Transracial Adoption Among Asian Youth: Transitioning Through an Integrative Identity

Abstract

Transracial adoption (TRA) places children across racial or national borders into non-biological families, raising complex questions about the adoptee’s racial identity. Guided by the bicultural identity integration theory, integrative racial and adoptive identity is defined as a developmental process with transformative variations. Method: With a mixed-design method, this study examines how Asian adoptees and non-Asian American adoptive parents navigated their racial and cultural adjustment journeys. A small and non-representative sample (N = 21) (14 parents and seven adoptees) was recruited for the survey. Eleven participants (seven parents and four adoptees) attended an individual semi-structured interview to describe TRA needs and obstacles. Results: (1) Even though adoptees and parents were comfortable sharing their adoption experiences through social media, adoptees continued their racial identity inquiries, while parents thought of being role models. (2) Integrative findings show adoptees wanted to learn about their “cultural socialization” at a younger age with parental guidance and normalize “reculturation” as they continued exploring their racial identities through external support. Their TRA journeys engage families in a support network appreciating racial/cultural differences and experiencing identity shifts as a part of reculturation. Implications: A social work platform is needed to provide justice-oriented opportunities for adoptees to share integrative identity journeys and for parents to hear adoptees about their lived experiences. Their engagement in mutual communication will help them show appreciation for each other’s efforts in the adjustment process.

1. Introduction

1.1. Background: Transracial Adoption Involving Asian Children

Silverman [1] defined transracial adoption (TRA or interracial adoption) as “the joining of racially different parents and children together in adoptive families” Barn [2] extended TRA’s definition to include racial and cultural diversities within an adoptive family. In the late 1940s, the United States (US) documented TRA when a White family adopted a Black child in Minnesota [3]. Since then, TRA as an adoption practice gained popularity following World War II and the Korean War, which orphaned vast numbers of Asian children in Korea and Japan, along with significant numbers of mixed-race children who, at that time, were often treated as outcasts in their country of origin [4,5]. For the latter half of the 20th century, TRA shifted its focus toward international adoption, particularly from Asian countries.

While US adoption patterns have fluctuated in recent decades [6,7], Asian TRA faced a continual decline due to a variety of causes, such as South Korea’s implementation of the Special Adoptions Act, the termination of China’s one-child policy in 2016, the COVID-19 pandemic, and a global decline in fertility rate [8,9,10,11]. The Adoption and Foster Care Analysis Reporting System (AFCARS) and the Annual Report on Intercountry Adoption (ARIA) reported that in 2019 (before the COVID-19 outbreak), 2971 (4.5%) of 66,035 total adoptions were international adoptions, of which 1492 (50.2%) were from Asian countries [12,13]. Of the 54,240 adoption cases in 2021, 1785 (3.29%) were international TRA, with 593 (33.2%) of these cases coming from Asian countries [14,15]. A recent report by the US Department of State (2023) found that among 1275 TRA cases in 2023, 546 (42.8%) adoptees came from Asian countries. The 2021 figures represent significant declines in Asian international TRA compared to the 2019 statistics, and the 2023 figure demonstrates an overall consistent decline in Asian TRA, with 47 fewer cases in 2023 compared to 2021 [16]. Despite the decline in Asian TRAs following the COVID-19 pandemic, Asian youth continue to represent a significant proportion of international TRAs. It is imperative to understand the racial and ethnic identity formulation process for Asian youth transracial adoptees due to the complexities in their adoption process.

1.2. Study Rationale: TRA Considerations

Notably, anti-discrimination laws such as the Multi-Ethnic Placement Act (MEPA) of 1994 and its subsequent amendment, the Interethnic Adoption Provision (MEPA-IEP) of 1996, have protected adoption applications from being rejected based on race, thereby paving the way for an increase in transracial adoptions [17]. Factors leading to increased international TRA among Asian children in recent decades include economic conditions, social policies, and wars [4]. In such cases, the Asian TRA was considered a humanitarian effort to provide an avenue for a safe and protected upbringing for adopted children.

The practice of adopting across ethnic and racial borders is in many ways rooted in colonialism and cultural imperialism [18,19], and a multitude of individuals and communities continue to speak out against TRA for this reason [20,21,22]. Jennings [22] discusses how the MEPA-IEP disproportionately places children of color in White families. Indeed, statistics show that adoptive parents who self-identified as White comprise the largest racial group (37%) of adoptive parents [23]. While the US law requires each state to “diligently recruit foster and adoptive parents who reflect the racial and ethnic diversity” of those seeking adoption or foster care, it does not mandate funding for outreach to communities of color [22]. This lack of financial provision creates an inequity gap in adoption policies.

The TRA’s disproportionate favoring of White American parents has been considered humanitarianism or neocolonialism [21,22,24]. Goss [21] discusses how the patterns of international adoption “reflect larger colonial ideologies” between the Global North and South, finding that parents and family members of international adoptees primarily described the adoption as a humanitarian project. Trenka et al. [24] address the challenges faced by transracial adoptees from the adoptees’ perspective. They describe interpersonal issues between White adoptive parents and adoptees of color, including power dynamics rooted in broader themes of globalization, colonialism, and racism. In addition, the National Association of Black Social Workers (NABSW) argues that White parents who have no experience with racial injustice cannot adequately help Black adopted children cope with racism [3]. Further, Park-Taylor and Wing [25] point out that microaggressions and microinsults transracial adoptees face are related to an ideology of humanitarianism, mainly when adoptees hear that they “should be grateful” for being adopted. Harris [26] describes that when cross-ethnic adoption is a form of colorism, adoptive parents likely prefer Asian children over other children. Thus, humanitarian ideals can cause unintentional harm to transracial adoptees.

