Transportation Behavior Changes in Industrial Zone Employees During and After the COVID-19 Pandemic in the Niepołomice Special Economic Zone

Abstract

This paper researches the mobility behavior of employees in the Special Economic Zone in Niepołomice in Poland. The survey compares transportation behavior of factory and office workers before, during, and after COVID-19 pandemic. Workers’ trips include local ones within the administrative area as well as regional ones covering larger distances. The paper indicates a lack of research on economic zones, which are significant trip generators in the area. Moreover, the article shows the impact of industrial areas on commute behavior and the emerging need to accommodate regional mobility needs. The article aggregates survey conclusions and proposes transport solutions to improve workers’ commutes. Finally, the work reports social participation in the Sustainable Urban Mobility Plan, which includes the Niepołomice Investment Zone.

1. Introduction

1.1. Background

Sustainable development is a strategic concept aiming to balance economic growth, environmental preservation, and quality of life [1,2]. Among the tools supporting this vision are Special Economic Zones (SEZs), which are designated areas where business activities benefit from specific fiscal and legal privileges [3,4,5]. These zones are used globally to stimulate regional economies, attract investment, and generate employment—particularly in developing countries like China. Poland is also among the countries that have adopted SEZs as a key element of economic policy since the 1990s [6,7,8,9].

Research, including studies by Ernst & Young and others, confirms that SEZs reduce unemployment, increase GDP per capita, and attract foreign investment [6,8,10,11,12,13,14]. Despite these benefits, SEZs also raise concerns regarding environmental impact, increased traffic, and declining quality of life in surrounding areas. The concentration of industrial activity often leads to congestion, air and noise pollution, and car-dependent commuting patterns. These issues have highlighted the need for integrated, sustainable mobility planning within economic zones.

The article is divided into six sections, each addressing key issues related to mobility management challenges in investment zones, strategies for overcoming them—using the Niepołomice Investment Zone as an example—and the impact on transportation behaviors within the zone. The first chapter presents the specifics of economic activity zones and describes the Niepołomice Municipality and the Niepołomice Investment Zone. Following this, the basic objectives of the REGIO-MOB project are outlined. Section 1 focuses on transportation problems related to the areas where economic activity zones are located and their transport accessibility. In Section 2, a review of the literature related to the need for public involvement in sustainable mobility planning is presented. Section 3 discusses the methods used in analyzing the current state of the zone to identify mobility-related issues in the analyzed area and to assess transportation behaviors and the results of the research conducted in the Niepołomice Investment Zone. The study primarily concerns changes in transportation behaviors before, during, and after the COVID-19 pandemic. The article concludes with solutions and recommendations for zones on effective planning for sustainable employee mobility, followed by a discussion and conclusions.

1.2. The Municipality of Niepołomice and the Niepołomice Investment Zone

The Municipality of Niepołomice is located in the southern part of Poland, in the Małopolskie Voivodeship, within Wieliczka County, 25 km from the center of Kraków. It covers an area of 95.1 km² and is home to approximately 33,000 residents [15]. In addition to the town, the municipality includes twelve surrounding villages. The location of the Municipality of Niepołomice is served by important communication routes—the A4 motorway and National Road No. 94 from the south, National Road No. 75 between Kraków and Krynica from north to south, and Provincial Road No. 964 from west to east, constituting the main communication axes of the municipality. Located 4 km from the border of the Niepołomice municipality, the Szarów highway interchange provides access to the international E40 route, known in Poland as the A4 highway, which is crucial for the development of businesses located in this area.

Additionally, the southern part of the municipality is crossed by the E30 railway line, with stations in Podłęże and Staniątki. The area is also served by Agglomeration Rapid Rail lines. The municipality is served by three bus lines, organized by the Public Transport Authority in Krakow, four municipal transport lines, five railway feeder lines, and minibus services operated by private carriers (D-Bus, An-Bus).

Niepołomice is one of the fastest-growing municipalities in Poland. Thanks to its favorable location, good infrastructure, and the actions of the local government, it has become the site of the Niepołomice Investment Zone, where over 80 large companies operate, including Coca-Cola, MAN Trucks, Staco, Pratt & Whitney Tubes, Sopem, Meiller Polska, Nidec, Woodward Governor Poland, FoodCar, and others. This area focuses on housing manufacturing plants serving the Kraków market and the Małopolska region. The Niepołomice Investment Zone is divided into 11 clusters, encompassing businesses with similar profiles. The diversification of industries positively affects the stability of the municipality’s revenue and makes it easier to navigate the Zone.

At the companies operating within the Niepołomice Investment Zone, approximately 10,000 people are employed [16]. Research conducted among 1940 employees of the Niepołomice Investment Zone, as part of preparing the Mobility Plan for the Niepołomice Municipality [17], revealed that over 80% of the surveyed employees live outside the Commune, commuting daily to work in Niepołomice. The largest group of respondents was those living in Kraków (44.22%). Employees from the Wieliczka Commune made up 6.34% of the respondents, while those living within the borders of Niepołomice and the Niepołomice Commune together accounted for 10.64% of the surveyed employees. Nearly 30% of the respondents stated that they commute to work in the Niepołomice Investment Zone from communes other than Niepołomice, Kraków, and Wieliczka [18]. Additionally, over 4500 businesses are operating in the commune [19]. Niepołomice is also a place for active recreation, not only for its residents but also for people from neighboring towns. The Niepołomice Forest, covering about 12,000 hectares, is popular among walkers, runners, cyclists, and horseback riders. Moreover, the well-developed sports infrastructure attracts swimmers, tennis players, football players, and martial arts enthusiasts.

The percentage distribution of the communes where the employees reside is presented in Figure 1. Most respondents commute to the Niepołomice Investment Zone from the City of Kraków (33.0%) and from the Niepołomice Commune (19.4%). A significant percentage of the zone’s employees also come from the Wieliczka Commune—this location was indicated by 10.7% of the surveyed individuals [18].

