1. Introduction
Energy security is one of the key aspects of the functioning of local government units (LGUs) in Poland. Ensuring a stable supply of energy, both electricity and heat, is the foundation for the sustainable development of local communities, economic stability and the effective functioning of public infrastructure [
1]. In the face of rapidly changing geopolitical conditions and environmental challenges, LGUs are forced to take measures to strengthen their resilience to disruptions in the energy sector. Energy crises are particularly dangerous, as they often result from broader political, economic and environmental impasses. The economic crisis may lead to an increase in commodity prices and reduced investments in the energy sector, which translates into increased risk for LGUs, which must ensure an uninterrupted energy supply for key public facilities. Political crises, such as armed conflicts or international sanctions, can disrupt the stability of energy supplies, forcing local governments to respond to sudden changes in the availability of energy resources [
2]. Environmental crises, in turn, related to the increasing frequency of extreme weather events, have an impact on local energy infrastructure, leading to failures and the need to upgrade outdated systems [
3].
As a result, LGUs need to adapt their energy strategies to the changing situation, looking for new solutions, such as the development of renewable energy sources, increasing energy efficiency, as well as cooperation with other municipalities to maintain supply stability.
The recent energy crisis of 2022–2023 has highlighted the weaknesses of existing solutions and highlighted the need to develop new strategies to ensure LGUs’ energy stability in emergency and crisis situations. This crisis was the result of multidimensional factors, such as geopolitical tensions related to Russia’s aggression against Ukraine, sharp increases in commodity prices, and problems in energy supply chains [
4]. The impact of the energy crisis is not only limited to economic aspects, but also includes social and environmental consequences, such as the increase in energy poverty and the need to accelerate the transition to renewable energy sources (RES) [
5].
Poland’s energy structure, heavily dependent on coal and natural gas imports from Russia, has affected LGU’s vulnerability to the energy crisis. Compared to other EU countries, such as Germany or France, Poland has long lagged behind in diversifying energy sources and developing local strategies to protect LGUs from price spikes [
6]. In this context, it becomes crucial to determine what adaptation strategies have been adopted by the Polish LGU in 2022–2023 and what mechanisms can improve their resilience to future crises.
National policy plays a key role in shaping the energy security of local government units. The Polish energy policy, included in the document “Energy Policy Polish until 2040” (PEP2040), defines the directions of energy transformation and the introduction of renewable energy sources. LGUs can contribute to this strategy by implementing local energy policies, supporting the modernisation of power grids and developing energy clusters and energy cooperatives [
7]. It is also important to adapt legal regulations and financing programs that could facilitate LGUs’ initiatives related to energy efficiency and the construction of local energy management systems.
To date, research on LGUs’ energy security has focused mainly on technical and policy aspects [
5]. However, there is no analysis of the adaptation strategies of local governments in the face of dynamic changes in the energy market. This study attempts to fill this gap by focusing on how LGUs manage the energy crisis in Poland, their adaptive responses, and how to improve energy resilience at the local level.
This study seeks to address the following questions:
What strategies did local government units implement in response to the energy crisis?
What factors had the greatest impact on the effectiveness of these strategies?
What solutions can increase the resilience of local government units to energy crises in the future?
The article is part of the research trend on local management and energy policy of LGUs during the crisis [
8]. An important element of the analysis is to compare the situation of Poland with the experience of other countries, such as Germany, the United States or Japan, in order to better understand effective energy management models at the local level.
The main research tool was a survey addressed to LGU representatives, aimed at gathering information about the solutions used, challenges and future plans related to energy security. The results of the analyses allowed for indicating the most effective strategies and recommendations for other LGUs in Poland. In addition, the research has identified how various crises—economic, political and environmental—affect the energy sector at the local level and how LGUs can respond to these changes [
9].
The importance of the research is due to the fact that energy security is not only crucial for the stability of LGU’s operations but also has a direct impact on the lives of residents, from the quality of public services, through the security of infrastructure, to everyday living conditions. While large cities often have more resources and capabilities to deal with crises, smaller municipalities often have limited capacity and must rely on cooperation and innovative solutions to address energy challenges. Understanding and analysing the differences in the approach of various local government units to the issue of energy security can contribute to the development of more effective action strategies adapted to local conditions [
10].
In the face of the dynamically changing challenges faced by LGUs, the study is an attempt to answer the question of how effectively local energy security can be built in the face of a crisis. The results of the research may also serve as a basis for recommendations for national authorities to support LGUs in the process of upgrading their local energy infrastructure and adapting to future energy security challenges.
2. Literature Review
2.1. The Concept of Energy Security
The importance of the energy sector in Poland and in the CEE region is particularly important, which results from both historical patterns of dependence on fossil fuels and the current challenges related to the energy transition. Potential disruptions in energy supply can lead to serious economic and social consequences, especially in countries with a high share of coal in the energy mix and limited access to alternative energy sources [
11,
12]. At the same time, the growing demand for energy in the region, resulting from economic development and climate change, is putting increased pressure on energy systems and a need for investment in renewable energy sources [
13,
14].
Energy security is a multifaceted concept that differs from local, national and international perspectives. At the local level, energy security is centred around the need for energy clusters that support local autonomy and sustainability through distributed energy systems. National energy security can be enhanced with energy clusters that focus on the production and use of energy at the neighbourhood level, realising autonomy and robustness. At the same time, the local strategy must take into account the interests of local stakeholders along with their requirements, integrating the participation of local actors in the energy administration [
15].
At the national level, it ensures a stable and cheap energy supply and manages geopolitical factors and foreign investment. National energy security is defined as the ability to ensure sufficient energy supplies at stable prices, which is essential for economic stability [
16]. In this context, geopolitical dynamics are a significant challenge—nations have to contend with geopolitical tensions and competition for energy resources that can affect national policies and security strategies [
17].
Internationally, global cooperation, the legal framework and the transition to renewable energy are decisive for energy security. International cooperation is becoming a key element in ensuring energy security, requiring international treaties and cooperation agreements to address common challenges, especially in the context of climate change [
18]. The clean energy transition requires massive foreign investment, which must also be balanced with national security concerns in energy infrastructure [
16].
The contemporary literature offers a variety of definitions of energy security, covering both conceptual and operational aspects [
19]. Different approaches result from the differences in energy systems, economic conditions and public policies in different political systems. Despite these differences, similarities in terms of risks to energy systems can form the basis for the development of a universal concept of energy security.