Asian transracial adoptees face unique challenges related to having families of different racial and cultural origins. Samuels [27] explores links between TRA and epistemic trauma, defined as the harm created by social identity prejudice when an individual’s or group’s credibility or authority on their lived experiences is discredited. In a reflexive autoethnography article, Samuels [27] examines her experience of adoption and epistemic trauma and calls on professionals to deeply consider the complexities and social justice implications of TRA. As documented in the literature on TRA studies, mental health and identity formation are key issues affecting Asian youth transitioning into adulthood.

1.3. The Impact of TRA on Mental Health

In a study by Nazaryan [3], many TRA youth and their families “considered their interracial adoptions to be a success”, hopeful for those who want to adopt children of a different race. Godon-Decoteau and Ramsey [28] found that Asian adolescent transracial adoptees highlighted positive aspects of their adoption, such as a widened view of culture, a deeper understanding of race or racism, greater opportunities, having a loving and supportive family, being bicultural, learning about themselves, and challenging cultural norms. In a meta-analysis across 88 studies by Juffer and van IJzendoorn [29], no self-esteem difference was found between TRA and same-race adoption adolescents, which was “equally true for international, domestic, and transracial adoptees” [29]. These positive outcomes, however, do not include discussions on the need for increased education and training for TRA adoptive parents, given the complexities that come with adopting outside of one’s race.

Mental health consequences are typically related to racism and microaggression, especially if the adoptees have limited socialization in their culture of origin due to many reasons, particularly when their adoptive parents do not start the connection [30]. Prior literature has asserted that transracially adopted individuals typically experienced marginalized identities and dual discrimination due to adoption status and racial identities [31]. Transracial adoptees exhibit higher levels of substance use in comparison to non-adopted persons, with influencing factors including adoption identity, prenatal maternal stress, genetic predispositions, and trauma [32]. Transracial adoptees who experience adversity also have difficulty finding belonging due to differential racial identity formation [33]. Hamilton et al. [34] indicated that same-race and transracial adoptees are broadly similar regarding the status of their identity formation and adjustment but also found a “stronger sense of identity and overall well-being” among transracial Asian and same-race White adoptees compared to transracial Black and “other/mixed” transracial adoptees.

1.4. “Youth in Transition” Framework

This study aims to explore a justice-oriented “dual racial identity” from responses from adoptees and adoptive parents. Existing literature focuses on factors, such as having role models, attending schools with diverse populations, and being involved in direct contact with those from the birth culture, that can help a child construct a “positive racial/ethnic identity” [35]. From a transitioning perspective, Vonk et al. [36] emphasize adoptive parents’ responsibility to connect the adoptees to their birth cultures through cultural socialization practices rather than adopting a “colorblind” approach. Multicultural learning opportunities have helped adoptees “perceive a greater sense of belonging in their adoptive families, fewer feelings of marginality, and greater self-esteem” [3]. In TRA cases, this perception is enhanced by bicultural identity integration (BII), which integrates with the adoptee’s cognitive development, family dynamics, and social learning.

BII is this study’s guiding framework addressing how multicultural identities overlap [37]. According to Benet-Martínez et al. [37], individuals with higher BII can more easily integrate their dual cultures into everyday life as they believe in the values of having multicultural identities. In contrast, individuals with lower BII have difficulty aligning dual identities into an integrated self, due to perceived incongruence between these identities, leading to intrapersonal tension. Research suggests that individuals who maintain a more integrated bicultural identity demonstrate higher levels of psychological well-being and lower levels of psychopathology, and that transracial adoptees specifically experiencing tension between their racial identities are more likely to externalize conflict [38,39]. Individuals who have successfully entered Piaget’s formal operational stage can confidently engage in identity search and ask more complex questions to investigate their racial identity [40]. According to family dynamics theory, secure and trusting family relationships can create a space for open communication about race and adoption, fostering a positive racial identity that may, in turn, enhance family relationships [41]. In line with social learning theory, living in a diverse community and having role models who resemble the adopted child can help the child develop a positive racial identity [42]. These theories led to two research-supported concepts, Cultural Socialization and Reculturation, to support the design of bicultural adoption studies.

The first concept is cultural socialization, defined as a process to enhance an adopted child’s lived experience and identity development by learning about a culture and cultivating feelings of connection to it [43]. Lee [19] defines cultural socialization as the “transmission of cultural values, beliefs, customs, and behaviors from parents, family, friends, and community to children with coping skills to deal with racism and discrimination”. Under this framework, strengthening activities may (1) involve little contact with people from the birth culture, such as listening to ethnic music, celebrating cultural holidays, and eating meals from their birth country, and (2) promote interactive experiences or immersion, such as attending religious ceremonies, going to social gatherings, or moving back to one’s birth country [36,44].