1.3. REGIO-MOB Project

The REGIO-MOB Project (full title: Interregional Learning towards Sustainable Mobility in Europe) was implemented under the European Union’s INTERREG EUROPE program, funded by the European Regional Development Fund. The first edition lasted from 2016 to 2020 [20].

The project’s main objective was to develop new strategic solutions to improve regional mobility policies, leading to the advancement of low-emission transport. This goal was to be achieved through acquiring new knowledge and exchanging experiences and best practices among partners at the local and regional levels. The project focused on developing sustainable transport strategies (e.g., mobility plans, measures to reduce CO₂ emissions, promotion of public, cycling, and pedestrian transport). Partners exchanged knowledge and examples of effective mobility solutions that could be implemented in their regions.

The outcome was the development and implementation of regional mobility plans incorporating the concept of sustainable development. The continuation of the project took place from 2021 to 2022, allowing partners to explore ways of addressing challenges and improving regional development policies in their areas, and ultimately to replicate the adopted solutions in other regions of Europe. Thanks to the REGIO-MOB project, implemented under the European Union’s INTERREG EUROPE program, the Municipality of Niepołomice had the opportunity to exchange experiences concerning the impact of the COVID-19 crisis on regional mobility. The partners of the REGIO-MOB project were representatives of municipal authorities from Italy, Spain, Poland, Greece, the UK, Slovenia, and Romania, supported by the academic community (Cracow University of Technology—Department of Transportation Systems).

The defined analysis area in the project covered 37 municipalities (with a total area of 3338.94 km²), belonging to 7 counties in the Małopolska Voivodeship. A significant part of the western part of the designated analysis area (14 municipalities—marked in red on the map) belongs to the Kraków Functional Area. The defined area of REGIO-MOB is inhabited by a total of 1,530,716 people (as of 31 December 2015), with 49.7% residing in the city of Krakow and just over 67% of the region’s population living in the Krakow Functional Area. Niepołomice is one of the most important centers in the REGIO-MOB project area, characterized by a high availability of investment areas and infrastructure for economic development. The Niepołomice Investment Zone is home to production plants focused on serving the Kraków market and the Małopolska Voivodeship.

2. Literature Review

2.1. Economic Activity Zones

Economic activity zones provide their regions with workplaces and economic support. However, due to their specific site layout containing secluded, noisy and polluting industrial sites, their locations are often remote, which is a challenge for good transportation infrastructure and services. Heavy freight traffic, dominating the transportation network, congests the area and causes delays for private and public transport.

This deepens the difficulty of employees’ commutes to these zones, which often require overcoming long distances due to the great demand for workforce in these areas. Chaudharry and Potter conducted a detailed analysis of these employment challenges in [21]. It compares the policies connected with the economic zones and how they influence employment conditions. Weisbrod et al. [22] have conducted a study about the cost of urban traffic congestion to businesses. It shows that as vehicular travel time decreases, this reduces the costs of both the employees’ commute and the whole manufacturing process. Finally, extreme congestion has been researched by Vijayalakshmi and Krishna in the example of Bengaluru. They surveyed workers’ commute conditions and found out that 57 percent of private vehicle users and 55 percent of public transport users arrive late to their workplace, meaning that the total loss of productive hours due to traffic congestion can be estimated as 6998 h a year, leading to a loss of INR 1,145,568 per year [23]. As a result, logistics and workplace accessibility become worse, reducing the areas’ attractiveness, generating loss, and making it harder to operate a business.

The other sustainability challenge of economic zones is the land use. Economic zones take a lot of space, reducing accessibility and negatively influencing the neighborhood quality of life. Di Ruocco [24] analyzed Italian economic zones’ infrastructure and land usage, showing the influence of proper planning and policies to minimize the environmental and accessibility conflict. In contrast, Soytong and Perera [25] measure the negative outcome of the lack of those policies. However, Wardhana et al. [26] point out how land use influences the economy.

Another issue with inefficient transportation networks is the environment. Environmental concerns are a further consequence of inadequate transport infrastructure in industrial zones. Inefficient systems contribute significantly to greenhouse gas emissions. Congested streets produce more pollution and require more energy, especially in heavy traffic. This is extensively visible in the work by Lu et al. [27]. A World Bank report also confirmed this impact of economic zones [28]. Implementing sustainable mobility solutions—such as eco-friendly public transport options, shared mobility platforms, and investments in green infrastructure—is essential to mitigate environmental impacts and align economic activity zones with broader sustainability goals.

2.2. Improving Transport Accessibility

Improving transportation accessibility is a holistic approach to tackling the environmental, social, and economic issues related to reliance on private vehicles. Road traffic, urban sprawl, social marginalization, growing transportation expenses, traffic accidents, greenhouse gas emissions, and environmental degradation are some of these issues. Geurs and van Wee [29] developed a set of measures for accessibility assessment and provided a general description of them. Transportation systems can be made more effective, sustainable, and inclusive by technological advancements and strategic interventions, which will benefit people, companies, and communities greatly.

The integration and multimodality of transport systems is one such tactic. People can move between different forms of transportation with little effort if they are connected into a smooth network which lessens their reliance on private vehicles. Litman discusses accessible multimodality for environmentally friendly transit in [30]. An example of a basic integration measure in terms of time optimization is the alignment of timetables among public transport alternatives, such as buses and trains, which reduces waiting times and improves convenience [31]. According to OECD research [32], commuters are also encouraged to use public transport for the majority of their route via park-and-ride facilities situated close to public transport hubs. The user experience is further simplified and improved by adopting unified ticketing systems, which enable passengers to pay for various types of transit using a single method.

Addressing last-mile transportation issues, linking public transportation stops to dispersed or isolated locations, is another crucial concern. Bike-sharing programs offer public bicycles for short distances, and micromobility choices, such as shared electric scooters, which facilitate effective commuting in cities and suburbs, are examples of effective last-mile solutions [33]. To guarantee that all users have access to dependable mobility options, community shuttles that operate in less accessible neighborhoods or industrial zones can also fill in gaps in transportation networks.

