercial plantations and a long history of land commodification have led to repeated land conflicts and environmental degradation, particularly in peatland areas prone to fires and subsidence. The concentration of land ownership and weak enforcement of environmental regulations exacerbate these impacts. In Central Kalimantan, fragmented land governance and overlapping permits contribute to tenure insecurity, while weak institutional support limits the capacity of smallholders to adopt sustainable practices, leading to deforestation and soil degradation. In contrast, West Papua faces more recent yet rapidly expanding plantation development, often occurring on customary lands without proper consent, which threatens both the ecological integrity of high-biodiversity forest areas and the cultural survival of indigenous communities. These region-specific dynamics highlight how structural inequalities, ecological vulnerability, and institutional capacity shape the uneven distribution of environmental burdens and social injustice in the palm oil sector.

The Figure 4 below presents a comparison of socio-ecological impacts and their relationship to environmental justice in three major palm oil development regions in Indonesia—Riau, Central Kalimantan, and West Papua—while illustrating how ecological burdens and economic benefits are distributed among communities (see Figure 4).

Based on Figure 4, the expansion of the palm oil industry in Indonesia has had varying socio-ecological impacts across regions, reflecting the uneven distribution of economic benefits and ecological burdens. In Riau, the expansion of palm oil plantations has put significant pressure on local communities, particularly small farmers, laborers, and indigenous peoples. The conversion of community-owned land into large plantations has led to unequal economic dependence and recurring agrarian conflicts. From an ecological perspective, massive deforestation and water and air pollution have exacerbated local vulnerability. The ecological burden is borne by the community, while the economic benefits go to large corporations. This inequality reflects class injustice [37], with low-income communities marginalized [6]. Women are losing access to food and forest resources [53], and indigenous peoples are being excluded from decisions regarding land use [54].

Conditions in Central Kalimantan show a similar pattern of impact, but with different local characteristics. Local communities face reduced access to rattan and food fields, which are traditional sources of livelihood [6,46]. Ecological impacts such as forest fires caused by land clearing and the loss of local natural resources add to social vulnerability. The ecological burden of smoke and land loss is borne by local communities, while investors enjoy economic benefits [55]. In terms of socio-ecological justice, class inequality persists, women lose access to rattan and food, which are important for household resilience, and local ethnic groups are marginalized in land ownership and project consultation processes [56].

In West Papua, indigenous peoples face more complex challenges as the destruction of primary forests and rivers threatens their living spaces and biodiversity [47,57]. The use of forests and rivers for food and traditional medicine is increasingly limited, adding to ecological and social vulnerability [57]. The ecological burden is borne entirely by indigenous peoples, while large companies reap the profits. Class, gender, and ethnicity inequalities are becoming more apparent; women are losing access to food and traditional medicine and their cultural roles are being reduced, while the identity and rights of indigenous peoples are not formally recognized, leading to deep cultural marginalization [41,58].

A comparative analysis of these three regions shows that palm oil expansion is not merely an environmental or economic issue, but rather a complex problem of social structure and injustice. These findings are in line with Afrizal et al. (2024), Csevár & Rugarli (2025), and Suryaningsih et al. (2023) [6,47,54], who state that oil palm plantations cause land conflicts, loss of customary rights, deepening class divisions, loss of livelihoods, fires, ethnic/gender marginalization, and militarization. Different ecological impacts reinforce the vulnerability of communities that are already socio-economically weak. The unequal distribution of benefits and burdens underscores the importance of a holistic approach, including agrarian reform, recognition of indigenous peoples’ rights, and inclusive participation in decision-making [59,60,61].

By understanding the link between ecological pressures and social injustice, sustainability efforts in the palm oil sector can be designed to not only protect the environment but also uphold a more equitable socio-ecological justice.

5. Discussion and In-Depth Synthesis

Analysis of the existing conditions of oil palm expansion in Riau, Central Kalimantan, and West Papua shows that structural inequalities in access to land, capital, and technical knowledge limit smallholders’ ability to innovate independently. The dominance of large companies and weak regulations places smallholders in a subordinate position, while social and ecological risks, such as land degradation, pollution, forest fires, and the marginalization of indigenous peoples, continue to increase. These impacts confirm that conventional technical solutions or sustainable certification alone is not enough; truly innovative approaches must take into account the internal capacity of smallholder farmers, as well as their relationship with natural resources, technology, and markets.