Reculturation is another concept defined as an adopted child’s experience of cultural connection due to the dissonance between racial appearance and family ties among transracial adoptees [44]. Many internationally adopted children are adopted in infancy and have little to no relationship with their birth culture. Thus, their cultures most frequently reflect those of their White American parents. Reculturation, therefore, is described as adoptees’ self-initiated process of “reclaiming [their] birth culture,” which can lead to greater harmony among origin, physical appearance, and cultural practices [44]. Reculturation practices may include traveling back to the country of origin, learning the native language, and participating in cultural events. Research indicates that those participating in cultural events experience more “positive racial development” [19]. Further, a study by Drazba [45] found that amongst their sample of 32 Chinese transracial adoptees aged 18–25, those who participated in reculturative activities endorsed lower depressive symptoms compared to those who did not participate in such activities. While this desire to reconnect and experience their birth culture can be motivated by adoptive parents when the child is younger, reculturation differs from Huh and Reid’s [46] assertion about its occurrence during the adoptee’s late adolescence and adulthood. Sparked by curiosity, reculturation is defined as a complex cognitive stage with adaptive coping of intercultural learning so that the adopted individual may begin their identity formation independently [44].

Based on this framework, the integrated racial and adoptive identity formation is defined as a process of (1) identifying with the racial group of their birth culture, (2) feeling comfortable in identifying themselves racially, (3) having a positive outlook on the adoptee’s birth culture integrated the adoptive with the origin racial identities, (4) discussing topics related to race and adoption, and (5) celebrating lived experiences with an integrated self (See

Table 1. TRA literature for survey/interview development.

Identity Integration Concepts	Survey Questions	Interview Semi-Structured Questions
Cultural Socialization
Birth culture identity	Be encouraged to explore identity.	Racial identity (preference)
Comfort zone	Desire to learn more.	Family (learning process)
Positive outlooks	Participate in activities.	External support
Reculturation
Discuss race topics	Minimize differences.	Communication (feelings)
Celebrate birth culture	Feel discriminated.	Search (birth culture, siblings)
Identify race-related questions	Fit in with same-race groups.	Challenges and suggestions
	Search for more and create stories.
	Aware of sibling group adoption.

). With these concepts guiding the survey questions, the main research question is: How do Asian transracial adoptee youth, raised in diverse communities by adoptive parents, transition from a dual-race identity to an integrative racial and adoptive identity if the parents encouraged them to discuss their adoption transition?

2. Method

2.1. Survey Design

A survey was designed with reference to the research-informed bicultural integrative identity theory to verify the dual racial experiences of adoptees and parents.

First, a survey on bicultural identity development was designed with literature support and pilot-tested with five informants--two Asian TRA adoptees and three non-Asian TRA parents for face and content validity. Table 1 illustrates the connection between the theoretical framework and the survey/interview questions. Survey wording was revised based on informants’ suggestions. It was posted on local and national TRA social media groups (e.g., EnbraceRace, Facebook) for two months, targeting families with cross-racial, intercultural adoption. As a snowball sampling strategy, a statement on the survey encouraged participants to share the survey link with others in the TRA community.

All participants, either adoptive parents or adoptees, must be adults over 18 to join the study. The survey contained three parts: (1) participant demographics, (2) adoptive parent response items (11 items), and (3) adoptee response items (13 items). Among these statements, nine were for the entire sample, worded differently based on the respondent’s parental or adoptee role, about the adoptees’ adjustment to transracial identity development and transition adjustment. Adoptive parents answered two additional statements on how their adopted children fit in the parental racial community and whether they agree that society is colorblind. For the adoptees, five additional questions were asked about support groups, search for birth parents, adoption history, the story about the adoptive journey, and other adoptees in the family. Figure 1 compares the parent and adoptee response statements with the mean scores on a five-point Likert agreement scale, with 1 indicating strong disagreement and 5 indicating strong agreement.

2.2. Interviews

A semi-structured interview was designed based on the survey results. Assigned a code number to identify whether the respondent was an adoptive parent or adoptee (now an adult), each interview was conducted anonymously by phone or email. It collected qualitative data in the following areas: the adoption process and journey, the adoptee’s preference for their racial identity, family interests in learning about the adoptee’s race and culture of origin, feelings, family challenges, and external assistance (See Table 1). Two researchers used content analysis to code themes independently, discussed the final themes, and shared the findings with the team.

2.3. Ethical Issues

Survey responses were anonymously collected through SurveyMonkey.com. A cover page describing the study purpose, stating that the University of XX’s Institutional Review Board (IRB) approved this study. After completing the survey, participants clicked “agree” to attend an optional phone interview in two weeks, lasting 45 to 60 min. If they disagreed, they clicked “end” to exit the survey. If agreed, they were routed to a separate Google form to fill out contact phone or email with an optional name for appointment purposes before reaching an informed consent document to sign. This form, with the interview time or email options, was not linked to the survey data. Before each interview, the primary researcher explained the purpose of the interview. The interview notes were used to find themes, not to connect with their personal identifiers.