Access to energy is a key factor determining the functioning of societies and economies. Energy shortages are a serious threat, so these resources must be managed in a rational way to minimise the risk of crises. Global turbulence, such as geopolitical conflicts or environmental crises, prompts both states and international organisations to take energy security into account in their development strategies. Currently, the importance of research on the quantification of the level of energy security, which is a condition for the economic stability of countries and regions, is growing.
Security of energy supply has become a priority for developing countries such as China and India, which has led to increased competition for resources. Modern societies are characterised by a rapid increase in energy demand, which makes energy security a key element of national security. In the mid-twentieth century, with the growing demand for fossil fuels, negative environmental effects began to be noticed, which initiated the transformation of energy policies.
The increasing tightening of emission standards has radically changed the foundations of the concept of energy security. The elimination of fossil fuels from the energy mix has been slowed down by the introduction of technological solutions to reduce the negative impact of burning these fuels on the environment [
20].
The development of technologies to reduce the negative impact of fossil fuel combustion on the environment, the tightening of emission standards and the growing role of RES have influenced the evolution of the concept of energy security. These developments include the elimination of risks, infrastructure development, the importance of national policies and the integration of sustainability aspects [
21]. For countries with limited energy resources and high dependence on imports, energy security may be undermined due to the uneven distribution of available fossil fuels and their production, price fluctuations and geopolitical risks. Reducing energy imports and improving energy self-sufficiency are important measures to increase energy security [
22].
The International Energy Agency (IEA) defines energy security through four key attributes [
23]:
Availability—ensuring constant and sufficient access to energy;
Affordability—keeping energy costs affordable for all sections of society;
Acceptability—meeting societal expectations in terms of energy security;
Accountability—accountability for decisions and actions taken in the energy sector.
As part of its climate policy, the European Union assumes that by 2040, low-emission systems will be the main source of heat, which is to contribute to improving energy security and reducing greenhouse gas emissions. Poland, like other EU countries, focuses on diversification of energy sources, increasing energy efficiency and developing distributed energy [
24].
Ensuring the security of energy supply is crucial for all countries, especially for the European Union (EU) countries, due to geopolitical conditions and ongoing reforms of energy markets. Europe imports more than half of the energy it consumes, with the total cost of this import exceeding EUR 1 billion per day. Import dependency is particularly high for oil and natural gas. Therefore, the main direction of action aimed at improving energy security in EU countries should be the diversification of primary energy sources. Diversification of sources and a reduction in the share of imports from one direction may significantly reduce the risk and increase the stability of the energy sector [
22].
Energy security is an issue of global importance, regardless of a country’s energy resources. It is a key element of national security for both exporting and importing countries. An important aspect of energy security research is the analysis of geopolitical conditions, including the identification of conflicts related to the fight for energy resources. Factors affecting energy independence include the capacity to produce coal, oil and gas, the development of RES and nuclear energy, as well as the level of diversification of energy imports [
25].
Previous research indicates that the energy sector is particularly sensitive to factors such as the uneven distribution of reserves of major fuel resources, financial instability of economies, the increase in international conflicts and climate disasters. A new challenge is the global energy transition, accompanied by the energy crisis, the largest in 50 years. This crisis, as a consequence of economic, political and environmental changes, is becoming increasingly important, and its effects may be difficult to predict. As a result, ensuring energy security has become one of the key challenges of modern economies [
26].
The research also points to the need to increase investment in research and development of technologies related to renewable energy sources. Such actions can reduce uncertainty about energy security and, at the same time, contribute to the achievement of the SDGs. The results of the research by Usman and co-authors show that investments in green energy technologies are an effective tool for dampening uncertainty in the energy sector and supporting its stability [
27].
In conclusion, energy security requires a coordinated approach, taking into account both local initiatives and national and global policies. Energy independence, sustainable development and technological innovation are key pillars of future strategies to ensure the energy stability of countries and regions. Coordinated action is necessary because energy systems are interconnected and dependent on a wide range of factors, such as access to raw materials, manufacturing technologies, stability of financial markets and geopolitical developments. Countries that do not implement a coherent energy security policy may face difficulties related to rising energy prices, destabilisation of supplies and greater vulnerability to international crises. In addition, joint action at the international level can help to make economies more resilient to energy shocks, improve the stability of markets and accelerate the transition towards a more sustainable energy model. The integration of energy policies and cooperation between states and international organisations is therefore a key element in ensuring long-term energy security worldwide.
2.2. The Role of Local Governments in Ensuring Stable Energy Supplies
LGU’s energy security is a topic that has become particularly important in light of contemporary challenges, such as the energy crisis of 2022–2023, the energy transition and changing EU regulations. In the context of LGUs’ energy security management, it is worth taking into account both national and international experience in this area.
The literature on energy security focuses mainly on conventional, centralised fossil fuel-based systems and activities at the national and international levels. However, the issue of decentralised energy systems, which could play a key role in achieving the goals of the sustainable energy transition, remains insufficiently explored. The development of local energy systems can significantly contribute to the reduction of greenhouse gas (GHG) emissions [
28].
The energy sector has the greatest potential to reduce GHG emissions, mainly through the deployment of renewable energy technologies (RET) [
29]. One approach to increasing the share of renewable energy is to support local social initiatives. Research shows that citizens’ initiatives are an important part of the energy transition, influencing both technical and societal changes. The transition to decentralised energy supply systems requires a change in the organisational structure of the energy sector. Increasingly, new actors, such as energy communities, are taking partial control of energy production and distribution [
30].
Local communities are actively involved in transforming their energy systems. They create alliances and networks involving various public and private actors, which allows for the development of decentralised energy solutions [
31]. Activities such as maintaining connection to the national power grid, promoting collective energy generation, access to subsidies and long-term investment planning are of critical importance for the security of local energy systems [
28].
Local governments play an important role in ensuring energy security by implementing various programmes and initiatives to support renewable energy sources and energy efficiency. One of the key tools is energy cooperatives, which enable communities to invest in renewable energy projects. By strengthening their position, local governments can contribute to an increase in the share of decentralised energy sources in the energy mix. In addition, they implement policies for sustainable development, including energy efficiency programs and support for renewable energy sources [
32].
In order to effectively implement the strategy to improve energy security, local government units can use modern technologies adapted to their financial and operational capabilities. Investments in RES micro-installations, i.e., photovoltaic panels, small wind farms, and agricultural biogas plants, can ensure energy self-sufficiency for rural municipalities [
33]. Energy storage facilities, on the other hand, are a key element of RES systems, allowing for the accumulation of surplus energy and its use during times of increased demand [
34]. Smart grids, on the other hand, improve the management of energy distribution, reduce losses and enable better integration of RES sources [
35]. It is also worth mentioning energy management systems (EMS), which allow local government units to optimise energy consumption in public buildings and local distribution networks [
36].