To address the dimensions of eco-colonialism and neoliberalism, efforts must be directed toward restructuring governance in a way that provides space for community sovereignty. This includes the establishment of community land trusts to secure the land rights of small farmers and indigenous peoples [62] and fair trade agreement mechanisms that guarantee fairer selling prices in the global supply chain [63], as well as community involvement in participatory environmental governance schemes [64]. In addition, cross-border advocacy at the ASEAN level and in global forums can strengthen the bargaining position of Global South countries so that they do not merely become suppliers of cheap raw materials for the Global North. Thus, this concrete step not only improves governance at the local level but also challenges the global economic structure that perpetuates neo-colonialism through extractivism and neoliberal deregulation.

Building on these insights, community land trusts (CLTs) serve as a promising mechanism for addressing issues related to land ownership disparities in marginalized communities. Research highlights that CLTs enhance climate resilience and counter dispossession through community-led stewardship [65]. Similarly, Manning et al. (2023) highlight the Sogorea Te’ Land Trust as a model for rematriating land and fostering cultural and ecological restoration (climate mitigation, food security) in urban indigenous contexts (reducing conflict) [66]. Conversely, several studies raise concerns about the limitations and unintended consequences of CLTs and similar collective tenure models. Formal collective titles alone did not guarantee secure livelihoods or effective resource management, as state policies and external pressures often undermined community rights [67]. Notess et al. (2020) highlight procedural and legal barriers, including slow and complex formalization processes and government reluctance, which can limit the practical benefits of CLTs for vulnerable communities [68]. Research findings across Riau, Central Kalimantan, and West Papua indicate persistent challenges in land ownership, tenure insecurity, and marginalization of smallholders and indigenous communities due to palm oil expansion. In this context, community land trusts (CLTs) emerge as a practical mechanism to address land disparities. In Tarumajaya, CLTs have been successfully implemented by transferring land rights from companies such as PT Lonsum Indofood Tbk to the community under Minister of Agrarian Affairs and Spatial Planning/National Land Agency Regulation No. 18/2021, allowing collective management for productive activities, housing, and social infrastructure [28]. Compared across regions, the potential of CLTs varies: in Riau, conflicts primarily involve corporate encroachment on smallholder plots, whereas in West Papua, challenges are tied to indigenous land rights and ecological vulnerability.

From a theoretical perspective, CLTs exemplify the intersection of eco-colonial and intersectional approaches by redressing historical injustices, strengthening community agency, and embedding social and ecological justice into land governance. The collective management model reduces vulnerability along axes of gender, class, and ethnicity, illustrating how structural inequities shape access to resources and resilience. The causal level of eco-colonialism applies through regulatory capture and market dependency that channel economic benefits upward while shifting ecological costs to marginalized groups [52,69,70]. Intersectionality explains how this burden is unevenly distributed: women farmers and indigenous farmers experience double exclusion due to gender-based division of labor, as is the case in Central Kalimantan and West Papua, where Dayak women and Papuan women experience the double burden of losing access to land for farming and river water pollution, as well as flooding due to palm oil company activities and limitations on traditional rituals such as ancestral burial [41,71,72]. In addition, eco-colonialism also causes limited land ownership rights and cultural marginalization, as has occurred in Riau due to overlapping land claims and weak legal protection of customary rights [73,74]. The interplay between these two frameworks exposes a mechanism of reinforcement, where structural dependency and social differentiation mutually reinforce vulnerability and limit adaptive capacity across regions.

Politically and institutionally, CLTs highlight the importance of participatory governance and legal recognition of customary land rights. Transparent decision-making, community-led stewardship, and alignment with sustainability principles enhance both ecological resilience and social equity. Thus, rather than representing a new theoretical axis, CLTs function as an empirically grounded strategy derived from observed local challenges, offering actionable pathways to integrate social justice and environmental sustainability into rural land management.

These findings confirm that eco-colonialism is an enduring structure that reproduces dependency through regulatory capture and land dispossession, yet they also extend intersectionality by revealing how gender, class, and ethnicity intersect to shape unequal exposure to environmental risks. In this sense, the study refines both frameworks by situating them within Indonesia’s decentralized governance, demonstrating that eco-colonial power is not only global–local but also mediated through intra-national hierarchies and institutional fragmentation.

