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21 pages, 1543 KB  
Article
Pilot Study on Institutional Trust, Security, and Democratic Support in Ecuador During the 2024 Crisis
by Javier Chiliquinga-Amaya, Michela Andrade-Vásquez, Patricio Álvarez-Muñoz, Romina Sánchez, Efraín Vásquez and Marco Faytong-Haro
Soc. Sci. 2025, 14(9), 522; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci14090522 - 29 Aug 2025
Cited by 1 | Viewed by 2368
Abstract
This pilot study seeks to answer the following question: How does the ongoing security crisis in Ecuador shape public support for democracy and approval of the incumbent government? Using a panel design with monthly surveys of 84 university students between June and November, [...] Read more.
This pilot study seeks to answer the following question: How does the ongoing security crisis in Ecuador shape public support for democracy and approval of the incumbent government? Using a panel design with monthly surveys of 84 university students between June and November, perceptions of the armed forces, police, political parties, parliament, and ideological self-placement were assessed. The analysis shows that trust in the armed forces and the police significantly increases the probability of approving of the government, although only trust in the police is positively associated with the approval of democracy. For political institutions, only trust in parliament had a significant impact on both the dependent variables. Trust in political parties was not statistically significant. These findings suggest that, in crisis contexts, security institutions reinforce the legitimacy of the executive, while the legislative branch can become a key agent of democratic stability. Constant monitoring of institutional confidence is recommended, considering the risk of autocratization in presidential regimes in scenarios of prolonged conflict. Full article
(This article belongs to the Section International Politics and Relations)
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22 pages, 292 KB  
Article
Has Partisanship Subsumed Religion? Reassessing Religious Effects on School Prayer in U.S. Politics
by Chao Song
Religions 2025, 16(9), 1091; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16091091 - 24 Aug 2025
Viewed by 2990
Abstract
Religion and partisanship remain deeply intertwined in contemporary American politics, especially in public debates on religious expression in state institutions. This study examined whether religious identity and behavior continue to influence public attitudes independently of party affiliation in a highly polarized environment. Drawing [...] Read more.
Religion and partisanship remain deeply intertwined in contemporary American politics, especially in public debates on religious expression in state institutions. This study examined whether religious identity and behavior continue to influence public attitudes independently of party affiliation in a highly polarized environment. Drawing on the latest 2023–2024 Pew Religious Landscape Study, the analysis examined support for teacher-led Christian prayer in public schools—a constitutionally contentious issue—through survey-weighted logistic regression models. The models included key religious predictors—tradition, born-again identity, and church attendance—alongside controls for political ideology and party identification. While Republican partisanship is the single strongest predictor of support, religious identity retains a significant and independent effect. Evangelical Protestants, as well as highly observant individuals across traditions, consistently show greater support for school prayer than their less religious or differently affiliated co-partisans. These residual effects point to the persistence of religious subcultures within each party coalition. By identifying such within-party variation, this study contributes to broader debates on the evolving boundaries of secular governance and the complex interplay between religion and partisan identity. Full article
12 pages, 958 KB  
Proceeding Paper
Exploring the Limits of LLMs in Simulating Partisan Polarization with Confirmation Bias Prompts
by Masashi Sakurai, Kento Ueta and Yasuhiro Hashimoto
Eng. Proc. 2025, 107(1), 2; https://doi.org/10.3390/engproc2025107002 - 20 Aug 2025
Cited by 1 | Viewed by 2086
Abstract
In this study, we investigate the potential of large language models (LLMs) to simulate partisan political polarization through conversation experiments. While previous research has demonstrated that LLM agents fail to reproduce human-like partisan polarization due to their inherent biases, we hypothesized that incorporating [...] Read more.