Another important aspect is social education, which allows for an increase in the awareness of residents about the benefits of decentralised energy systems. Local governments can organise educational campaigns and information programmes to increase public participation and support for local investments in renewable energy sources [
32].
Despite its many advantages, the development of local energy initiatives also faces numerous problems. One of the key challenges is funding, as many local governments face limited financial resources, making it difficult to implement large renewable energy projects. In addition, despite the growing interest in RES, the participation of local communities in investments is still low, and their economic importance on a macro scale remains limited [
37].
The fragmentation of energy generation can lead to significant economic and social changes. The introduction of decentralised energy systems increases the role of local authorities and communities in decision-making processes. Thanks to civic initiatives, such as energy cooperatives or home photovoltaic installations, residents gain the opportunity not only to meet their energy needs, but also to reap economic and social benefits [
38].
Recent studies indicate that Polish local government units face many challenges, including financial constraints, the need to increase energy efficiency and diversify energy sources [
39].
The answer to financial constraints is numerous national and European grant programs that support the development of renewable energy and the modernisation of infrastructure. Among the EU funds, the Cohesion Fund, which supports projects improving energy efficiency and investments in renewable energy sources, can be indicated. The European Regional Development Fund (ERDF) finances the modernisation of energy infrastructure at the local level. Thanks to the “LIFE Programme”, local governments can implement environmental and climate protection activities, including investments in energy storage and smart grids. As part of the “Modernisation Fund”, which is addressed to EU countries with high dependence on fossil fuels, including Poland, there is a possibility of supporting projects related to low-carbon energy. REPowerEU, on the other hand, is a programme launched in response to the 2022 energy crisis, financing investments in energy independence and the development of green energy [
40].
National programs include the offer of subsidies and loans for the energy modernisation of local government buildings and the development of renewable energy. Among them is the latest program “Energy for Rural Areas”, which aims to increase the use of renewable energy sources in rural and rural–urban municipalities. Municipal energy cooperatives can be a beneficiary of this programme. As part of the “My Electricity” program, it is possible to finance photovoltaic installations, heat pumps and energy storage systems. An important support was also provided by the “Clean Air” program, which is addressed to households, but local government units can act as a coordinator of support for residents. Currently, preparations are underway to launch the next edition of this program [
41].
Another form of support for the implementation of investment tasks to improve energy security at the local level is public–private partnership (PPP). Such cooperation between local government units and the private sector can be a key tool in the implementation of energy projects with limited budgetary resources. In this case, we can mention the ESCO (Energy Service Company) model, under which private companies finance the modernisation of the energy infrastructure of local government units, and the return on investment is made from savings resulting from the improvement of energy efficiency. This is particularly effective in the case of modernisation of street lighting, heating systems and the construction of RES micro-installations [
42]. An interesting initiative is also long-term energy supply contracts (PPAs–Power Purchase Agreements), where local governments can sign agreements for the purchase of renewable energy from private producers, which ensures cost stability and increases the share of green energy in the energy mix [
43]. Public Law Partnership may also be established as part of the construction of RES farms. Local government units may cooperate with private investors in the construction of photovoltaic or wind farms in local government areas [
44].
Local government units can also obtain financing for the energy transition by issuing bonds and using preferential loans. Municipalities can issue bonds for the development of renewable energy sources and the modernisation of the distribution network. An example is local energy bonds used in Germany, which allow residents to invest in renewable energy projects [
45]. The local government can also take advantage of green bonds, i.e., financial instruments issued by local government units to finance projects related to renewable energy and energy efficiency. In addition, local government units can apply for low-interest loans from the European Investment Bank for projects to modernise energy infrastructure [
46].
Local communities and local government units can jointly implement energy investments within the aforementioned energy cooperatives and clusters. Energy cooperatives are a model that allows residents and local government units to jointly invest in renewable energy sources and use the energy produced on preferential terms [
47]. In turn, energy clusters enable cooperation between local government units, companies and local institutions in order to optimise energy use and implement decentralised energy management systems [
48].
In particular, attention is drawn to the problems with the implementation of investments in renewable energy sources and the lack of a uniform government strategy supporting local governments in their long-term energy policy [
49]. In addition, the analyses indicate the growing role of energy clusters and civic initiatives in the management of local energy resources [
48].
Polish strategic documents, such as “Polish Energy Policy until 2030” and “Polish Energy Policy until 2040”, emphasise the need to modernise distribution networks in order to enable the development of distributed energy [
50,
51]. According to these documents, these networks are to support local energy sources and improve the reliability of supply.
The statutory tasks of municipalities include providing residents with access to electricity, heat and gas. Municipalities can act as a regulator of the local energy market, a consumer, a supplier, as well as an investor and producer of energy. The key objective of local governments is to ensure energy security, understood as the ongoing and uninterrupted satisfaction of the needs of local communities [
52].
One of the biggest challenges facing local governments is access to financing for energy projects. The development of civic energy, including the construction of micro-installations or local energy storage, requires significant financial outlays and legislative support. Research shows that the success of these activities depends on access to EU and national funds and supporting mechanisms, such as tax breaks or subsidies [
38].
Another challenge is to raise public awareness of the efficient use of energy and the implementation of modern technologies. Local governments can play a key role in educating residents and supporting local initiatives for the energy transition.
Ultimately, the development of decentralised energy systems requires cooperation between local governments, the private sector and international organisations. Creating joint projects, such as energy clusters, allows for cost optimisation and better use of local resources.
Comparing the activities of the Polish LGU to other countries, one can point to significant differences in the approach to energy policy. For example, in Germany, after the oil crisis of the 1970s. Germany has adopted the Energiewende policy, with an emphasis on decentralised energy production and support for local government units in the field of renewable energy sources [
53].
For many years, Germany has been developing local energy cooperatives (Energiegenossenschaften), in which residents invest in renewable energy installations together with local governments. This makes it possible to increase the share of renewable energy and local energy independence. In addition, local government units in Germany benefit from national support programmes, e.g., offered by the KfW bank, which enable the modernisation of public buildings and the development of efficient heating systems [
54].
In Japan, after the Fukushima disaster in 2011, the Japanese government changed its energy policy, introducing a strategy to reduce dependence on nuclear energy and support local energy-saving programs and the development of distributed energy sources. At the same time, educational and information programs have been strongly developed, thanks to which residents are involved in activities for energy efficiency and local safety [
55].
In the United States, on the other hand, the energy crisis of the 1970s prompted the US to develop energy efficiency programmes and invest in shale gas energy technologies, which now enables greater energy independence of local government units [
56].