3. Results

3.1. Demographics

Twenty-one respondents completed the survey, including 14 adoptive parents (mean age 59.57, SD = 7.13) and seven adoptees (mean age 24.00, SD = 1.63). We used “parents” to represent the adoptive parents because all adoptees referred to them as parents. Among the parents were twelve females and two males, and all adoptees were female. Thirteen parents identified themselves as Caucasian, White, or European, while one identified as Hispanic. Parents responded whether their adoptees preferred to identify with their race of origin: eleven (78.6%) answered “yes,” one (7.1%) stated “no,” one (7.1%) responded “not sure,” and one (7.1%) said “ask the child.” Only two adoptees provided answers on their racial identity as “Chinese American,” while the rest left their answers blank.

3.2. Survey Findings

Since the survey’s sample size was small (N = 21) and non-representative (not an equal or a paired sample, with seven adoptees and 14 parents), we used descriptive contrasts (Figure 1) to visually analyze the data to illustrate similar and different views between adoptive parents and adoptees (with survey items and details in Appendix A

Table A1. Survey of TRA Experiences: Parents and Adoptees.

Parents (n = 14)		Adoptees (n = 7)
Response	Mean (SD)	Response	Mean (SD)
Age	59.57 (7.13)	Age	24.00 (1.63)
Similarities between Adoptive Parents and Adoptees:
It is important to have open and honest conversations surrounding race and adoption.	4.54 (1.13)	My parent(s) felt comfortable discussing adoption with me.	4.43 (0.79)
I am comfortable when my child explores the birth culture of their racial group.	4.54 (1.20)	Now that I am older, I am comfortable with being adopted.	4.29 (0.76)
When my child was younger, I was the one who first encouraged my child to explore their racial/ethnic identity.	4.38 (0.65)	I felt that my parents encouraged my curiosity about my racial identity when I was growing up.	4.00 (1.41)
I encouraged my child to participate in activities or organizations for their racial group.	4.00 (0.82)	My parents encouraged me to participate in various cultural activities such as heritage tours, learning my birth language, or eating meals of my birth culture.	4.00 (1.53)
Social media helped me connect with other adoptive parents and explore more information about my child’s racial identity.	3.77 (1.30)	Social media helped me connect with other adoptees, learn about their experiences with adoption, and explore my racial identity.	3.71 (1.25)
Differences between Adoptive Parents and Adoptees:
I encouraged my child to find role models who looked like them.	3.77 (1.01)	I had a role model who looked like me.	2.71 (1.38)
My child’s desire/interest to explore their racial identity decreased as they became older.	3.23 * (1.17)	I have become more curious about exploring my racial identity compared to when I was younger.	3.86 * (0.90)
Even though my child is of a different race, I attempt to minimize my child’s racial differences.	2.92 * (1.38)	I was exposed to different people who looked like me during my childhood.	3.29 * (1.70)
I believe my child has never been discriminated against based on the color of their skin.	2.54 * (1.39)	My parent(s) felt comfortable discussing issues of race, such as discrimination, microaggressions, and racism.	3.43 * (1.27)
Questions only for Parents:		Questions only for Adoptees:
I believe my child can fit in with others who are of the same racial background as they are.	3.62 (0.65)
In the US, I believe we live in a colorblind society where race does not matter.	1.77 (0.60)
		I was told from a young age that I was adopted.	5.00 (0.00)
		I desired to look for/search for my birth parents if I did not know them. If I knew them, I would want to know them better.	3.71 (0.95)
		I could join adoption support groups or attend adoption-related events to meet other adoptees.	3.57 (1.27)
		I was able to create my own adoption story growing up freely.	3.43 (0.98)
		I was the only person whom my immediate family adopted.	1.43 (0.79)

Notes. * These mean scores between adoptive parents and adoptees show significant differences at p < 0.05. Since the N size was small, statistics must be interpreted cautiously.

).

Regarding similar agreements, parents and adoptees felt comfortable discussing the adoption. They found sharing their experiences through social media helpful for them and others. All adoptees were told since childhood when they were adopted. They knew the importance of open dialogs to discuss race and adoption. With this expectation, parents prioritized the adoptees’ racial/ethnic development through participating in cultural activities to familiarize them with the child’s birth culture.

Adoptees showed contrasting views from their parents regarding role modeling, ways to explore birth cultures, racial differences being minimized, and discrimination. In their adoption experiences, parents tried to ensure the child could adjust to a new culture so that their racial differences would not be too noticeable. However, adoptees who witnessed discrimination wanted to explore more about their racial identities. Although parents showed a strong desire to act as the child’s role model, adoptees felt that they did not have role models to guide them during racial identity exploration.

3.3. Interview Findings

Seven parents and four adoptees, all female, consented to an anonymous interview, which lasted approximately 20 to 50 min. Each interview was recorded and transcribed using pseudonyms (P1 to P7 for parents and A1 to A4 for adoptees) to keep participants’ identities confidential. Relevant quotes from these eleven interviews are listed in Appendix A

Table A2. Interview Quotes by Themes of Integrative Identity.