Smart mobility solutions make use of technology developments to improve accessibility and transportation efficiency [34]. For instance, demand-responsive transit (DRT) systems provide specialized transportation services for regions with dispersed populations or erratic travel patterns by dynamically modifying bus routes and schedules in response to real-time passenger demand. A strategy for the best possible deployment of on-demand bus transit in certain locations has been outlined by Vasiutina et al. [35]. In addition to lowering the number of cars on the road, carsharing platforms offer on-demand vehicle access at a lower cost than traditional car ownership. Similarly, ride-sharing services link drivers and passengers on the same route, maximizing vehicle capacity and helping commuters reach similar locations [36].

Enhancing transportation accessibility significantly affects the environment, society, and economy. Economically speaking, commuters and businesses pay less for transport when there is less traffic and fewer operational inefficiencies. By increasing labor market prospects and linking companies with a larger clientele, improved accessibility might boost economic activity. Wojdygowski made this claim in [36], where he found a correlation between economic considerations and accessibility.

Socially, better transport systems promote inclusion by lowering obstacles to movement for marginalized populations, including those living in underprivileged areas and those with low incomes. Multimodal systems improve the general quality of life by guaranteeing fair access to healthcare, education, and jobs [37].

Environmentally speaking, using public and shared transport instead of private vehicles lowers greenhouse gas emissions and slows down environmental deterioration. Adopting green technologies, including electric automobiles, and incorporating micromobility choices promote sustainable urban growth and help achieve long-term environmental goals [38].

Cities and regions can develop transport systems that are more equitable, sustainable, and accessible while meeting the needs of a variety of demographics and encouraging economic development and environmental stewardship by adopting these tactics and their broader ramifications [39].

2.3. Social Participation in Sustainable Urban Planning

A Sustainable Urban Mobility Plan (SUMP) is a forward-looking strategic approach to urban transport planning that addresses the needs of a wide range of stakeholders, including residents, employees, local businesses, and public authorities. Unlike traditional transport planning, SUMPs adopt a holistic perspective focused on improving traffic flow and achieving broader environmental, economic, and social objectives. These plans emphasize inclusion, participation, and long-term vision to create mobility systems that promote sustainable urban development and enhance quality of life [29]. At the core of a SUMP is the formulation of a long-term vision that anticipates future mobility challenges and fosters resilient, adaptable strategies. Central to this vision is the principle of social equity, ensuring accessibility to services such as healthcare, education, and employment for all societal groups, including marginalized populations. Integrating multiple transport modes—public transit, cycling, walking, and shared mobility—is another essential element. This multimodality optimizes urban travel networks, reduces car dependency, and enhances overall efficiency [30].

Stakeholder engagement is a foundational element of SUMP development. Involving citizens and institutions in decision-making processes ensures that proposed solutions reflect the actual needs and aspirations of the community. Active participation fosters shared responsibility and public ownership of transport strategies, increasing their legitimacy and effectiveness. Tools such as surveys, workshops, and digital platforms are commonly used to gather input and promote transparent and inclusive decision-making [29]. Evaluation and continuous improvement are integral parts of the SUMP process. Ongoing assessments of implemented measures allow for timely adjustments and ensure that mobility systems remain relevant and effective over time. This iterative approach enhances adaptability in evolving urban conditions [31]. Participation is not only a methodological recommendation but also a democratic imperative in sustainable urban mobility planning.

Citizens and stakeholders contribute valuable local knowledge and practical insights that can shape more effective, accepted, and equitable solutions. Their involvement in identifying mobility problems, developing shared goals, and prioritizing actions contributes to more informed and robust decision-making. Public participation also increases transparency, trust in public authorities, and accountability throughout the planning process [32]. To structure varying levels of engagement, models such as the IAP2 spectrum categorize participation into informing, consulting, engaging, collaborating, and empowering. These stages range from simply sharing information to granting citizens decision-making authority. The level choice depends on local context, available resources, and the institutional capacity to implement participatory processes [33]. Effective participation also requires recognizing the diverse needs of different population groups, particularly those less able to express their concerns, such as people with disabilities or older adults. Inclusive participation mechanisms are crucial to ensuring that all voices are heard and considered in the planning process [34]. Challenges in implementing participatory planning often include limited financial and human resources, a lack of institutional knowledge, or insufficient training on inclusive and democratic engagement methods. Overcoming these barriers requires capacity building, stakeholder coordination, and long-term policy commitment.

The REGIO-MOB project offers a concrete example of the successful application of SUMP principles, particularly in the context of public involvement. In the Municipality of Niepołomice, a series of workshops was organized to address local transport accessibility issues. These workshops involved university staff, students, and representatives from regional and local institutions, including municipal offices, regional railway operators, and urban transport authorities. Participants were divided into thematic working groups to analyze existing transport conditions and develop concrete, locally grounded proposals [36]. The participatory format enabled stakeholders to co-create viable solutions while assessing their feasibility and alignment with broader regional goals. This collaborative process fostered institutional support and increased the legitimacy of the proposed interventions. It also demonstrated the added value of involving a wide range of actors early in the planning process to ensure a comprehensive understanding and sustained commitment [37].

In conclusion, SUMPs represent a paradigm shift in urban transport planning, replacing technocratic and infrastructure-focused models with inclusive, goal-oriented, and adaptive frameworks. Public and stakeholder participation is not merely a procedural step, but a central pillar in ensuring the success, relevance, and sustainability of mobility strategies. The experience of the REGIO-MOB project illustrates how participatory processes can improve planning outcomes, foster innovation, and strengthen public trust in sustainable mobility initiatives.