An interesting initiative in the US is the Community Choice Aggregation mechanisms, which allow local governments to collectively negotiate the purchase of energy for residents and businesses. This allows local government units to choose suppliers offering energy from renewable sources, often at more favourable N2 prices. Additionally, many U.S. LGUs engage in public–private partnerships to advance energy projects, such as building local solar power plants or upgrading energy infrastructure. Such partnerships allow risks and benefits to be shared between the public and private sectors. An example is the Sunset Park Solar project in New York City, where local governments worked with the private sector to create an energy cooperative that provides clean energy to residents at below-market prices [
57].
The European Union’s energy policy is conducive to the development of decentralised energy systems. In recent years, it has developed a number of regulations that directly affect energy management by local government units. The introduction of the Fit for 55 directive and REPowerEU puts emphasis on reducing dependence on fossil fuels and the development of distributed energy, which is of key importance for the future of local government units in Poland [
58]. In addition, reports from the European Commission suggest that support for local government units in the field of energy transition should cover both financial and legislative aspects to accelerate the process of implementing energy strategies at the local level.
International experience shows that an effective energy security policy of local government units requires long-term strategies, financial support and stable regulations. An analysis of the literature confirms that the development of decentralised energy systems and increasing the participation of local government units in energy planning can contribute to improving the security of energy supply and reducing vulnerability to future crises.
2.3. Energy Crises—Causes and Effects
An energy crisis is a situation in which the market balance is disturbed, resulting in an increase in the prices of energy resources and their limited availability. The causes of energy crises can be found primarily in political decisions, international conflicts, economic instability and environmental changes [
59]. One of the world’s largest energy crises began in 1973 after Egyptian and Syrian troops attacked Israel. The aggressors could count on the support of countries such as Iraq, Jordan, Libya and Morocco, while Israel received military and financial aid from the United States. In response to the support given by the US to Israel, the Arab states decided to react. They belonged to the Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries (OAPEC) and, taking advantage of this fact, changed the mechanism of setting oil prices and reduced the production of raw material. In the three months following the introduction of the announced sanctions, gas prices increased by 135% [
60]. These actions became the generator of the economic crisis. On a microeconomic scale, they resulted in the closure of gas stations on weekends, the introduction of restrictions on the movement of passenger cars, the extinguishing of shop windows, the abandonment of the lighting of towns during Christmas, and even fuel theft. Significant changes have also taken place in the macroeconomic sphere.
The energy crisis has contributed to a change in the management system in the international economy. After the end of World War II, the basis of international relations in terms of the management of monetary systems was the “Bretton Woods system”. The energy crisis has significantly contributed to its elimination in world trade and its replacement by the “petrodollar system” [
61]. With regard to ensuring energy security, individual countries have taken a number of initiatives aimed at diversifying the supply of energy resources. In the case of France, the crisis translated into the implementation of the Messmer Plan, under which 80 nuclear power plants were to be built by 1985 and 170 by 2000. After 56 reactors were built by the mid-1980s, the goal was announced. In this way, the share of nuclear energy in the French energy mix reached about 70% [
62,
63]. At that time, similar actions were also taken by the United States. Richard Nixon’s administration began implementing Project Independence. The main assumptions of the project focused on reducing energy consumption and developing its own generation capacity, with particular emphasis on nuclear energy. It was assumed that 1000 nuclear power plants would be built by 1980 [
64]. A rather non-standard form of fighting the energy crisis was adopted by US President Jimmy Carter, who, during the oil crisis caused by the revolution in Iran, gave a speech to citizens on a square in which he encouraged them to save energy.
The oil crisis of 2011 was also politically motivated and was related to the so-called Arab Spring. At that time, one-third of the world’s oil supplies came from the region affected by the transition, which had a very large impact on the increase in prices per barrel of oil. Within a month, the price of the raw material on the American stock exchange increased from USD 80 to 116 (the price from 2 March 2011). The crisis was exacerbated by Iran’s threats to close the Strait of Hormuz and the same country’s decision to suspend sales to French and British companies, which resulted in a further increase in the price of oil to USD 128 per barrel. The United States, bearing in mind the country’s energy security, carried out the so-called “shale revolution” by investing in fracking technology. In this way, the Americans reduced oil imports by 20% and became an even more competitive country in this market. Thanks to the use of the new technology, the United States has reduced the price of the raw material at home, which has translated into a reduction in global prices of this energy carrier, which has benefited other countries that are importers of crude oil, including Poland [
4]. However, it should be emphasised that fracking technology is becoming more and more controversial. During the process of gas and oil extraction, toxic substances are injected into rocks in addition to water and sand. Groundwater is contaminated. Scientific studies have confirmed the relationship between fracking and the growing risk of cancer, cardiovascular and respiratory diseases and premature births. In addition, the fracking method leads to significant methane emissions and can become the cause of earthquakes [
65].
The COVID-19 pandemic and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine in 2022 are two key factors that have triggered the current energy crisis in Europe. In mid-2021, the economies of individual countries began to recover from the COVID-19 pandemic. During the pandemic, there was both low demand, low supply and low prices on the energy commodity market. The economic recovery that has emerged, characterised by a rapid course, has strongly influenced the increase in demand, which began to significantly exceed supply, which was slowly recovering after the pandemic period. This crisis particularly affected the oil and gas market [
66]. In Europe, it was strengthened after the decisions taken in France to shut down nuclear reactors for safety reasons (32 out of 56) [
67]. In addition, the situation was complicated by weather conditions in various parts of the world or massive maintenance and investment works previously suspended by oil and gas companies due to the pandemic [
68]. The prices of energy resources began to rise. At the same time, the decarbonisation process was underway in Europe, which was related to the energy union strategy being implemented, included in the “Clean Energy for All Europeans” Act and the “European Green Deal” [
69,
70]. Individual countries switched from coal to natural gas, which was treated as a transitional fuel [
71].
Before the outbreak of the war, natural gas was imported to European countries mainly from Russia. It accounted for as much as 43% of the total volume in the European Union [
72]. In connection with Russia’s invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022, the EU began to gradually adopt further packages of sanctions aimed at the aggressor’s economy. The actions taken included, among others, the restriction of economic relations, economic sanctions covering the financial, energy, transport and technology sectors, a ban on new investments in the Russian energy sector, a ban on coal imports, etc. [
73]. On 8 March 2022, the European Commission published a communication on the REPowerEU strategy [
74,
75], which was intended to reduce dependence on Russian fuels and additionally complement efforts in the area of energy transition. The strategy envisaged diversification of gas supplies, expansion of renewable energy targets, and promotion of hydrogen and biomethane. However, this package, to the detriment of the decarbonisation process, allowed for a renewed increase in the use of coal [
76].