Theme	Quotes Parents (P1 to P7) and Adoptees (A1 to A4)
Support formation	P1: My daughter was around adopted children and thought it was perfectly normal to be adopted from China because she saw plenty of other examples and wasn’t the only one. P2: We met many people with similar family makeup, so [my daughter] didn’t feel so alone. P5: Have a support system before they even bring their child home. Adoption can be hard enough on all parties as it is. P6: They have immersive or bilingual education, [finding] cultural role models for their kids, [and] incorporating some of their [birth] customs with traditions the family already has. P7: Those events were helpful to them and seeing their identity. But I think hanging out with [their] friends [was] more helpful for them [to create] their racial identity. A1: Yeah, I don’t think I had a personal role model in my life. A2: Nothing that can come from the top of my head. A4: My exchange student. She definitely had an influence on me because she was Asian.
Differences in cultural expectations	P3: As a parent, I can be reduced to tears right now with the joy she brings us. I’m always aware that to put [my child] in a situation where she sees her culture in a positive way by thinking of [me as] a role model and saying, Look [as I told my child], this is another person of your culture. P5: There were a lot of unknowns and questions about why this happened. [My child asked] Why [did my birth parents] give me up? Why do they do this or that? Things we can’t answer. I think it’s a lot more historical, unanswered questions, kind of trauma. P6: I think love makes up for a lot, too. Just consistency, love, and letting them know that whatever they don’t get right now, they can get later. A1: I remember feeling uncomfortable at it, like I always felt uncomfortable that my White parents and their White parents were doing a Chinese New Year because I didn’t feel like it was our culture. A3: I felt like a little bit guilt or like a weird feeling that wasn’t [my adoptive mom]. So it made me feel weird. My adopted mom wasn’t part of the group that I felt like I belonged to. A4: My parents have been very open with [my sister and me] about letting us know where we’ve come from and helping us with our emotions. Letting us talk about it if we need to, and they don’t try to push it; they leave the door open if we want to, which has definitely helped.
Differences between siblings	P4: [One daugher] strongly identified as American, whereas [my other daughter] would like to spend time in China and maybe even settle there. P5: [My youngest daughter] got into being Chinese, but the older one never did. P7: They are night and day. A1: She’s very different from me and has never been as curious or interested in her Asian American identity as I have. A4: [My sister and I] are definitely opposites when it comes to our identity and history and whether or not we want to talk about it. I was very into talking about it with my mom.
Shifts in identity	P1: My daughter says that she is American. She does not identify that much with being Chinese. I mean, she knows her race is Chinese, but she feels she is American. P4: My youngest daughter found it confusing to look like one thing and be another thing in her heart, [since] White people saw her as Chinese when she felt White, and Chinese people saw her as Chinese when she felt White. A1: I didn’t care about it so much when I was young, and then when I was older, I wanted to have more of an Asian identity. A2: It never occurred to me that I wasn’t Asian because we attended many Chinese New Year festivals, and they tried to incorporate that background into our growing up. And so I never felt disconnected from it in a sense. A3: I know that it gets confusing, and it’s something I don’t really think about a lot…I sometimes feel embarrassed to say that I’m Hispanic because I know I’m not. I don’t feel like I am in other situations. I feel more confident. A4: When I was younger, I was interested in my story and past. Since I’ve gotten older, I’ve definitely shied away from it. Even at one point, a couple of years ago, I was really into it again, and then I went back to it. I’m not that interested.

. All participants responded in reference to a female adoptee. Four common themes emerged from the interviews: support formation, differences in cultural expectations, sibling differences, and shifts in racial identity. We quoted one parent’s and one adoptee’s quotes below each of the themes:

Theme 1: Support Formation. Participants shared a sense of community by praising the efforts of the adoption agency, neighborhood, friends, and families, demonstrating the development of “support formation.” They described how their community provided a safe space for the adoptees to embrace their preferred racial identity before transitioning to sharing information about adoption with the adoptive parents’ families. The parents claimed that they raised the child in a diverse community and had open conversations about race and adoption. However, they did not feel that their children ultimately gained an integrated racial identity. All four adoptees expressed in their interviews that they had grown up without appropriate role models, making it challenging to develop a solid racial identity.

P2: We met many people with similar family makeup, so [my daughter] didn’t feel so alone.

A1: Yeah, I don’t think I had a personal role model in my life.

Theme 2: Differences in Cultural Expectations. Regarding cultural expectations, parents and adoptees described their adoption journeys with words like “love,” “comfort,” “role model,” and “help.” The parents reported trying their best to be the child’s role models. However, the adoptees reported feeling uncomfortable when their adoptive parents celebrated a cultural event based on their birth country, and they felt guilty about this discomfort. Participants reported that inconsistent expectations between parents and adoptees could lead to unspoken issues.

P3: I’m always aware that to put [my child] in a situation where she sees her culture in a positive way [by] thinking of [me as] a role model.

A3: I felt like a little bit guilt or like a weird feeling that wasn’t [my adoptive mom]. My adopted mom wasn’t part of the group that I felt like I belonged to.

Theme 3: Sibling Differences. In a family comprising adopted siblings, even if they grew up together, participants reported that they did not share the same feelings or questions about their racial identities. Three participating parents had adopted two siblings from China. The parents stated that their adoptive children’s racial identity formation differed from each other, describing the sibling pair’s personalities as night and day.

P4: [One child] strongly identified as American, whereas [the other child] would like to spend time in China and maybe settle there.

A4: [My sister and I] are definitely opposites when it comes to our identity and history. I was [much] into talking about it with my mom.