2.4. Literature Review Summary

Based on the literature review, there is a noticeable lack of detailed empirical research on mobility in Special Economic Zones (SEZs)—most of the literature addresses the general effects of Special Economic Zones (GDP, investment, employment) rather than the specific travel behavior of workers. For example, the World Bank report (2021) [38] focuses on assessing the impact of special economic zones on economic growth and trade, while omitting detailed issues related to daily mobility and commuting. Similarly, Dinh (2025) [39] analyzes the role of SEZs in sustainable regional development, pointing to the importance of transport infrastructure without reference to user travel behavior. The analyses also lack empirical consideration of integrating public and private transport—the study by Buonocore et al. (2023) [40] on Campania shows variations in SEZ accessibility at national and local levels. The analyses revealed significant differences in the level of accessibility of individual SEZs, which affects their investment attractiveness. The need for better connections with public transport and logistics was also noted. However, these studies assess infrastructure accessibility, not employee travel behavior.

Furthermore, it should be noted that cooperation between local authorities, investors, and communities in the context of SEZs is still insufficiently developed. Practical stakeholder engagement could include, for example, consultations with employees regarding commuting and public transport accessibility, joint planning of public transport routes, development of cycling and pedestrian infrastructure, and testing multimodal solutions with the participation of the local community. Examples of public participation in mobility planning appear in the transport literature, including in the context of transport planning in urban and regional areas [40,41], where considering the opinions of residents and workers, when designing public transport systems, significantly improves the effectiveness of implemented solutions. In the case of SEZs, integrating economic, environmental, and social aspects into the mobility planning process would therefore require not only infrastructure and transport cost analysis, but also considering user needs and collaboration between public institutions, zone operators, and local communities. This approach can lead to more sustainable, efficient, and socially acceptable transport solutions that minimize negative environmental impacts and reduce dependence on individual transport, while supporting the economic development of the zones.

The literature review presented in this article, followed by the research conducted, aims to demonstrate and fill the gap in research on integrating sustainable mobility planning with the operation of economic activity zones. Specifically, it involves analyzing employees’ travel behavior in investment zones, including changes before, during, and after the COVID-19 pandemic, and assessing the impact of economic activity zones on public, private, and multimodal transport. As demonstrated by the research by Silva and Luchessi (2022) [41], the location of workplaces in industrial zones significantly influences the choice of transport mode, and good connections with public transport promote more sustainable mobility patterns. Therefore, it is particularly important to examine the role of social participation and stakeholder cooperation in the mobility planning process in the context of economic zones and to provide practical recommendations for mobility planning in investment zones combining economic, environmental, and social aspects. Previous studies have mainly focused on the economic impact of SEZs [13] or on general concepts of sustainable urban mobility, without a detailed connection between these two areas and without considering real data on employees’ commuting [40,41].

3. Research

3.1. Survey Overview

One of the methods used in this study was a survey, conducted to understand the preferences and commuting behaviors of people traveling to the Niepołomice Investment Zone. The surveys were carried out using two research techniques: an electronic survey and a paper survey. The traditional paper surveys were conducted on weekdays within the Niepołomice Investment Zone. The electronic surveys were distributed through the internal INTRANET network. The survey was designed to include various types of questions. It consisted of closed-ended and open-ended questions, with options for single- or multiple-choice answers.

The surveys were conducted in two time periods:

• In 2017: The survey contained 17 questions—9 closed-ended, 7 open-ended, and a demographic section. A total of 400 responses were collected, of which 167 were internet-based and 233 were traditional paper surveys. For a confidence level of 1 − α = 0.95, with 400 collected surveys and a structure index equal to 0.85, the maximum error of estimate for the structure index was 1.75% [36].
• In 2022: The survey contained 18 questions. A total of 259 responses were collected, of which 79 were electronic responses and 180 were traditional paper responses. For a confidence level of 1 − α = 0.95, with 259 collected surveys and a structure index equal to 0.5, and a confidence coefficient of 1.96, the maximum error of estimate was 6%. The survey accounted for the situation before the pandemic, during the pandemic, and after its conclusion.

In the next part of the article, the most recent survey results from 2022, conducted at Niepołomice Investment Zone, are presented in detail. A comparative analysis is then carried out to examine changes in travel behavior, communication preferences, and the work system, comparing the 2022 results with the earlier surveys conducted before the pandemic and during the COVID-19 pandemic.

The analysis was based on three comparative periods: pre-pandemic, peri-pandemic, and post-pandemic, with their start and end dates defined according to the legal situation in Poland at the respective times, while also taking into account the criteria indicated in the literature [42,43].

In this study, the pre-pandemic period covers the time up to March 2020, when no restrictions on mobility or social life had been implemented in Poland. The peri-pandemic period, corresponding to the duration of the state of epidemic in Poland, began in March 2020 with the appearance of “patient zero”, followed immediately by the introduction of restrictions such as the cancelation of mass events and closure of schools and universities, as well as the implementation of quarantine measures and limitations on the use of public transport. This period ended in May 2022, when mobility restrictions and quarantine requirements were significantly eased and COVID-19 was no longer considered a severe threat.

Appropriate sampling is essential to draw conclusions based on the results of the study. A reliable representation of the population under study can be obtained based on the proper sample size. In the conducted survey study, the structure index value p was set at p = 0.5. The u_α equals 0.95, which gives a confidence coefficient value of 1.96.

The study was conducted using both paper and electronic questionnaires. 79 responses were obtained online, and 180 via traditional means. The total number of people who participated in the survey (n) was 259. The following Equation (1) was used to determine the error:

$$d=\sqrt{{\displaystyle \frac{u_{\propto }^2}{4·n}}}=\sqrt{{\displaystyle \frac{{1.96}^2}{4·259}}}=6.09\%$$

(1)

where

• $d$—maximum error of the estimate;
• $n$—sample size;
• $u_{\propto }$—confidence factor determined from the standardized normal distribution.

3.2. Results of the Conducted Surveys

As a result of the surveys conducted in 2022, women accounted for 33% of all respondents, while men represented 67%. The dominant age group in the study was individuals aged 36–40, making up 47% of the responses. A relatively large number of responses were also obtained from people aged 26–35 (29%) and 18–25 (16%). No survey was filled out by any employees under the age of 18 or over 65, which aligns with the legal age of adulthood and retirement age in Poland.