The energy crisis has modified the objectives of the EU’s energy policy. Independence from supplies from the east has become a priority, which unfortunately slowed down the implementation of decarbonisation. Some EU countries have returned to coal, and gas has remained a transitional fuel. At the same time, a new energy mix is being shaped. In Poland, an attempt was made to use solutions in the field of nuclear energy. In addition, renewable energy activities are promoted [
77]. Gas storage issues are also becoming increasingly important, finding their place in European legislation. In June 2022, the European Parliament and the Council adopted the Gas Storage Regulation. It provided for the possibility of sharing gas storage capacity among Member States [
78].
The energy crisis has a particular impact on the economies of countries dependent on fossil fuels, especially those that obtain energy from foreign sources and do not have additional energy diversification [
79].
The current energy crisis has far-reaching effects on both macro- and microeconomic levels:
The energy crisis at the local level has primarily a financial dimension, as it leads to problems with covering current expenses, making it difficult to demonstrate own contribution to investments or budget planning by local governments [
9].
In the face of the energy crisis, it is crucial to accelerate the energy transition, which includes the development of renewable energy sources, energy efficiency and local initiatives to support energy production and storage. EU countries should continue to diversify supplies and create common gas storage mechanisms [
78].
Although energy crises are often triggered by geopolitical decisions, they are a combination of various factors, including disruptions in value chains, market manipulation and regulatory shortcomings.
3. Materials and Methods
3.1. Methodological Approach—A Case Study
This article uses a case study approach to understand in detail the behaviour of local government units (LGUs) in the conditions of the energy crisis. The case study allows for capturing the complexity of phenomena occurring in the practice of local administration and enables the identification of factors affecting the effectiveness of the implemented activities. The study used a descriptive approach and focused on a group of 167 local government units selected by stratified sampling.
The study consisted of the following steps:
Review of the literature and strategic documents in the field of energy security.
Designing a research tool—a survey containing closed and semi-open questions.
Pilot study and correction of the tool.
Implementation of the field survey—electronic surveys and telephone contact with municipalities.
Data triangulation—comparison of survey results with registry data and qualitative information.
Statistical analysis—Pearson’s chi-square test and Kruskal–Wallis test.
Interpretation of results taking into account the types of municipalities and the number of inhabitants.
In the first stage, a review of the literature on the subject was carried out, consisting of a detailed analysis of available scientific publications, industry reports and strategic documents on LGUs’ energy security. The review covered key aspects of the research topic, such as defining energy security, the role of local governments in ensuring the stability of energy supply, and the impact of economic, political and environmental crises on the energy sector. The available sources have been selected based on their timeliness and relevance to the research problem.
The key element of the research was the choice of the method of obtaining empirical data.
The study methodology was based on proven research tools, which ensures comparability of results with other studies in the literature. An innovative aspect of the study consisted of the use of a broad, representative sample of local government units (LGUs), including various types of municipalities (urban, urban–rural, rural) and the number of municipalities, which is rare in Poland. In addition, elements of methodological triangulation were used—in addition to surveys, in some cases, data were verified on the basis of public registers of local government units and source data made available by a few local governments. In order to increase the number of completed questionnaires, telephone contact with municipalities was also carried out, which served as a reminder and at the same time enabled a hidden interview, which enriched the research material.
The research sample consisted of 167 LGUs, selected on the basis of the stratified selection method. Out of 2477 LGUs in Poland, a random selection of units was made within three categories: urban, urban–rural and rural communes, to ensure the representativeness of the results for different types of local governments. The selection criterion for LGUs was based on their demographic size and available data on energy policy.
Respondents in each LGU were representatives from departments involved in energy, infrastructure or environmental management, which provided first-hand information. In the case of LGUs, which did not have a dedicated energy department, the survey was addressed to representatives of the management board of local governments.
The data were collected through a survey questionnaire that was distributed electronically. Prior to the start of the survey, a pilot survey was carried out on a sample of 10 local government units to verify the clarity of the questions and to adapt the structure of the questionnaire to the real administrative conditions.
Two criteria for the classification of LGU were used in the data analysis:
- (1)
According to the number of inhabitants, the sample was divided into four groups: below 10,000, 10,000–50,000, 50,001–100,000 and over 100,000 inhabitants.
- (2)
By LGU type (urban, rural–urban, rural communes). The survey consisted of 21 closed and semi-open questions, concerning, e.g.:
Assessment of the current state of LGUs’ energy security;
Investments in renewable energy sources (RES);
An action strategy in the event of an interruption of energy supply;
Cooperation with other LGUs and the private sector;
Challenges related to energy security.
It should be emphasised that the study took into account the diversity of local government units in terms of the type of commune (rural, urban–rural, urban) and demographic size. The respondents came from different Polish voivodeships, which ensures broad regional representativeness, while maintaining the anonymity of individuals. A detailed distribution of the surveyed municipalities, taking into account the type of local government unit, is presented in
Figure 1.
The collected data were then analysed quantitatively and qualitatively. In this regard, an analysis of the relationship between variables was carried out on the basis of the Pearson chi-square test and a comparison of assessments in different LGU groups using the Kruskal–Wallis test. The rationale for the use of these tests resulted from the fact that the chi-square test of independence is used to check whether there is a statistically significant relationship between two qualitative variables [
80]. The Kruskal–Wallis test, on the other hand, belongs to non-parametric tests and is used to compare at least three groups in terms of some quantitative variable [
81]. Although the methodology was based on classic survey data analysis tools, its application enabled valuable practical conclusions. The results are presented in the form of charts and tables. The STATISTICA 13.3 program was used for statistical analysis.
This study adheres to principles of scientific ethics. Participation in the survey was voluntary, and the data were anonymised, which ensured the confidentiality of the respondents’ answers. Thanks to the research methodology used, comprehensive information was obtained on LGUs’ approach to energy challenges during the crisis, which made it possible to formulate recommendations aimed at improving their energy security.
The study has several limitations that may affect the interpretation of the results:
Sample size—although 167 local government units are a representative sample, the number of respondents could have been larger to better reflect the diversity of local government activities in Poland. It should be added that 700 municipalities were invited to the survey, but 167 local governments responded.
Limited access to data—not all LGUs have systematically collected data on their energy strategy, which may have affected the quality of the answers provided.
Subjectivity of assessments—respondents’ answers could be subjective and depend on their experience and the current financial situation of the LGU.