Theme 4: Shifts in Racial Identity. All respondents reported that adoptees had experienced several racial identity shifts. First, adoptees transitioned from having two racial identities to one, then back to two. Parents observed the fluctuation of their children’s self-identities but realized such challenges were temporary and might change without notice. Adoptee A2 always knew that she was Asian, while A3 thought she was confused about her racial identity. Others felt that their racial identities could change depending on the situation or the people surrounding them. Overall, the participants used four keywords to describe their issues: “adoption,” “racial,” “cultural,” and “social survival.”

P1: My daughter says that she is American. She does not identify that much with being Chinese. I mean, she knows her race is Chinese, but she feels she is American.

A2: We attended many Chinese New Year festivals, and they [adoptive parents] tried to incorporate that background into our growing up. And so I never felt disconnected from it in a sense.

3.4. Integrative Findings

After analyzing the survey and interview data, we heard divergent perspectives from adoptive parents and adoptees in TRA. Both groups showed alignment in their comfort zone—parents, who thought they were ready to accept their adoption status before the decision to adopt; adoptees, who used support groups through social media to validate feelings toward current family relationships. Through the survey, adoptees were curious about finding solutions to issues of racial difference and discrimination, and parents thought that they had adequately served as their adoptee’s role models and provided answers. In the interviews, adoptees felt they were still looking for role models to share feelings or ask questions. While parents thought they were adequate role models, they expressed in the interviews that their efforts were not appreciated. Interview quotes are included in Appendix A Table A2 to illustrate these thematic findings.

This study revealed four key themes: support formation, cultural expectations, sibling differences, and racial identities shifting. While parents described the importance of community support and open conversations about adoption, adoptees thought they needed stronger role models to guide them in dealing with societal expectations. The word “comfort” was used to indicate a need for exploring emotional needs, which were not shared in cultural celebrations for promoting the child’s racial identity. Differences also emerged in sibling experiences, with parents and adoptees noting that even within the same family, racial identity trajectories varied widely.

Another integrative finding is revealed in adoptees’ desire to document their journeys and parents’ recognition of shifting racial identities that can benefit their needs, across time and context. Collectively, parents who tried their best efforts were not viewed as “role models” but “parents” by the adoptees during the childhood “cultural socialization” stage. The descriptive contrast between adoptees and parents identifies the importance of the adolescent “reculturation” stage that opens for mutual sharing of realistic expectations in the search for an integrative identity.

4. Discussions

Integrating the survey and interview findings, our results are consistent with Baden et al. [44] findings that TRA uniquely impacts adoptees’ identity development and Cloonan et al.’s [47] discussion on integrating racial identities with cultural meanings. In this study, parents of TRA experiences supported by a diverse community of friends or neighbors were better equipped to address racial issues with their children, as stated in Straughan et al.’s [48] findings. These results add to the TRA knowledge with two specific factors (youth’s participation and best practice learning) that integrate transracial adoptees’ identity formation into the TRA learning journey.

4.1. Factor 1: Asian Youth’s Participation and Appreciation

This study found that the experience of Asian youth transitioning to accept their dual ethnic identities is a “transracial adoption paradox,” defined as a mixed feeling between “authentic” and “inauthentic” in relation to their adoptive parents’ ethnicity, in which they share parental values while learning about their birth culture [19]. This paradox leads to a better understanding of how identity confusion can lead to curiosity to find more about and respect racial differences. These findings could be used to further study multicultural identities, such as those outlined by Baden et al. [44] when the adoptees (1) identify primarily as an adoptee, (2) identify primarily with their birth culture, (3) identify as bicultural, (4) identify primarily with the assimilated culture, or (5) have a fluid or combined cultural identity involving any of the above. Many individuals and systems can perceive adoptees differently throughout their identity formation process. As Park-Taylor and Wing [25] share, “a student’s experience negotiating their identity within a school context may be largely dependent on… the educational institution’s norms and culture”. Similarly, adoptees are expected to have a supportive environment outside the home for their identity development. This journey is a part of the “cultural socialization” process in that learning is multiculturally enhanced.

From a developmental standpoint, Huh and Reid [46] state that some children begin to form their racial identity as early as age six after experiencing discrimination and teasing based on physical appearance. Around age 11, children begin to develop more cognitive skills and can start thinking about what it means to be of a different race than their parents [40]. Emerging adults who are still formulating their racial identity may discover that this identity formulation coincides with other complex socioecological factors [49]. Thus, the ethnic identity of the adopted child undergoes a “great deal of variability” [19]. Adoptive parents can help the youth reformulate their ethnic identity through continuous learning from cultural socialization to reculturation during their identity formation. Although Asian TRA youths’ identity formation is complex, mutual support between the parents and their adoptees is a determinant of successful integration. In their developmental process, adoptees may not express their appreciation to their parents. Their learning to think critically and independently is a part of their “reculturation” process, seen as unappreciative. Positive parenting education can help adoptive parents reframe a youth’s lack of verbal appreciation as a sign of self-differentiation—a child’s perceived “growing-up” is compounded by the dual identity of being adopted by and racially different from their “parents” in proximity. When “too close for comfort” is perceived by the youth, it indicates that they have a genuine parent–child relationship.