In this study, we investigate the potential of large language models (LLMs) to simulate partisan political polarization through conversation experiments. While previous research has demonstrated that LLM agents fail to reproduce human-like partisan polarization due to their inherent biases, we hypothesized that incorporating confirmation bias prompts could help overcome these limitations. We conducted conversation simulations between LLM agents assigned Democratic and Republican ideologies, analyzing both intra-party and inter-party interactions. Results without confirmation bias prompts revealed that agents, particularly those with Republican ideologies, tended to shift toward Democratic positions, failing to replicate human partisan behavior. However, when confirmation bias prompts were introduced, agents maintained their initial political stances more consistently, especially in intra-party conversations. While some tendency toward moderation remained in cross-party discussions, the magnitude of position shifts was significantly reduced. These findings suggest that confirmation bias prompts can effectively mitigate LLMs’ inherent biases in partisan simulations, though additional refinements may be needed to fully replicate human polarization dynamics. Full article
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38 pages, 28889 KB  
Article
Holding Sustainability Promises in Politics: Trends in Ecosystem and Resource Management in Electoral Party Manifestos
by Gonçalo Rodrigues Brás, Ana Isabel Lillebø and Helena Vieira
Sustainability 2025, 17(15), 6749; https://doi.org/10.3390/su17156749 - 24 Jul 2025
Viewed by 2008
Abstract
Achieving Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) remains a critical global challenge. This study analyses the environmental priorities related to SDGs 12, 14, and 15—interlinked and focused on responsible production and consumption, life below water, and life on land respectively—reflected in political party manifestos from [...] Read more.
Achieving Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) remains a critical global challenge. This study analyses the environmental priorities related to SDGs 12, 14, and 15—interlinked and focused on responsible production and consumption, life below water, and life on land respectively—reflected in political party manifestos from the 2019, 2022, and 2024 Portuguese general elections, assessing their alignment with the SDGs and broader European political ideologies. A content analysis reveals significant disparities in attention across these goals, with SDG 15 receiving greater prominence than SDGs 12 and 14. Findings highlight the influence of political ideology, showing left-wing parties emphasize all three SDGs more consistently than their right-wing counterparts. These results underscore the need for a more balanced and comprehensive political commitment to sustainability. By exploring the interplay between national and European political agendas, this research provides valuable insights for aligning environmental policies with the UN 2030 Agenda and fostering transformative change in sustainability governance. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Sustainability in Environmental Policy and Green Economics)
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18 pages, 253 KB  
Article
Artificial Intelligence: A New Challenge for Human Understanding, Christian Education, and the Pastoral Activity of the Churches
by Wiesław Przygoda, Alina Rynio and Michał Kalisz
Religions 2025, 16(8), 948; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16080948 - 22 Jul 2025
Viewed by 4599
Abstract
Artificial intelligence (AI) is one of the most influential and rapidly developing phenomena of our time. New fields of study are being created at universities, and managers are constantly introducing new AI solutions for business management, marketing, and advertising new products. Unfortunately, AI [...] Read more.
Artificial intelligence (AI) is one of the most influential and rapidly developing phenomena of our time. New fields of study are being created at universities, and managers are constantly introducing new AI solutions for business management, marketing, and advertising new products. Unfortunately, AI is also used to promote dangerous political parties and ideologies. The research problem that is the focus of this work is expressed in the following question: How does the symbiotic relationship between artificial and natural intelligence manifest across three dimensions of human experience—philosophical understanding, educational practice, and pastoral care—and what hermeneutical, phenomenological, and critical realist insights can illuminate both the promises and perils of this emerging co-evolution? In order to address this issue, an interdisciplinary research team was established. This team comprised a philosopher, an educator, and a pastoral theologian. This study is grounded in a critical–hermeneutic meta-analysis of the existing literature, ecclesial documents, and empirical investigations on AI. The results of scientific research allow for a broader insight into the impact of AI on humans and on personal relationships in Christian communities. The authors are concerned not only with providing an in-depth understanding of the issue but also with taking into account the ecumenical perspective of religious, social, and cultural education of contemporary Christians. Our analysis reveals that cultivating a healthy symbiosis between artificial and natural intelligence requires specific competencies and ethical frameworks. We therefore conclude with practical recommendations for Christian formation that neither uncritically embrace nor fearfully reject AI, but rather foster wise discernment for navigating this unprecedented co-evolutionary moment in human history. Full article
33 pages, 433 KB  
Article
The Price of Poverty: Inequality and the Strategic Use of Clientelism in Divided Democracies
by Andrés Cendales, Hugo Guerrero-Sierra and Jhon James Mora
Economies 2025, 13(7), 205; https://doi.org/10.3390/economies13070205 - 17 Jul 2025
Cited by 1 | Viewed by 3283
Abstract
This article investigates the political cost of poverty in democracies marked by deep social divisions. We develop a probabilistic voting model that incorporates clientelism as a strategic tool employed by elite political parties to secure electoral support from non-elite voters. Unlike models based [...] Read more.