Lack of a uniform approach to energy strategy—differences in LGUs’ approach to energy policy may cause difficulties in comparing results between individual units.
To minimise the impact of these limitations, methodological triangulation was used—a survey analysis was combined with a review of LGU public records. In this way, a more comprehensive picture of the strategy of local government units in the area of energy security was obtained.
3.2. Conceptual Framework of the Study
The article adopts a conceptual research framework based on the assumption that the energy security of local government units is shaped by a set of interrelated dimensions, including:
Infrastructural energy readiness (network availability, RES, energy storage).
Crisis management capacity (contingency plans, threat scenarios).
The level of cross-sectoral cooperation (partnerships with other local government units and the private sector).
Strategic awareness and planning (local policies, strategic documents).
Access to finance (EU funds, national support programmes, PPPs).
The framework also takes into account the impact of external factors, such as geopolitical shocks, regulatory changes and fluctuations in energy and commodity prices. This approach allows for a comprehensive assessment of the activities of local government units in the context of energy resilience.
4. Results
The results of the research are presented in five main areas of analysis: (1) assessment of the current state of energy security in local government units, (2) existence of contingency plans in the event of interruptions in energy supply, (3) investments in renewable energy sources, (4) assessment of external factors affecting energy security, and (5) impact of the energy crisis on local policies.
All data presented in the article come from our own empirical research, conducted in 2024 on a sample of 167 local government units in Poland, selected by stratified random sampling. Before the start of the study, the questionnaire was verified in a pilot study, and the answers were subjected to internal consistency control, which ensures high quality and rationality of the collected data. Most of the responses came from 75 municipalities with a population of 10,000–50,000 and smaller municipalities with a population of less than 10,000 (58 municipalities). The percentage of responses in municipalities with a population of up to 50,000 to 100,000 and above 100,000 was the same and amounted to 10.7% (17 municipalities in each group) (
Figure 2).
Taking into account the type of LGU, rural gminas accounted for 50.3% (84 gminas). A smaller share was recorded in urban–rural gminas—29.3% (49 gminas). The share of urban gminas was 20.4% (34 gminas).
4.1. Assessment of the Current State of Energy Security of Local Government Units
The respondents were asked to assess the general state of energy security in their units. The vast majority described this state as satisfactory, especially in rural (41.2%) and urban–rural (41.7%) communes. In urban communes, the answers indicating a good or very good level dominated (55.9%). The results indicate a moderate level of satisfaction with the current energy situation, while at the same time noticing systemic imperfections (
Figure 3).
Most often, the very good or good rating was chosen by municipalities that use renewable energy from local sources, modernise their operations, implement extensive energy management systems, and improve energy supply. This group includes both rural, rural–urban and urban communes with different numbers of inhabitants. The unsatisfactory assessment of the current state of affairs was pointed out by representatives of rural communes.
Overall, it can be concluded that urban municipalities are more likely to have a higher level of energy security, while urban–rural and rural municipalities are less favourable.
Assessing the state of energy security of municipalities, taking into account the number of inhabitants, it can be noted that in the case of small municipalities, this security is unsatisfactory (
Figure 4). This assessment was due to general problems with access to energy sources and, in the case of municipalities with 10,000 to 50,000 inhabitants, a lack of funds for network upgrades. A very bad assessment was given by representatives of about 5% of municipalities with less than 10,000 inhabitants, whose infrastructure is outdated. In the group of municipalities with a population of 10,000 to 50,000 inhabitants, this answer was given by over 40% of respondents, indicating that these local government units did nothing in this regard. On the other hand, in one municipality with 50,000 to 100,000 inhabitants, such a low rating resulted from too high costs.
The respondents were asked to choose one of four external factors that they believed could most affect LGUs’ energy security in the near future. The structure of the responses obtained is shown in
Figure 5. According to the respondents, the greatest impact on energy security in the near future will be the stability of energy prices (over 35% of all responses), the state of infrastructure (almost 30% of all responses), followed by the geopolitical situation (over 20%) and international politics (over 14%).
As part of the survey, respondents were also asked to assess the impact of crises (such as rising energy prices, decreasing availability of resources) on energy security. The answers obtained, taking into account the number of inhabitants in communes, are presented in
Figure 6. More than 40% of respondents were of the opinion that the energy crisis moderately increased the threat to energy security. In the opinion, over 25% of respondents significantly increased the threat, while over 20% stated that it had no influence, but caused changes in the policy of local government units. According to 9% of respondents, the economic crisis has not had any impact on energy security, and almost 5% of respondents believe that it has improved energy security.
The results of the analysis by type of commune (urban, rural, urban–rural) reflect the trends observed by the number of inhabitants, which confirms the relationship between the type of commune and its demographic size.
The respondents were asked about the most needed forms of support to improve energy security. The distribution of responses in the study groups is shown in
Figure 7. The analysis of the data shows that financial support from the government was the most frequently indicated need (34.1% of all responses) in all types of local government units.
For large municipalities (over 100,000 inhabitants), legislative facilitations also turned out to be important, which is also the second most frequently mentioned factor by other groups of respondents (18.6% in total). The third key area was training and education of residents (16.8% of responses). This aspect was particularly important for small municipalities with a population of less than 10,000 inhabitants.
Access to new technologies (13.8% of responses) and support for digital technologies to improve energy management (11.4%) were also considered important. In addition, in the surveyed groups, there were single indications for other forms of support, such as technical assistance, advisory assistance and support in energy management—these needs were reported by all types of local government units.
The next question in the survey concerned the assessment of readiness for future energy crises. Four answers were available. Two extreme answers dominated in the study group: rather good (over 37% of responses) and rather bad (almost 36% of responses) (
Figure 8). At the same time, representatives of municipalities with less than 10,000 inhabitants assessed their state of preparedness rather poorly (in this case, over 44% of respondents in the surveyed group). Respondents from larger countries, on the other hand, assessed their preparedness for the future crisis as rather good. Therefore, it can be concluded that the greater the risk of loss for a larger number of people, the more local government units take measures to protect them.
4.2. Preparation of Contingency Plans
As part of the survey, respondents were asked whether municipalities had a strategy or action plan in place in the event of an interruption of energy supply. In total, over 43% of municipalities do not have such a plan or strategy, almost 35% of municipalities are in the process of developing such documents, while over 21% of the analysed local government units have a developed plan.
Figure 9 presents the collected answers according to the number of residents living in the commune.
Taking into account the type of municipality, the research shows that urban municipalities most often have action plans in the event of interruptions in energy supply (44%) (
Figure 10). In the case of rural communes, this percentage is only 13%, while in urban–rural communes it is about 20%. In turn, every third rural and urban–rural commune is in the process of preparing such documents. Other municipalities do not have plans for such activities and do not take action to prepare for them.