The conducted survey covered both office and manual employees. In total, 54.1% of the obtained surveys were from white-collar workers and 45.9% from blue-collar workers. The breakdown of work systems of these two groups is shown in Figure 2. The work systems are defined as follows:

• Fixed time—The employee starts and finishes work each day at precise hours.
• Shift work—The day is divided into shifts (typically three: A, B, C) staffed with employees from the beginning to the end of each shift, with the assumption that on different days of the week, an employee can work on different shifts (e.g., shift A on Mondays, shift B on Tuesdays, etc.).
• Flexible time—The employee must work the number of hours specified in their contract, but may begin work at any time during the employer’s designated time frame (e.g., 7:00–10:00 a.m.).

Based on the respondents’ home zip codes indicated in the survey form, the average distance between the geometric center of the zip code area and the Niepołomice Investment Zone was determined for each zip code obtained in the survey. Distances were estimated along the road network using the Google Maps service, assuming the distance traveled by a passenger car was minimized. The average worker’s distance between home and workplace is shown in Figure 3.

3.3. Transportation Behavior Changes

In the surveys conducted in 2017, commutes to the Niepołomice Investment Zone were primarily based on individual transportation. Car travel accounted for 81% of all commutes. Within this mode of transport, several types of travel were identified: those made exclusively as the driver (63%), exclusively as a passenger (5%), sometimes as a driver and sometimes as a passenger (10%), and those where drivers used a company car (3%). Public transportation played a marginal role, with only 8% of respondents using services from urban buses, suburban buses, or private minibus service providers (Figure 4).

This data highlights the dominance of personal car usage for commuting, while public transport options are significantly underutilized, suggesting a potential area for improvement in regional mobility services.

In the 2022 survey, most employees from companies within the Special Economic Zone reported that their commuting patterns remained unchanged during the COVID-19 pandemic (73.0%) and after it ended (75.7%). The most important mode of transportation for commuting to work in the Niepołomice Investment Zone before the pandemic, during the pandemic, and after its cessation continues to be the personal car.

In the period before the COVID-19 pandemic, the vast majority of employees used this mode of transportation as a driver of a private car (65.8%) or as a passenger (15.6%). Company cars were used during a typical day by 5.2% of respondents. Adding up these results, as many as 86.6% of trips made to/from the economic zone each day were made exclusively using a private car. A total of 1.7% of trips were made using a car and a chosen mode of public transportation (train/city bus/bus). Exclusive use of public transportation services in commuting to work each day was made by 3.1% (city bus/agglomeration bus), 2.2% (bus of private carrier), and 0.1% of respondents (train + city bus and train + private carrier bus). Despite the remoteness of much of the Niepołomice Investment Zone area from major residential development, 2.5% of trips were made on foot each day. Bike was also a relatively common choice (3.2% of trips).

After the outbreak of the COVID-19 pandemic, employees’ transport behavior changed slightly. Overall, fewer trips were then made using private passenger cars (2.4 p.p. decrease each among drivers and passengers). A slight increase was observed among company car users (+1.4 p.p.).

Changes in modal split regarding public transportation depended mainly on the specific mode of transport. For example, a decrease was observed among trips using city or agglomeration buses (−0.5 p.p.) and an increase was noted for buses of private carriers (+0.5 p.p.), the reason for which may have been the elimination of some of the courses offered by local governments. A larger share of the total number of trips on a typical weekday was also recorded by options using the train and city/agglomeration bus or private minibus.

The most notable increase in the share of trips was observed for the bicycle (+2.8 p.p.). Compared to the pre-pandemic situation, more people also traveled by foot (+0.3 p.p.), by motorcycle or scooter (+0.1 p.p.), and by personal transporter (+0.2 p.p.).

After the end of the pandemic in May 2022, further changes were observed in the means of transportation chosen by employees. The share of trips made using a private passenger car as a driver (−1.6 p.p.) and using company cars (−0.1 p.p.) decreased. It is worth noting that although the number of commuters using a private car as a passenger increased (+1.2 p.p.), the overall share of the private car in trips compared to other modes of transportation decreased compared to the situation during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Significant increases were observed for collective road transportation, including city/agglomeration bus (+1.6 p.p.), private carrier bus (+1.3 p.p.), and combined transportation—car and train or city/agglomeration bus (+2.0 p.p.). In the case of combined rail and road transportation, trip shares decreased.

It can be noted that after the cessation of the COVID-19 pandemic, a significant proportion of users stopped traveling to work by bicycle (−3.2 p.p.) and on foot (−0.7 p.p.). In contrast, increases were recorded for motorcycles (+0.3 p.p.) and personal transporters (+0.1 p.p.).

The results taking into account the modal split before, during, and after the pandemic with results comparison regarding the preceding period are shown in

Table 1. Modal split change in work commuting.

Mode of Transport	% of Journeys 2022
	Before Pandemic	During Pandemic	After Pandemic
Company car	5.2	6.6 (+1.4)	6.5 (−0.1)
Private car as driver	65.8	63.4 (−2.4)	61.8 (−1.6)
Private car as passenger	15.6	13.2 (−2.4)	14.5 (+1.2)
Car and train or bus	1.1	0.5 (−0.6)	2.5 (+2.0)
Car and train or private bus	0.6	0.0 (−0.6)	0.0 (+0.0)
City/agglomeration bus	3.1	2.6 (−0.5)	4.2 (+1.6)
Bus of private carrier	2.2	2.8 (+0.6)	4.1 (+1.3)
Train and city/agglomeration bus	0.1	0.9 (+0.8)	0.4 (−0.5)
Train and private bus	0.1	0.5 (+0.4)	0.0 (−0.5)
Bike	3.2	6.0 (+2.8)	2.8 (−3.2)
Bike and train or bus	0.1	0.0 (−0.1)	0.0 (+0.0)
On foot	2.5	2.8 (+0.3)	2.1 (−0.7)
Motorcycle or scooter	0.4	0.5 (+0.1)	0.8 (+0.3)
Other means of transport (personal transporters)	0.0	0.2 (+0.2)	0.3 (+0.1)

Source: Own elaboration.