This article investigates the political cost of poverty in democracies marked by deep social divisions. We develop a probabilistic voting model that incorporates clientelism as a strategic tool employed by elite political parties to secure electoral support from non-elite voters. Unlike models based on ideological proximity, our framework conceptualizes party competition as structured by the socioeconomic composition of their constituencies. We demonstrate that in contexts of high inequality and widespread poverty, elite parties face structural incentives to deploy clientelistic strategies rather than universalistic policy agendas. Our model predicts that clientelistic expenditures by elite parties increase proportionally with both inequality (GINI index) and poverty levels, rendering clientelism a rational and cost-effective mechanism of political control. Empirical evidence from a cross-national panel (2013–2019) confirms the theoretical predictions: an increase of the 1 percent in the GINI index increase a 1.3 percent in the clientelism, even after accounting for endogeneity and dynamic effects. These findings suggest that in divided democracies, poverty is not merely a condition to be alleviated, but a political resource that elites strategically exploit. Consequently, clientelism persists not as a cultural residue or institutional failure, but as a rational response to inequality-driven constraints within democratic competition. Full article
20 pages, 705 KB  
Article
Forestry Ideology in the Slovak Government’s Program Statements
by Peter Kicko, Zuzana Dobšinská and Jaroslav Šálka
Forests 2025, 16(6), 974; https://doi.org/10.3390/f16060974 - 9 Jun 2025
Viewed by 972
Abstract
The aim of this paper was to analyse the government’s programme statements in Slovakia from 1992 to 2023 in relation to the professional forestry ideology and to identify the political parties that are most in line with this ideology. Methodologically, the research was [...] Read more.
The aim of this paper was to analyse the government’s programme statements in Slovakia from 1992 to 2023 in relation to the professional forestry ideology and to identify the political parties that are most in line with this ideology. Methodologically, the research was based on a qualitative analysis of government programme statements, assessing compliance with the five principles of the professional forestry ideology: wood production primacy, sustainability, multifunctionality, longevity, and expertise. The results show that right-wing nationalist and conservative political parties in Slovakia have higher compliance with forestry values focused on wood production. In contrast, left-wing parties are more supportive of active forest protection measures. Parties such as the SDĽ (Slovak Democratic Left) and SNS (Slovak National Party) were identified as suitable allies in supporting the forestry professional ideology, whereas parties like the SMK (Slovak Hungarian Coalition) and Most-Híd (a Hungarian ethnic party) are less compatible with forestry values. The findings contribute to a deeper understanding of the relationship between political ideologies and forest policy in Slovakia, highlighting the influence of political affiliation on the formulation and implementation of forest policies. Full article
(This article belongs to the Section Forest Economics, Policy, and Social Science)
24 pages, 403 KB  
Article
Harmonizing Love Virtues in Music Education in Mainland China
by Wai-Chung Ho
Educ. Sci. 2025, 15(4), 471; https://doi.org/10.3390/educsci15040471 - 9 Apr 2025
Viewed by 2904
Abstract
This paper explores the harmonious integration of Confucian moral values and officially sanctioned love-themed lyrics in music education across Mainland China. It addresses the main research question: What role do officially approved school songs, which embody themes of love related to three key [...] Read more.