In the context of the actions taken by municipalities to increase their resilience to power outages, respondents could indicate more than one answer, which allowed them to obtain a comprehensive picture of the solutions used. The results are shown in
Figure 11.
The most popular action, taken by over 42% of municipalities, was investment in renewable energy sources aimed at increasing energy independence. More than a third of municipalities (34%) indicated the modernisation of power grids to improve their reliability and efficiency. Another frequently taken action, indicated by representatives of 25% of municipalities, was the conclusion of contracts for the supply of emergency energy sources that can be used in crisis situations.
The implementation of energy storage systems has been confirmed in 16% of municipalities, which indicates a growing interest in technologies that enable the storage of surplus energy and its subsequent use.
Other solutions, indicated by over 7% of representatives of municipalities, include activities tailored to the specifics of local communities. Municipalities with less than 10,000 inhabitants often engage in cooperation with neighbouring municipalities to improve local energy security. Municipalities with 10,000 to 50,000 inhabitants focus on educating residents on energy conservation, which contributes to reducing consumption and optimising available resources. In municipalities with between 50,000 and 100,000 inhabitants, regional initiatives are popular, involving cooperation with neighbouring municipalities to implement joint energy projects.
The collected data indicate that many local government units did not have formal documents or procedures for managing the crisis situation in the energy sector. However, local government units that had already implemented energy management solutions (e.g., energy audits, monitoring of energy consumption, own renewable energy sources) were more resilient to the effects of the energy crisis.
The analyses show that the distribution of responses in the survey by the type of communes—urban, rural and urban–rural—is consistent with the distribution of results by the number of inhabitants, which indicates a correlation between the type of commune and the population.
The last question in the survey concerned plans for the development of local technological solutions supporting energy security (such as local energy storage, smart grids and similar solutions). Almost 60% of local government representatives confirmed such solutions, striving to increase the efficiency of energy management and energy independence. This answer appeared as a majority in every group of municipalities, except for the smallest (inhabited by less than 10,000 inhabitants), where it accounted for 50% of the responses. In other cases, the negative answer was due to limited financial capabilities or other priorities. Percentage results broken down by the size of municipalities are presented in
Figure 12. In addition, it can be noted that the larger the commune, the financial possibilities allow for this type of action, and they are planned.
4.3. Investments in Renewable Energy Sources (RES)
An important element is the issue of local government investments in renewable energy sources. The collected data presented in
Figure 13 shows that most municipalities (over 36%) invest in RES to a limited extent. About 31% of municipalities do not yet implement such investments, but plan to do so in the future. Over 20% of respondents indicated that they do not invest in RES and have no plans to do so.
Municipalities intensively investing in renewable energy sources (RES), which account for over 11% of the respondents, are entities with access to external funds, which enables them to implement advanced projects. This group includes municipalities with different numbers of inhabitants that diversify investments. Municipalities with less than 10,000 inhabitants focus mainly on photovoltaic installations and smaller renewable energy projects implemented at the local level. Municipalities with a population of 10,000 to 50,000 are implementing medium-scale projects such as wind farms or more extensive photovoltaic installations. On the other hand, municipalities with 50,000 to 100,000 inhabitants are involved in larger projects, such as the construction of large photovoltaic farms.
Municipalities that invest in RES to a limited extent account for over 36% of the respondents and implement smaller projects focused mainly on improving the energy efficiency of local infrastructure. Examples of activities include solar installations on public buildings, such as schools, offices or other municipal facilities.
Another group are municipalities that do not currently implement investments in RES but have such plans—they account for over 31%. This group mainly includes municipalities with less than 10,000 inhabitants, which are at the stage of preparing investment plans or applying for external funds for the implementation of such projects.
The last group, comprising over 20%, consists of municipalities that do not invest in RES and do not have such plans. This group is dominated by municipalities with a population of more than 100,000 inhabitants. The reason for this is most often a lack of financial resources, other budget priorities or a reluctance to become involved in renewable energy projects.
A similar trend was observed in the analysis of investments in renewable energy sources depending on the type of municipalities (
Figure 14). The highest activity in the field of investments in renewable energy sources was recorded in urban municipalities, which are characterised by the largest population. In this group, about 75% carry out investments. In rural communes, investments in RES are carried out by over 35% of units. Of the 66% of rural municipalities that do not implement such investments, 40% of respondents declared that they were included in their plans. In urban–rural municipalities, more than half of the units do not invest in RES, but in every third of them, they are planned to be implemented in the future.
In terms of long-term changes in the energy policy of local governments, the most common responses were a change in investment priorities (about 30%) and an intensification of financial resources (about 30%). A smaller percentage of indications concerned the update of energy plans of units (over 22%) and changes in the management method (less than 20%). The distribution of responses depending on the number of inhabitants of the communes was very similar.
4.4. Cooperation with the Private Sector and Other Local Government Units
A very important element of building energy security is the cooperation of local government units with other units (local government, government) in the field of crisis management in the energy sector. The results of the study in this area are presented in
Figure 15. The data shows that over 40% of respondents declared no cooperation, about 39% indicated cooperation between units, while over 20% plan to undertake such cooperation.
Representatives of municipalities were also asked about cooperation with the private sector in the context of securing energy supplies. Over 64% declared no such cooperation (107 municipalities), due to the lack of links with the private sector. The majority of negative responses came from representatives of municipalities with fewer than 50,000 inhabitants. Over 35% declared cooperation. These are mostly large municipalities implementing energy investments in cooperation with the private sector.
The respondents were asked to indicate the key areas of support necessary to improve LGUs’ energy security. The answers of the respondents are presented in
Figure 16. The largest percentage of respondents (34.1%) indicated the need to increase the share of renewable energy, while 29.3% of respondents considered the construction of energy storage systems to be a priority. Equally important, according to the respondents (19.2%), is the development of smart energy networks. The latter aspect was particularly highly rated in municipalities with more than 100,000 inhabitants.
In addition, in the “other” category, there were various indications depending on the size of the communes. Advisory support and technical assistance were most often mentioned by municipalities with less than 10,000 inhabitants and more than 100,000 inhabitants. In turn, the development of energy cooperatives was indicated in municipalities with 10,000–50,000 inhabitants. On the other hand, the development of educational programmes was reported in municipalities with a population of 50,000–100,000.
Analysing the respondents’ answers broken down by type of communes, similar relationships were observed as in the case of groups differing in the number of inhabitants, which is consistent with the typical demographic structure of communes.