.

It is also worth noting that the COVID-19 pandemic had an impact on the total number of employee trips made per week. Before the pandemic, the total number of trips was 1344 per week. After the pandemic’s outbreak, the total number of trips to/from work made by respondents per week decreased by 20.8% to 1065 trips. Significantly, after the pandemic ceased, it was 1208, which means that this number did not return to its pre-COVID-19 value. This may be influenced by the significant number of employees who continued to work entirely or partly from home, despite lifting restrictions.

3.4. Reasons of Transportation Behavior Changes

Among the reasons for changing modes of transportation during the COVID-19 pandemic, respondents reported changing work arrangements by employers (i.e., introducing remote working) (34 responses) and concern for their own health (19 responses) as the most important. Provision of new commuting opportunities and reduced transportation options were also important to 15 and 10 people, respectively. It needs to be pointed out that it was possible to choose more than one answer. Using a semi-open-ended question, respondents also indicated two other reasons for changing transportation behavior: relocation of the company’s headquarters and greater convenience of traveling by car.

The most frequently selected answer regarding the reasons for changing modes of transportation after the COVID-19 pandemic was the possibility of returning to the modes of transportation used before the pandemic (22 responses). Other options were indicated a similar number of times: introduction of new commuting options (12 responses), restoration of the pre-pandemic work system (11 responses), less concern for one’s health (10 responses), and discovery of the advantages of previously unused means of transportation (9 responses).

A surprisingly large number of respondents in the semi-open-ended question also indicated an answer outside of those suggested—an increase in fuel prices (seven responses). Among other reasons, remote work (two responses), moving out (one response), and changing the location of company headquarters (one response) were also mentioned. The results were also presented in Figure 5.

3.5. Conclusions from the Survey

Analyzing the survey results, respondents identified three main limitations preventing them from using public transport.

The first limitation is the insufficient transport offers from Kraków. Respondents indicated a lack of connections from Kraków and an inadequate frequency of existing services. Additionally, they highlighted that the travel time between Niepołomice and Kraków is too long.

The second issue is the insufficient number of feeder connections from the PKP Podłęże station to the Niepołomice Investment Zone and Niepołomice. Respondents believe that all train services should be synchronized with the feeder bus service to improve connectivity.

The third limitation is the lack of fare integration between the railway system and Kraków’s public transport, preventing passengers from traveling on a single ticket across both modes of transport. In this regard, Kraków’s public transport authority is planning a unified network ticket covering municipal transport and rail services, which should improve integration at this level.

Regarding the planning of public transport operations, it is also important to consider the survey data on work arrival and departure times. Respondents indicated their working hours in the survey, and the most common arrival and departure times are presented below. It was assumed that arrivals occur within the 15 min period before the start of work, and departures occur within the 15 min period after the end of work.

Most Common Work Arrival Times:

• 5:30–6:15;
• 6:45–7:15;
• 8:45–9:15;
• 13:30–14:15;
• 21:30–22:15.

Most Common Work Departure Times:

• 6:00–6:30;
• 14:00–14:30;
• 15:00–15:30;
• 16:00–16:45;
• 17:00–17:30;
• 18:00–18:30;
• 20:00–20:30;
• 22:00–22:45.

Regarding cycling infrastructure, respondents reported that it is incomplete and they do not feel safe when cycling. They pointed out the lack of a dedicated cycling path from the Podłęże railway station, which serves as the main transport hub for Niepołomice. Additionally, they highlighted the lack of bicycle parking facilities at workplaces as a significant issue.

4. Research-Based Recommendations

The project area of RegioMob covers a significant portion of the Małopolska region. The majority of municipalities in the western part of the RegioMob area remain under the strong influence of Kraków—the provincial capital—while the eastern part of the designated area is more oriented towards local urban centers. Therefore, the following recommendations primarily concern areas that significantly impact the development of the Małopolska region, with particular emphasis on the Municipality of Niepołomice. General recommendations have been presented below. The main recommendations regarding transport services for investment zones in the Małopolska Voivodeship and shaping desired commuting behaviors among employees in these areas include the following.

(A)

Recommendations for the Małopolska Voivodeship regarding existing investment zones:

• Creating transparent rules for shaping the routes of commuter transport lines to the stops of the Rapid Urban Rail System and the financing mechanisms involving local governments and, potentially, business entities or industrial zone managers.
• Establishing a Rapid Urban Rail System with higher frequency but shorter reach in the immediate vicinity of Kraków and possibly Tarnów.
• Creating the position of a regional mobility coordinator responsible for coordinating activities carried out by mobility coordinators in individual municipalities.
• Incorporating fundamental and declared changes in commuting behaviors into comprehensive traffic studies (travel surveys) conducted at the voivodeship level.

(B)

Recommendations for municipalities regarding existing investment zones:

• Developing proposed bus routes for feeder transport to the Rapid Urban Rail System, considering the expectations of both local residents and employees of the companies located within the zones.
• Gradual modernization of bus stop infrastructure and bus stop surroundings, especially those used by commuter transport lines.
• Ensuring the accessibility of investment zones by bicycle through developing cycling infrastructure within municipalities and establishing bike rental stations nearby.
• Creating “Park & Bike” bike parking facilities next to bus stops, enabling the extension of the comfortable access distance to public transport for non-motorized traffic.
• Raising awareness among employers about the necessity and benefits of implementing mobility plans that influence employee commuting behaviors, including creating incentive systems and supporting employers.
• Encouraging owners/managers of facilities located in zones to regularly monitor and assess the occupancy of available parking spaces.
• Encouraging employers whose headquarters are located in the same investment zone to undertake joint actions in mobility management.
• Implementing mobility plans addressed to employees of municipal units, as a way of setting a good example for employers in investment zones.
• Creating city-level mobility coordinator positions as people responsible for encouraging employers/facility managers to implement mobility plans.
• Including in travel surveys conducted in individual municipalities issues related to real and declared changes in commuting behaviors of people traveling to investment zones.
• Assessing current and forecasting future transport needs in relation to investment zones, and based on this, improving current services and planning future transportation solutions.