This paper explores the harmonious integration of Confucian moral values and officially sanctioned love-themed lyrics in music education across Mainland China. It addresses the main research question: What role do officially approved school songs, which embody themes of love related to three key relationships—(1) family and home, (2) teachers and friends, and (3) the Chinese Communist Party (CPC) and the Chinese nation—play in promoting the virtue of love through singing within Mainland China’s music education? By analyzing two sets of officially approved music textbooks for primary school students, consisting of a total of 24 volumes, this study reveals how love-themed lyrics serve as a medium for propagating political ideology while reinforcing traditional Confucian values among the younger generation. The research illustrates how love, as a fundamental virtue, is expressed and reinforced through these songs, highlighting their significance in fostering emotional and ethical development. The findings underscore the role of music education in cultivating a sense of community and national identity, as well as the interconnectedness of personal and collective values in shaping students’ moral frameworks. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Contemporary Issues in Music Education: International Perspectives)
25 pages, 1462 KB  
Article
The Historical Transformation of the Religion–Politics Relationship in Türkiye Through the Prism of Its Media Representation During the 2023 Presidential Elections
by Emel Arık, Hakkı Akgün, Rıdvan Yücel and Fatih Yıldız
Religions 2025, 16(4), 463; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16040463 - 3 Apr 2025
Viewed by 2037
Abstract
This study aims to examine how religion in Türkiye, beyond having social value, has been instrumentalized by political parties into a power dynamic and explore the role of the media in this process. Adopting an inductive approach, the study first examines how the [...] Read more.
This study aims to examine how religion in Türkiye, beyond having social value, has been instrumentalized by political parties into a power dynamic and explore the role of the media in this process. Adopting an inductive approach, the study first examines how the boundaries between religion and politics have changed over the years, despite the Republic of Türkiye being constitutionally defined as a secular state, using a qualitative historical method. Then, in order to explore the current reflections of this transformation, focus is placed on the most recent presidential election, held in 2023. News reports about a widely circulated photograph of opposition presidential candidate Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu “stepping/standing” on a prayer rug, used by Muslims for worship, during his campaign are analyzed using the critical discourse analysis (CDA) method. The findings reveal that religion has become a significant component of political strategies and propaganda tools in Türkiye. Religious values and symbols function as powerful instruments, shaping societal perceptions through political discourse. As a hegemonic apparatus, the media reproduces religious discourse in line with ideological tendencies and mediatizes religion as a political tool. Full article
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17 pages, 311 KB  
Article
Relationships Between Activist Groups and Political Parties Shaping the Portuguese Climate Movement: Dynamics of Resistance and Collaboration
by Juliana Diógenes-Lima, Ana Garcia, Dora Rebelo, Maria Fernandes-Jesus and Carla Malafaia
Soc. Sci. 2025, 14(4), 217; https://doi.org/10.3390/socsci14040217 - 31 Mar 2025
Cited by 1 | Viewed by 2149
Abstract
Aiming to better understand the relationship between youth activism and institutional politics, this article analyzes young climate activists’ interactions with political parties and how they shape the dynamics of the School Strike for Climate. Through a multi-sited ethnography in Portugal’s two major cities, [...] Read more.
Aiming to better understand the relationship between youth activism and institutional politics, this article analyzes young climate activists’ interactions with political parties and how they shape the dynamics of the School Strike for Climate. Through a multi-sited ethnography in Portugal’s two major cities, we examined the participation experiences of young climate strikers from both chapters of the movement, revealing the contingent and complex development of their relationships with party politics, which ultimately influences the dynamics of Portuguese youth climate activism. The ethnographic data uncovered ambivalent and tensional relationship patterns with political parties in the two local groups. While closeness and collaboration with actors linked to institutional politics aimed at strengthening the climate movement’s broader political representation, it also prompted resistance, leading to internal conflicts within the movement. Our findings highlight differing political strategies and ideological stands among local groups, as well as tensions and ambivalences in the interactions with political parties. This study contributes to a deeper understanding of the challenges of sustaining the School Strike for Climate movement over time and the ways in which activist movements negotiate political affiliations and internal cohesion. Full article
(This article belongs to the Section Contemporary Politics and Society)
19 pages, 318 KB  
Article
National Populism and Religion: The Case of Fratelli d’Italia and Vox
by Carmen Innerarity and Antonello Canzano Giansante
Religions 2025, 16(2), 200; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16020200 - 8 Feb 2025
Cited by 3 | Viewed by 3933
Abstract
Religion has become increasingly important in the discourse and ideology of the ‘fourth wave’ of the populist radical right which began in 2000 in Europe. To achieve its normalization in the political contest, these formations have shifted from openly racist positions to other [...] Read more.