In addition, fair trade agreements are needed to change the economic landscape for producers in Global South countries, providing them with better trading conditions and promoting sustainability. Fair trade integration has increased social cohesion and development in previously marginalized communities, promoting sustainable development and social responsibility, and strengthening farmers’ rights and ethical behavior [75,76,77]. On the other hand, several studies have raised concerns about the limitations and unintended consequences of fair trade agreements, such as reinforcing local power hierarchies, failing to address gender-based access to land, or imposing external standards that are not in line with community priorities [78]. Enforcement of indigenous peoples’ land rights remains weak, and international frameworks such as the WTO do not provide direct normative rights to indigenous farmers [76]. In summary, although fair trade agreements can support land rights under certain conditions, their effectiveness is highly dependent on context and is often limited by broader political, economic, and institutional factors.

Participatory governance enhances decision-making processes by ensuring that the voices of marginalized communities are included. Supportive studies demonstrate that participatory mapping and inclusive decision-making can clarify land boundaries, empower communities, and foster conflict resolution [79]. Participatory farmer-to-farmer training increased the adoption of sustainable land management practices among smallholders, suggesting that participatory approaches can improve tenure security and resource stewardship [27,80]. However, several studies caution that participatory governance does not automatically guarantee secure land rights. In Indonesia, state-led participatory mapping sometimes served as a tool for territorialization by local elites, raising concerns about new forms of dispossession and the co-optation of participatory processes [72,81,82]. In summary, while participatory governance can enhance land rights security and community empowerment, its effectiveness depends on genuine inclusion, power-sharing, and institutional support; without these, it risks reinforcing existing inequalities or enabling new forms of exclusion.

After ensuring fairness in land access caused by eco-colonialism, it is necessary to develop community-based institutional innovation models that integrate five key dimensions: (1) the internal dynamics of smallholder production systems, (2) ecological and social sustainability, (3) technical innovation and agroecological practices, (4) access to land, labor, and capital, and (5) transfer of knowledge and technical resources. This model encourages smallholder farmers to become not only beneficiaries, but also agents of change in palm oil management. Proposed innovative practices include strengthening cooperative-based innovation hubs at the village level, labor-sharing mechanisms for labor efficiency, and the use of community-based digital finance for more transparent access to capital. Technical innovations include agroforestry systems, the use of palm oil waste as organic fertilizer, and crop diversification that strengthens local food security while reducing ecological risks.

Nevertheless, such institutional innovations risk reproducing new forms of dependency when external funding or elite mediation dominates decision-making, highlighting the need for long-term governance safeguards and locally grounded accountability mechanisms. Collectively, these institutional innovations represent attempts to resist eco-colonial dynamics while addressing intersecting inequalities among smallholders and indigenous groups. Yet their effectiveness depends on whether power redistribution accompanies technical or procedural reforms, an issue central to both eco-colonial and intersectional analyses.

Theoretically, Figure 5 shows this community-based innovation model and enriches the literature on rural sociology, environmental justice, and intersectionality by emphasizing that palm oil transformation is not only a technical issue, but also a political and historical one. By integrating the dimensions of eco-colonialism, neoliberalism, and gender–class–ethnicity, this research presents a more comprehensive analytical framework for understanding and intervening in the palm oil crisis in Indonesia. This approach opens up space for transformative policies that focus not only on productivity but also on community sovereignty, social justice, and ecological sustainability. This study contributes to the literature by bridging eco-colonialism and intersectionality within a single analytical framework, showing how global extractive regimes intersect with local social hierarchies to reproduce environmental injustice. This synthesis extends current debates beyond gender or post-colonial critique alone, offering a multi-level perspective that connects structural power, identity-based inequalities, and ecological degradation.

6. Research Implications

This study contributes significantly to the theoretical understanding of socio-ecological justice by integrating frameworks of eco-colonialism, intersectionality, and political ecology to analyze palm oil expansion in Indonesia. It underscores the importance of viewing environmental issues not solely through ecological or economic lenses but as embedded within broader social power structures, especially those rooted in historical colonial legacies and neoliberal policies. This intersectional approach enriches the existing literature by illustrating how gender, ethnicity, and class shape resource access, vulnerability, and resilience, providing a more nuanced understanding of environmental justice in marginalized communities. Consequently, the research advocates for more comprehensive models that incorporate social hierarchies and political determinants to better explain and address the complexities of ecological degradation and social inequality.