4.2. Factor 2: TRA Best Practices

The TRA journey variations are particularly relevant to professionals working with adoptees and adoptive parents. When professionals first meet and interact with potential adoptive parents, they help parents prepare for the unexpected challenges, acknowledging the adoption trauma that the child may experience and the loss of the birth family [17]. It is recommended for parents of transracial adoptees to receive ongoing support from a multiracial community comprising friends and neighbors to assist in addressing issues regarding race with their children [48]. Further, professionals working with this population must consider how the intersection of adoption status and racial identity impacts the adoptee’s cultural adjustment [50].

Before adoption, parents must meet specific qualifications concerning their income and health. Prospective families must also complete an application and take additional steps, such as answering questions, providing financial statements and employment history, undergoing a background check, and submitting fingerprinting [51,52]. Further support also includes education about the possible outcomes of reculturation. As parents typically initiate cultural socialization efforts as soon as adoption is finalized, a resource guide can help parents explore their child’s birth culture (see Appendix

Table A3. Resources for Parents Considering Transracial Adoption.

Resource	Description	Reference
Anti-Racism Toolkit	A resource created explicitly for adoptive parents and families to learn about race and racial identity development within the context of transracial adoption.	[63]
Child Trauma Academy Library	A database of research, interventions, and information on child trauma.	[64]
Cultural Humility Toolkit	A webpage of resources, tools, and activities for learning more about cultural humility.	[65]
The Honestly Adoption Company	Provides mentorship, support, training, resources, and learning materials for adoptive parents. See the “Resources” page for a database of resources focused on trauma-informed care, race, and writings from adult adoptees and former foster youth.	[66]
Multicultural Adoption Plan	Questions and critical prompts for parents considering transracial adoption.	[67]
Transracial Adoption Resources	A list of helpful transracial adoption resources for families, including topics such as racism, identity, and culture.	[57]
Trust-Based Relational Intervention® (TBRI)	An empirical peer-reviewed article describing the TBRI, a trauma-informed approach to care.	[68]
Trust-Based Relational Intervention® Resources	A list of TBRI resources. See the “About” page and dropdown for more info on TBRI.	[69]

).

Professionals should also be aware of social stigmas against transracial adoption and biases due to personal definitions of what a family should be or look like. Professionals interacting with the child before and after the adoption process, including teachers, social workers, therapists, and clergy, may hold specific values or beliefs toward transracial parenting methods. Park-Taylor and Wing [25], for example, advise school counselors and teachers to promote “adoption-competent curricula” that address the learning needs of transracial adoptees. Professionals, who may not encounter criticism or microaggression toward their racial identities, must examine their privilege of growing up with birth families or having a stable living environment during childhood in a culturally integrated climate [25]. Considering TRA variations, professionals should investigate how they can support adoptive families in their community and learn from the families with a cultural humility approach by not making personal assumptions [53].

4.3. Recommendations for Parents

The blog Adopt US Kids [54] offers seven supportive tips for parents who want to open their homes to a new family member. Some of these tips include surrounding the child with positive reminders of their birth culture, connecting with diverse community members, preparing to help children handle instances of racism, and celebrating different traditions. Parents can help their children find a love for their birth culture by initiating activities such as cooking ethnic foods, visiting culturally significant places, and watching cultural films [46]. Similarly, Nazaryan [3] recommends using a culturally competent framework that acknowledges cultural differences, and others have emphasized the need for continuous cultural humility when working towards equitable care [53]. Straughan et al. [48] recommend that White adoptive parents explore their own racial and ethnic identities so that they can be more prepared to aid their transracially adopted children in their own racial identity development.

Prior research studies have yielded mixed results when evaluating adoptees’ mental and physical outcomes. Parents of young children can contact pediatricians, therapists, and early intervention specialists best to support their children’s development throughout their childhood. However, being adopted during adolescence tends to be associated with more developmental delays, but with time, these youth can catch up to their peers [55].

4.4. Social and Racial Justice

A social justice component of this study is revealed in that the transracial adoptees and their parents shared a desire to express their voices. With contrasting findings between adoptees and parents, role-modeling with adoptees’ low endorsement and parents’ feeling unappreciated must be re-examined during post-TRA counseling to eliminate discomfort that may cause unintended consequences, such as reducing parent-led cultural celebrations. Based on suggestions from the adoptive parents interviewed, more education is essential to promote understanding of the emotional and attachment needs of the adoptees (e.g., being adopted with their siblings by the same family) [56] and the importance of being positive parents (e.g., learning in post-adoption group counseling). Collective input can open a channel to bridge diverse perspectives for TRA families to work toward a common goal—appreciating each other’s participation while the adoptee develops an integrative identity. The definition of a “positive” parent may differ depending on the individual’s definition. Discussing this integration can benefit TRA families by building mutual trust and support.

The current study supports the recommendation from adoption literature to seek legislative endorsement to promote social justice in adoption practices. Jennings [22] proposes state mandates for funding to recruit adoptive parents of color, and that the MEPA-IEP possibly be used to mandate racial education for parents seeking to adopt transracially. Roorda [57] suggests that TRA requires comprehensive education or counseling for adoptive parents to grow in “awareness, intentionality… flexibility, and humility”. Indeed, parents must receive reculturation information focusing on attachment, race relations, and possible challenges, as well as support in encouraging their children to embrace their dual or multiple racial identities.