Religion has become increasingly important in the discourse and ideology of the ‘fourth wave’ of the populist radical right which began in 2000 in Europe. To achieve its normalization in the political contest, these formations have shifted from openly racist positions to other arguments that, like religion, can be used to present their proposals in terms that are, at least apparently, democratic. This paper analyzes how Fratelli d’Italia and Vox appeal to religion in their efforts to construct national identity and differentiate from the “Other”. To develop our research, we have carried out a qualitative analysis of the programs, founding documents, speeches, parliamentary interventions, interviews, and key messages of the leaders of both parties from their foundation until the European elections of June 2024. Despite the differences, the emergence of religion in a broad sense, as a form of a sacralization of politics, can be observed in both parties. In both cases, there is also a “politicization” of religion, which emerges as a secularized Christianity. Both parties appeal to a “Christian secularity”, which, in their opinion, must be defended against Islam. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue The Sociological Study of Religion)
18 pages, 11067 KB  
Article
Violence, Politics and Religion: A Case Study of the Black Panther Party
by Sergio García-Magariño and Aaron Yates
Religions 2025, 16(1), 38; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel16010038 - 2 Jan 2025
Viewed by 6871
Abstract
The majority of US Black social movement organizations during the second half of the twentieth century had explicit ties to either Christian or Islamic religious institutions. The Black Panther Party (BPP) was a notable outlier in its secularism. Through the lens of radicalization, [...] Read more.
The majority of US Black social movement organizations during the second half of the twentieth century had explicit ties to either Christian or Islamic religious institutions. The Black Panther Party (BPP) was a notable outlier in its secularism. Through the lens of radicalization, this paper examines the place of violence in the Party’s ideological platform and political practice relative to the Party’s secularism and experience of state repression. Drawing on newly available archival materials, we examine how Party members conceptualized their own programs, made sense of, and responded to the repressive intervention of state actors and institutions in their attempts to create social change. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue The Sociological Study of Religion)
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25 pages, 3239 KB  
Article
Machine Learning a Probabilistic Structural Equation Model to Explain the Impact of Climate Risk Perceptions on Policy Support
by Asim Zia, Katherine Lacasse, Nina H. Fefferman, Louis J. Gross and Brian Beckage
Sustainability 2024, 16(23), 10292; https://doi.org/10.3390/su162310292 - 25 Nov 2024
Cited by 5 | Viewed by 2329
Abstract
While a flurry of studies and Integrated Assessment Models (IAMs) have independently investigated the impacts of switching mitigation policies in response to different climate scenarios, little is understood about the feedback effect of how human risk perceptions of climate change could contribute to [...] Read more.