4.5. Impact of the Energy Crisis on Local Policy
The respondents were asked whether their units conduct educational or information programs on energy saving and energy security. The distribution of responses in the study groups is shown in
Figure 17.
The analysis of the data shows that the majority of respondents (33.5% of all responses) confirmed that this type of activity was carried out sporadically. More than a quarter of the respondents declared the lack of such programs, but indicated that their implementation is planned in the future.
When asked about the support of local governments in the field of new digital technologies supporting energy management, the majority of respondents answered in the affirmative (68.9% in total). This answer was dominant in each group of municipalities, regardless of the number of inhabitants. The negative response came from representatives of small municipalities (less than 10,000 inhabitants), which do not see the need to invest in new technologies, usually due to other priorities. In the case of the remaining municipalities, the negative answer resulted from having appropriate infrastructure for energy management and the lack of need for support in this area.
Taking into account the greatest future challenges related to the energy security of municipalities, respondents were asked to indicate the three most important ones. The distribution of the responses obtained is shown in
Figure 18. Each of the respondents, regardless of the number of inhabitants of the commune, mentioned: lack of adequate financial resources (53.9%), insufficient energy infrastructure (46.1%) and rising energy prices (38.9%).
To sum up, it should be stated that the analysis of the responses of local government units indicates that the most frequently used strategy was to optimise energy consumption by modernising buildings and municipal infrastructure. Municipalities have also invested in increasing the share of renewable energy in local power sources. In addition, energy management models were changed through the integration of intelligent energy consumption monitoring systems. Finally, it is worth mentioning the cooperation of municipalities with energy suppliers in order to negotiate more favourable contract terms.
The survey also revealed the difficulties faced by local government units, including limited access to finance for energy efficiency investments and the lack of a long-term national strategy to support local energy initiatives.
Municipal governments more often have higher budgets, an extensive heating network, greater potential to implement intelligent energy management systems (e.g., BMS, smart meters), as well as access to specialists in the field of energy and external funds. On the other hand, in rural municipalities, despite their smaller financial background, local governments often have larger areas of land, which may be conducive to the location of RES installations, such as PV farms or biogas plants. Nevertheless, the barrier is the lack of know-how, human resources and more difficult access to financing.
The differences in the actions taken and the barriers encountered between urban and rural municipalities are also reflected in the statistically significant differences in the assessment of the level of energy security and the plans for the development of local initiatives, which is confirmed by the results of the Kruskal–Wallis test.
The null hypothesis (H0) was adopted, according to which the assessment of the state of energy security is the same in relation to each type of LGU. The alternative hypothesis (H1) assumes a difference in the evaluation of the selected criterion in relation to the types of local government units. The significance level was α = 0.05.
The type of local government units (rural, rural–urban, urban commune) as a qualitative feature and the impact on quantitative features (after data transformation) were taken into account. The result was a p score of 0.0127, which is less than the alpha significance level. The null hypothesis must therefore be rejected. The type of LGU affects the safety rating.
The distribution of responses in the three groups of municipalities was as follows:
In rural communes, the range of responses ranged from 1 to 5 (where 1 meant a very bad assessment of the energy security of the surveyed unit, while 5 meant a very good assessment of the security of the audited unit). The median in this case was 3 (satisfactory), and in the range of 25–75% of responses, the most common score was from 2–4 (i.e., from unsatisfactory to good energy security of the examined unit).
In urban–rural communes, the range of responses ranged from 2 to 5, with 25–75% of responses being assessments at level 3 or 4 concerning the energy security of the surveyed unit. The middle value was 3, while the extreme answers included a grade of 1. In urban municipalities, the range of non-outlier answers (1–99%) was similar in the range of energy security assessment of the surveyed units 2–5, of which 25–75% of the answers were 3 or 4. The middle value is 4, and similarly, an outlier is the energy security rating at level 1 (very bad) of the surveyed units.
The situation was similar in the case of the dependence of the assessment of the safety status on the number of residents of the surveyed LGU. In this case, lower assessments of the state of energy security were most often found in municipalities with a population of less than 10,000 people, while in those with a population of more than 100,000 people, the assessment of the state of energy security was higher (the range of ratings from 3 to 5, the middle value of the assessment was 4).
Then the Pearson chi-square test was carried out to verify the relationship between the type of municipality and having a strategy or plan in the event of an interruption of energy supply (K1) and investments in renewable energy sources (K2). A null hypothesis was put forward, indicating the lack of dependence between the type of municipality and K1 and K2, while the alternative hypothesis assumes the existence of such relationships. The significance level was α = 0.05.
In the first case (K1), the result was
p = 0.001 (
Table 1). The result obtained is lower than the significance level α; therefore, the null hypothesis should be rejected in favour of the alternative hypothesis. Depending on the type of municipality, there is a dependency on whether a given LGU has a strategy or plan of action in the event of an interruption of energy supply. In the second case (K2), the result was
p = 0.0028, i.e., below the assumed level of significance α. Therefore, there is a relationship between the type of municipality and investments in renewable energy sources, which is confirmed by the data presented in the charts.
Another study was conducted on the relationship between the type of commune and qualitative traits (
Table 2). In order to examine the existence of a relationship between the type of municipality and the respondents’ answers to questions K1–K10, Pearson’s chi-square tests were carried out. The significance level was α = 0.05.
The following research hypotheses were put forward. The null hypothesis (H0) indicated that there was no relationship between the type of municipality and the distribution of answers to a given question. On the other hand, the alternative hypothesis (H1) maintained that there is a relationship between the type of municipality and the distribution of answers to a given question.
For questions K1 (p = 0.006) and K8 (p = 0.0054), the obtained values of p are less than the significance level α = 0.05, which means that we can reject the null hypothesis in favour of the alternative hypothesis. Consequently, there is a statistically significant relationship between the type of municipality and the answers given to these questions.
Analysing the K3 question, where the value of p = 0.08, means that in the analysed sample of local government units (LGUs), regardless of their type (e.g., urban, rural, urban–rural commune), the distribution of answers was similar. Thus, political factors have a universal impact on local governments, regardless of their location or size. This may mean that the energy crisis or political changes are felt to a similar extent by different municipalities, without a clear division resulting from their type.
In the case of the remaining questions (K2–K7, K9–K10), the p-values are greater than 0.05, which does not allow the null hypothesis to be rejected. This means that there is no statistically significant evidence of a link between the type of municipality and the answers to these questions.
It should be emphasised that the absence of statistical significance does not mean the absence of any relationship in reality, but only the absence of sufficient evidence for its existence within the assumed level of significance and sample size.