Another justice-related component of adoption includes the intensive adoption requirements that adoptive parents must complete before adoption. These include income requirements and home visits conducted by social workers, among other measures. In some situations, heavy restrictions and rigorous requirements could prevent children from being adopted into homes that would otherwise be able to care for them. For example, for an adoptee with a caring adult or fictive kin willing to adopt, the kinship adoption can produce positive outcomes without requiring significant cultural or racial adaptation [58,59]. However, if the kinship caregiver is prevented from adopting due to a strict requirement imposed by the state, the child might feel isolated from their family members.

5. Limitations

Beyond the meaningful findings of this study, we also learned from its limitations. First, this study encountered challenges in participant recruitment. Using convenience sampling via social media could increase self-selection and social desirability biases. When only adults were invited to share adoptive experiences retrospectively, their reporting might limit generalizability. The themes reported are exploratory, hoping to support future studies. Although we recruited two adoptive fathers, they did not participate in the follow-up interviews. In this small-sample study, we could not compare whether the adoptive parents’ racial/ethnic backgrounds might contribute to Asian children’s cultural adjustment. Through this experience, we suggest collaborating with TRA support groups to increase wider enrollment, purposively recruiting male adoptees and fathers for future studies.

Additionally, we could not identify parent–child pairs when analyzing the data due to confidentiality requirements, and parent-adoptive dynamics could not be directly verified without a dyadic match. Nevertheless, the qualitative responses indicate that adoptive parents generally express positive intentions for their adopted children. For example, P1 stated that “adopting their child was the best and proudest thing they had ever done” From the lens of an adoptee, such as A2, remembering the love of their adoptive parents was essential when they struggled with transitioning their views from seeing themselves with two racial identities to accepting the integrated image they developed as adults. Thus, finding additional ways to support TRA families throughout the adoptive journey would benefit their well-being and future. Future research should focus on supportive avenues for adoptive parents to assist them as they nurture their adopted children during their racial identity formation and transition in development.

6. Future Research Recommendations

This study supports the concept of “positive racial identity” in TRA. It is a transitioning process from being an adoptee who feels (1) comfortable in choosing an identity racially or ethnically and (2) safe to discuss topics related to race and adoption. Since this study affirms that identity development is a complex and individual process, the definitions of “positive” may vary from one individual to another.

Researchers are urged to examine Asian transracial adoptees’ experiences in the context of COVID-19. The challenges in establishing a racial or ethnic identity may be more serious during social isolation, through which adoptees may increasingly experience anti-Asian discrimination, along with media coverage of physical and verbal attacks [60]. Kim and Shah [61] argue that racist experiences against Asians in the US did not begin with the COVID-19 pandemic, but rather, pre-existing anti-Asian sentiments became apparent and traumatic. Wing and Park-Taylor [62] found that Chinese transracial adoptees felt disconnected both within their adoptive family structures and the US multiple cultures, as they experienced a direct impact from COVID-19-related racist interactions, perceiving safety being attacked due to a “hyper-awareness of their racial appearance”. Future research should examine changes in Asian transracial adoptees’ identity formulation while they transition into a world with racial conflicts.

A further consideration for future research is broadening the definition of a “positive racial identity,” especially related to resiliency, to strengthen mental health when growing up differently from their family members. The primary researcher presumed that a positive racial identity meant the child would racially identify with their birth culture, feel comfortable in being able to identify themselves racially, have a positive outlook on their birth culture and race, be able to discuss topics related to race and adoption and be able to celebrate elements of the birth culture as well as their adoptive family’s traditions. This study supports further research for a deeper understanding of these aspects. An aspect that warrants further examination is identification with the individual’s culture based on the race of origin.

In some situations, adoptees did not know much about their birth lineage, even though they wanted to identify with the culture or race of origin. For example, an adoptee who had biological parents of two different races might not have any information about these backgrounds but wanted to identify as “mixed-race” rather than with a particular culture. The feeling regarding not having a cultural identity could impact this adoptee’s ability to “celebrate elements of the birth culture.” Without having a specific cultural heritage to adhere to, some adoptees might continue seeking the missing pieces as they transition into a reculturated adulthood.

7. Conclusions

This study found that adoptees’ identity transformation involves the formation of community support and moments of shifting between at least two racial identities. Even though their adoptive parents wanted to be role models to help them develop an integrative racial identity, the adoptees might not respond the way their parents expected. To conclude with an adoptee’s input, “Our journeys are going to be different, and that is okay. It is okay to feel different ways at different points. Your journey does not have to look like anybody else’s” (A4). The participants in this study learned that the adoption journey was unique when answering questions about their transracial adoption process. These young people underwent various transitions, appreciated the changes to their identity through a lifelong learning process, and expressed that there was no perfect way to build relationships. Adoptive parents described their parenting as a value-given journey. They emphasized the value of commitment and wished to provide their adoptive children with a strong cultural identity. While the experiences of “growing up with two or more races” could be filled with surprises, these parents and their adoptees experienced transracial adoption as a transition with many turns. They hoped to use their “youth in transition” stories to help others appreciate the integrated racial identities of interracial adoptees, thereby developing an open-minded environment that promotes the effectiveness of TRA practice.