While a flurry of studies and Integrated Assessment Models (IAMs) have independently investigated the impacts of switching mitigation policies in response to different climate scenarios, little is understood about the feedback effect of how human risk perceptions of climate change could contribute to switching climate mitigation policies. This study presents a novel machine learning approach, utilizing a probabilistic structural equation model (PSEM), for understanding complex interactions among climate risk perceptions, beliefs about climate science, political ideology, demographic factors, and their combined effects on support for mitigation policies. We use machine learning-based PSEM to identify the latent variables and quantify their complex interaction effects on support for climate policy. As opposed to a priori clustering of manifest variables into latent variables that is implemented in traditional SEMs, the novel PSEM presented in this study uses unsupervised algorithms to identify data-driven clustering of manifest variables into latent variables. Further, information theoretic metrics are used to estimate both the structural relationships among latent variables and the optimal number of classes within each latent variable. The PSEM yields an R2 of 92.2% derived from the “Climate Change in the American Mind” dataset (2008–2018 [N = 22,416]), which is a substantial improvement over a traditional regression analysis-based study applied to the CCAM dataset that identified five manifest variables to account for 51% of the variance in policy support. The PSEM uncovers a previously unidentified class of “lukewarm supporters” (~59% of the US population), different from strong supporters (27%) and opposers (13%). These lukewarm supporters represent a wide swath of the US population, but their support may be capricious and sensitive to the details of the policy and how it is implemented. Individual survey items clustered into latent variables reveal that the public does not respond to “climate risk perceptions” as a single construct in their minds. Instead, PSEM path analysis supports dual processing theory: analytical and affective (emotional) risk perceptions are identified as separate, unique factors, which, along with climate beliefs, political ideology, and race, explain much of the variability in the American public’s support for climate policy. The machine learning approach demonstrates that complex interaction effects of belief states combined with analytical and affective risk perceptions; as well as political ideology, party, and race, will need to be considered for informing the design of feedback loops in IAMs that endogenously feedback the impacts of global climate change on the evolution of climate mitigation policies. Full article
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23 pages, 533 KB  
Article
Taking Alberta Back: Faith, Fuel, and Freedom on the Canadian Far Right
by Jacob McLean, Emily Laxer and Efe Peker
Religions 2024, 15(10), 1250; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15101250 - 15 Oct 2024
Cited by 1 | Viewed by 6405
Abstract
Alberta, Canada is both a major extractive zone—home to the world’s third largest proven oil reserves, mostly in the form of oil sands located in the north of the province—and a place whose political culture has been profoundly influenced by evangelical Christianity. [...] Read more.
Alberta, Canada is both a major extractive zone—home to the world’s third largest proven oil reserves, mostly in the form of oil sands located in the north of the province—and a place whose political culture has been profoundly influenced by evangelical Christianity. It is both “petro province” and “God’s province”. Despite these distinct political economic and socio-cultural features, relatively little scholarly attention has been given to the contemporary relationships among them. To explore this, we profile the populist far-right social movement organization Take Back Alberta (TBA), which, by channeling the interlocking “freedom” and separatist movements into the governing United Conservative Party (UCP), played a pivotal role in Alberta Premier Danielle Smith’s rise to power. We ask the following question: what role do religion and a populist defense of the fossil fuel industry (or “extractive populism”) play, both ideologically and organizationally, within TBA? Drawing from TBA-related documents, including websites, podcasts, social media, and speeches, our analysis produces two key findings: first, that TBA deploys a radical, far-right version of extractive populism, which “anchors” the Danielle Smith government, and, second, that evangelical Christianity contributes to this extractive populism organizationally—by impacting TBA’s membership and resource infrastructure—and discursively, by influencing the collective action frames utilized by TBA leaders in advocating for the interests of the fossil fuel industry. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue Religion in Extractive Zones)
17 pages, 597 KB  
Article
Religious Ideology and Clientelist Linkage in the Middle East and North Africa
by Shulei Hu, Jingyi Wang and Xiaojin Zhang
Religions 2024, 15(3), 326; https://doi.org/10.3390/rel15030326 - 8 Mar 2024
Viewed by 2639
Abstract
The literature on clientelism, the informal exchange of benefits for political support, has proliferated over the last three decades. However, the existing literature largely ignores the role of religion in shaping clientelism in contemporary politics. In particular, few attempts have been made to [...] Read more.
The literature on clientelism, the informal exchange of benefits for political support, has proliferated over the last three decades. However, the existing literature largely ignores the role of religion in shaping clientelism in contemporary politics. In particular, few attempts have been made to explore the relationship between religious ideology and clientelism at the party level: How does political parties’ religious ideology impact their clientelist linkages with citizens? This study uses cross-national data of parties in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) from the V-Party database (1970–2019) to answer this question. Our findings reveal that religious parties are more clientelist than secular parties in the MENA. Particularly, parties’ ties with social organizations mediate the relationship between religious ideology and clientelism. This study extends the literature on the impact of religion on informal political institutions by focusing on the ideology and linkage strategy of political parties in the MENA. Full article
(This article belongs to the Special Issue The Functions of Religion for Human Society)
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