The above recommendations, created based on research conducted in the Niepołomice Investment Zone and the analysis of best practices from other cities, relate not only to investment zones but also to other designated areas within cities and municipalities that generate a large number of daily trips, such as business districts, technology parks, large service areas, etc.

Finally, nine solution have been chosen:

• Bus priorities and bus lanes.
• Introducing the Mobility as a Service platform.
• A marketing campaign promoting public transport.
• A carsharing and carpooling app.
• A demand-responsive transit app.
• New bus lines preventing overcrowding.
• Shopping and medication for order people.
• Establishment of cycle routes.
• Increasing bus transit capacity.

Those solutions have been developed, introduced, and tested in EU countries.

Furthermore, the following activities will be undertaken:

• Analysis of the impact of mobility plans, educational campaigns, and financial incentives on real changes in the transportation behavior of residents and employees of investment zones.
• Research on the effectiveness of fare integration (rail–bus–bicycle–P&R) and the level of acceptance and use of such solutions by residents.
• Assessment of the extent to which land development around railway stations and transfer hubs favors the use of public transport and bicycles.
• Researching changes in mobility patterns caused by remote work, e-commerce, and the digitization of services, as well as their impact on the operation of investment zones.
• Application of modern tools (big data, mobile phone data analysis, AI) to predict transportation behavior and assess system development scenarios.

5. Discussion

The analyzed results of the surveys show the change in commuting behavior to and from the industrial zone. Survey results show that the industrial zone attracts workers from a broad area—the average distance to work is 21 km. This range does not have to be driven only by private cars but is also suitable to be serviced by public transport. Despite the reduction, the share of the private car is still at a high level, over 80%. Nonetheless, the share of public transport in commuting is increasing, either by city/agglomeration bus, private carrier bus, or by the combination of car and public transport.

Considering the need for a potential increase in public transport use, the survey results provide critical insights into the challenges associated with public transportation usage, aligning with trends observed in other metropolitan regions undergoing suburban expansion. The primary obstacles identified by respondents—insufficient transport connectivity, the absence of fare integration, and inadequate feeder services—underscore the necessity of a comprehensive and integrated transport planning approach.

One possible reason for the slow rebound of public transport is the persistence of health-related concerns among users, combined with the increased flexibility of telecommuting, which reduced regular commuting needs. Many people can perform their duties from home instead of commuting to work daily. Due to the possibility of remote work, many companies allow employees to come to the office only once or twice a week. In such cases, many users choose to travel occasionally by car or bicycle, prioritizing convenience and flexibility. This trend further hinders a return to regular public transport use, as it reduces the need for daily commuting and encourages reliance on individual modes of transportation. Moreover, older individuals who are still working remain concerned about being in crowded spaces, which influences their choice of less congested modes of transport. Similar trends have been reported in Germany, France, and the United States, where car use rebounded more quickly due to perceived safety and convenience. In Germany, for example, public transport did not rebound as quickly from the COVID-19 pandemic as private cars did. Studies have shown that passenger car use declined during the COVID-19 pandemic, but there was a significant increase in car trips afterward. In 2023, private users traveled 472 billion km by car, more than twice as much as private car users (188 billion km) [44]. Meanwhile, public transport ridership increased by 7% in 2023 compared to the previous year, reaching almost 10.9 billion passengers. However, passenger numbers were still about 8% lower than the pre-pandemic level in 2019 despite this increase. Public transport remains an important means of transportation, although ridership has yet to reach pre-pandemic levels. The increase in the number of cars, changes in working styles, and the introduction of new initiatives such as the Deutschlandticket significantly impact the mobility trends in Germany [44]. In the United States, the recovery of public transportation from the COVID-19 pandemic has been slower than in many other countries, including Germany. Most large urban areas in the US have struggled with lower public transportation ridership compared to pre-pandemic levels. However, some cities, such as New York, have gradually increased ridership, though not yet to pre-pandemic levels. According to the American Public Transportation Association (APTA), public transportation ridership in the US reached 70% of pre-pandemic levels in March 2023. By December 2023, it had risen to 76%; in 2024, it reached 79% of 2019 levels. Ridership in the first four months of this year (2025) reached 85% of 2019 levels. According to APTA, smaller cities have seen higher growth rates in public transportation ridership than larger cities. Cities with populations under 100,000 saw ridership increase to 88% of pre-pandemic levels, while cities with populations between 100,000 and 500,000 saw ridership increase to 82%. APTA data shows that cities with populations over 500,000 saw a 78% increase in public transit ridership, while cities with populations over 2 million saw an 81% increase [45]. France has seen a slightly faster return to public transport use following the COVID-19 pandemic compared to the United States. In most large and medium-sized French cities, public transport ridership has significantly recovered to, and sometimes even exceeded, pre-pandemic levels. This is due to the rapid restoration of full service and the expansion of service options, primarily to densely populated areas. In 2023, public transport ridership in France increased by 10% compared to the previous year, reaching almost 10.9 billion passengers. However, despite this increase, ridership was still about 8% lower than the pre-pandemic level in 2019. These figures indicate a gradual return to pre-pandemic levels, although a full recovery of public transport in France may still take time [46]. Several factors influence the trends described above. Health concerns about crowded public transport have led many users to choose private cars, while the increased flexibility of remote and hybrid work reduces the need for daily commutes. Cars also offer greater convenience and faster door-to-door travel, especially in areas where public transport is less competitive. Early restrictions on public transport during the pandemic and long-term changes in travel habits have further amplified this trend. These factors have combined to contribute to a faster rebound in car use compared to public transport.