Practically, the findings emphasize the importance of policymakers and development practitioners adopting community-centered, participatory approaches that empower local communities, particularly smallholders and indigenous peoples, in decision-making processes related to palm oil development. Institutional reforms that recognize community land rights and promote inclusive governance can reduce conflicts, improve resource distribution, and promote sustainable practices. These objectives can be implemented by legally recognizing customary land rights through participatory mapping led by the Ministry of Agrarian Affairs and Spatial Planning/National Land Agency (ATR/BPN), in collaboration with local governments and civil society organizations. Strengthening smallholder capacity through targeted training on sustainable palm oil practices that align with the Indonesian Sustainable Palm Oil (ISPO) standards and institutionalizing transparent licensing processes that require Free, Prior, and Informed Consent (FPIC) can further improve accountability. The establishment of local multi-stakeholder governance platforms involving indigenous groups, local government, and plantation companies, as well as providing financial incentives such as access to credit and price premiums for certified sustainable products, is also key. Overall, these strategies not only enhance social equity but also strengthen ecological resilience, contributing to more sustainable and just palm oil supply chains.

For organizations involved in palm oil production and certification, this research underscores the importance of embedding social justice and ecological sustainability into their operational frameworks. Organizations must recognize the power imbalances and structural inequalities that exist within the industry and actively work to promote equitable resource sharing and community participation. Developing policies that prioritize indigenous rights, gender inclusion, and transparent stakeholder engagement can mitigate social conflicts and environmental degradation. Additionally, integrating intersectional and community-driven perspectives into sustainability standards and corporate social responsibility initiatives can enhance legitimacy, foster trust among local communities, and support the long-term resilience of both the organization and the ecosystems they impact.

7. Conclusions and Limitations

Based on the detailed exploration of oil palm expansion in Indonesia, this study concludes that the socio-ecological impacts are deeply intertwined with structural inequalities and power asymmetries. In Riau, the expansion of oil palm plantations has exacerbated deforestation and agrarian conflicts, driving small farmers and indigenous communities into economic dependency while corporations hold most of the profits, reflecting deep class and gender inequalities. Similarly, in Central Kalimantan, land clearing and forest fires have destroyed traditional livelihoods such as rattan cultivation and food farming, abandoning local communities to ecological damage and social marginalization while investors reap economic benefits. In West Papua, the destruction of primary forests and rivers has undermined indigenous peoples’ access to food, medicine, and cultural identity, exposing deep class, gender, and ethnic injustices under corporate-driven development.

The findings highlight that smallholder farmers and indigenous communities often remain marginalized due to limited access to land, capital, and technical knowledge, which constrains their capacity to adopt sustainable and innovative practices. The entrenched dominance of large corporations and weak regulatory frameworks exacerbate environmental degradation, land conflicts, and social injustices, revealing that technological solutions alone are insufficient. Instead, a holistic approach that includes strengthening community governance, recognizing indigenous rights, and fostering participatory decision-making is essential to achieve socio-ecological justice. This research underscores the need for institutional reforms that empower local communities, promote equitable resource distribution, and integrate sustainability principles into the governance of palm oil development to mitigate eco-colonial and neoliberal influences.

Furthermore, this study emphasizes that addressing ecological and social challenges in Indonesia’s palm oil industry requires recognizing the diverse regional contexts and their specific social, cultural, and ecological dynamics. Employing an intersectional lens, it reveals how gender, ethnicity, and socio-economic status influence vulnerability and resilience among rural populations. Promoting community-based institutional innovations and inclusive participation can facilitate sustainable practices that balance economic development with environmental conservation. The insights serve as a call for policymakers and practitioners to move beyond conventional technical solutions toward more transformative, rights-based strategies that prioritize local agency, ecological integrity, and social equity in the sustainable management of Indonesia’s palm oil sector.

While this study provides valuable insights into the socio-ecological complexities linked to oil palm expansion in Indonesia, it faces some limitations. The reliance on secondary qualitative data and case studies on regions may limit the generalizability of its findings across wider contexts within Indonesia or other palm oil-producing countries. Additionally, the focus primarily on regional differences and institutional dynamics might overlook certain micro-level community perspectives or technical innovations that could be relevant. Time constraints and data availability also restrict the ability to deeply explore long-term impacts or quantify ecological and social outcomes. Future research incorporating longitudinal studies, quantitative data, and broader geographical areas would strengthen the understanding of these dynamics and support more comprehensive policy interventions.