A particularly notable finding is the misalignment between work schedules and public transportation timetables, suggesting the need for adjustments to better cater to commuters’ mobility needs. Furthermore, the lack of appropriate cycling infrastructure further discourages the adoption of sustainable transport modes. These findings indicate that implementing multimodal transport solutions, including synchronized rail and bus operations, the development of cycling infrastructure, and enhanced last-mile connectivity, should be prioritized in future urban mobility strategies.

In both the Polish and foreign literature, we do not find studies related to the analysis of commuting behaviors in economic activity zones, employee and employer mobility in the context of the pandemic, or comparison to the situation before and during the COVID-19 pandemic, as well as after it. The authors present many research results related to economic zones, but these studies focus on the types of companies operating in these zones, the costs associated with the functioning of the zones, investment incentives, investor satisfaction, and the evaluation of the functioning of the zones, attractiveness of the zones, etc. These studies also address the zone’s impact on its local and regional surroundings from the perspective of cooperation between entities operating within the zone and other local and regional businesses, as well as the links between investors’ activities and the local labor market. For example, interesting research has been presented by the authors of the collective work edited by E. Kryńska, where the main aspects studied were the sources of local workforce acquisition and their quality [9]. On the other hand, J. Osmolak presents research on the attractiveness of investment in Polish Special Economic Zones for Japanese companies [47]. Paweł Barański, Dorota Klimczak, Mariusz Strojny, and Kiejstut Żagun [48], in their report dedicated to Special Economic Zones and investors conducting business in them, presented results of evaluations of the functioning of these zones in Poland. They also presented the opinions and assessments of entrepreneurs and managers regarding key aspects of doing business in Special Economic Zones. The research also covered issues related to access to transport and transport infrastructure within the zones. Very interesting experiences were presented by Haidir Ali Murtadlo [49], who highlighted the aspect of mobility around the industrial zone in East Java, Indonesia. He presented an evaluation of the most suitable public transport to accommodate mobility in the industrial area based on the sustainability transportation indicator. He proposed three development scenarios for improving the transport system in the area. Nihan Akyelken also studied mobility in industrial areas [50]. Her approach was somewhat different from the previous studies as she focused on commuting and mobility patterns, paying particular attention to gender. Through a mixed-methods study of two organized industrial zones (OIZs) in Turkey (Afyonkarahisar and Şanlıurfa), her article looks at how women and men from different social backgrounds access the zones, aiming to identify the specific constraints that women face in their everyday life in accessing economic opportunities. The study particularly focused on whether and how gender plays a role in differences in access to the OIZs. The simultaneous analysis of qualitative and quantitative data revealed several key trends regarding access to work, daily mobility patterns, and broader access to economic opportunities. The COVID-19 pandemic significantly impacted employee mobility and the organization of work in Special Economic Zones. Lockdowns and movement restrictions led to a decrease in traffic in the zones. At the same time, new challenges emerged related to the organization of remote and hybrid work, which changed traditional commuting models. The pandemic forced employers to adapt to new conditions, including the implementation of technological solutions that enabled remote work. The pandemic changed employees’ transportation preferences in economic zones, with individual means of transport becoming more popular. Based on the above aspects, the originality of the research presented in this article should be emphasized. The issue of the pandemic and its impact on the mobility of employers and employees in economic zones is an important topic. Additionally, in many of the presented studies, the issue of society’s participation in the process of evaluating currently functioning and newly proposed solutions is often overlooked. There is a lack of meetings and discussions with the public on these issues.

6. Summary

The article addresses the important topic of mobility management in investment zones. Investment zones are important centers of industry and employment, playing a crucial role in developing the national economy. When properly managed, they generate significant revenues and create new jobs. However, the daily commuting of employees working in these zones leads to a substantial increase in traffic on major transportation routes leading to the zone areas, which affects congestion, causing increased environmental pollution, noise, and consequently, a significant deterioration in the quality of life in nearby areas. To counteract these adverse phenomena, it is essential to pursue sustainable transportation development by continuously monitoring commuting behaviors of employees and employers and taking actions aimed at changing commuting preferences. Appropriate investments and innovations to alter commuting behaviors can significantly improve the quality of life and work efficiency in economic zones.

In recent years, significant changes in commuting behaviors have been observed, especially regarding work trips caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. This situation forced employers to adjust the work organization system to ensure the highest level of employee safety, which also influenced daily commuting behaviors. During and after the pandemic, many people changed their travel habits. The chart below (Figure 6) shows that cycling and walking were chosen much more often during the COVID-19 period compared to the period before the pandemic. Special attention should also be drawn to residents’ high percentage of public transport use in post-pandemic travel, surpassing similar values from the pre-pandemic period.

After the restrictions related to the pandemic were lifted, it has been observed that many of the changes have become permanent. The vast majority of employees who switched to remote or hybrid work have not fully returned to the office. Additionally, the shift in transportation preferences, such as more frequent use of bicycles or walking, has remained comparable to before the pandemic. Post-pandemic, walking and cycling have been integrated into intermodal journeys connecting with public transport trips. The increased importance of public transportation after the pandemic indicates that commuting preferences may evolve towards more ecological and efficient forms of mobility, which is a favorable trend in sustainable transport development.

Traffic congestion related to commuting to investment zones is an issue that requires a comprehensive approach. Proper application of mobility management tools (legal–financial, planning, investment, and soft instruments), such as investments in transport infrastructure, development of sustainable transport, flexible working hours, and modern transport technologies, can effectively reduce commuting problems and improve mobility in these areas. Furthermore, one of the key elements of effectively changing transport behaviors is active societal participation in creating new transport solutions. Residents, employees of economic zones, and other stakeholders, such as NGOs or local authorities, should really influence decision-making processes regarding sustainable transport policies. Gathering opinions, preferences, and suggestions from residents and employees of economic zones can help create transport solutions that will meet the actual needs of users. Examples of such actions include public consultations regarding creating new public transport lines or new solutions for cyclists.