Stretched Under Job-Related Stress—How Do Albanian Journalists Negotiate Their Workplace Challenges?

Abstract

Journalism in Albania unfolds in a fragile media environment where political pressure, economic insecurity and intimidation are part of everyday professional life. This study examines how Albanian journalists experience job-related stress and how they cope with it. Using a qualitative design, the study draws on 14 semi-structured interviews and thematic analysis to identify the main stressors and response strategies described by participants. Findings show that occupational stress is not episodic, but normalized within journalistic practice. Journalists reported three major stressors: political interference, financial precarity, and direct threats linked to reporting on crime and corruption. To manage these pressures, they relied on both problem-focused strategies, such as careful verification, legal consultation, and strategic reporting practices, and emotion-focused strategies, including peer support, emotional compartmentalization, and maintaining boundaries between work and family life.

1. Introduction

Journalism is a stressful and often, a risky profession. Journalists encounter unique stressors that can lead to significant occupational stress. This is not only because of trauma and crisis reporting with which journalists deal, but everyday stress related to job safety, pressure of different types, nature of work with prolonged hours, and difficulties in being able to publish information in an independent and impartial way. In developing countries, with little record of media freedom and a fragile democracy to anchor to, the position of journalists is weaker as they struggle to stand up to different pressures and influences aimed at setting the agenda and keeping under control criticism. In Albania, freedom of expression—a foundational pillar of democratic governance, remains precarious—and journalists navigate a professional landscape marked by persistent challenges. Despite constitutional guarantees of press freedom, journalists face a convergence of political, economic, and legal pressures that severely constrain their independence and undermine their ability to perform their crucial watchdog role. In Albania, limited scholarly attention has been paid to the occupational stressors that journalists face, the coping mechanisms they employ, and the support or solidarity they find in their professional unions or associations. To understand the complex dynamics of press freedom in Albania, an insight into the structural factors as social and legal elements influencing journalists’ professional identity is of utmost importance. Reports by international organizations reveal a grim reality: journalists in Albania are increasingly subjected to physical attacks, verbal harassment, smear campaigns, and intimidation lawsuits (Reporters Without Borders, 2024; Canga & Xhaferaj, 2024). Alarmingly, many of these incidents go uninvestigated, perpetuating a culture of impunity (Canga & Xhaferaj, 2024). The World Index on Freedom of Media ranks Albania 99th out of 180 countries, highlighting a media environment highly impacted by conflicts of interest, weak legal protections, and a lack of regulatory practices (Reporters Without Borders, 2024). While existing research has documented the psychological toll of trauma and crises on journalists, there is a significant gap in understanding the everyday occupational stressors they face and the socio-political forces shaping their professional identity in developing countries like Albania. As Monteiro et al. (2016) posit, research into these areas is essential, as journalism is consistently ranked among the most stressful occupations due to factors such as high-pressure work environments, exposure to trauma, and the constant threat of violence or intimidation. The Transactional Theory of Stress and Coping (Lazarus & Folkman, 1987) is a cornerstone theory used to explore psychological stress and coping mechanisms across multiple fields. In this seminal work, coping is defined as a “cognitive effort to manage specific external internal demands which exceed the resources of the individual” (Lazarus & Folkman, 1987). It also describes the emotional-based coping mechanism (changing perception of stress) and problem-solving-based coping mechanisms (looking for solidarity and support). Drawing on the theories of Collective Coping and the Theory of Stress and Coping, an explanation for how coping strategies and behaviors interplay within the community of journalists and in the context of journalism—especially in fragile democracies—can be developed. These two theories can be valuable lenses to explore occupational stress in journalism and specific behaviors that keep journalists working despite the high level of stress they encounter. Additionally, the study will explore how journalists’ identities are constructed within this fragile environment and understand the root causes of the threats they encounter. By analyzing the intersection of these factors, the research seeks to create a comprehensive picture of the context in which Albanian journalists operate.

The findings provide insight into the systemic issues undermining press freedom and journalists’ situation in Albania. By better understanding the journalists’ stressors in their daily professional life, it will help local journalistic organizations in drafting recommendations to improve journalists’ safety and promote healthier working conditions. This research is timely and critical, given the ongoing escalation of threats against journalists and the growing international focus on media freedom as a cornerstone of democratic societies. By addressing the gaps in existing knowledge and proposing solutions, this study has the potential to contribute significant insight into the challenges journalists encounter in a fragile media landscape. The findings will be significant for stakeholders in the media industry, policymakers, and organizations advocating for journalists’ rights and safety.

2. Literature Review

2.1. Occupational Stress

Previous research has focused extensively on the psychological burden experienced by journalists reporting on crises, traumatic events, violence, and crime (Monteiro et al., 2016). Journalists covering traumatic events such as war, crime, or natural disasters frequently experience high levels of occupational stress and secondary trauma (Verhovnik, 2017). The emotional impact of repeated exposure to suffering and violence may contribute to burnout, anxiety, emotional exhaustion, and other mental health challenges. Maxwell (1982) defines job-related stress as the “harmful physical and emotional responses that occur when the job requirements exceed the worker’s resources or capabilities.” Journalism is consistently identified as one of the most stressful professions because of the pressure associated with deadlines, public scrutiny, unpredictable work schedules, exposure to traumatic content, and the possibility of intimidation or retaliation (Benjamin & Walz, 1990; Monteiro et al., 2016).

In addition to trauma-related stress, journalists encounter everyday occupational stressors embedded in the routine practice of journalism. These include political interference, pressure from media owners and advertisers, fear of lawsuits, economic insecurity, and threats connected to investigative reporting. In fragile democracies and developing media systems, these pressures are intensified by weak institutional protections and limited media independence (Clark & Grech, 2017). Journalists may therefore operate in environments where professional autonomy is continuously negotiated under political and economic pressure.

Research has shown that prolonged exposure to occupational stress can negatively affect journalists’ psychological well-being. Journalists may experience emotional exhaustion, sleep disturbances, anxiety, hypervigilance, and feelings of isolation (Amstadter & Vernon, 2008). Some studies suggest that journalists isolate themselves emotionally in order to manage the strain associated with repeated exposure to stressful events (Gaher et al., 2013; Shepherd & Wild, 2014). Others have identified cumulative stress and burnout as consequences of long-term exposure to pressure and trauma in news work (Monteiro et al., 2016).

Contemporary transformations in the media environment also contribute to occupational stress. The rapid news cycle, digital harassment, misinformation, and growing pressure to publish quickly increase journalists’ vulnerability to errors, public attacks, and professional insecurity (Posetti et al., 2020). Storm (2024) argues that many newsroom cultures continue to normalize stress and emotional suppression, discouraging journalists from openly addressing mental health challenges. In such environments, occupational stress becomes normalized as an expected part of professional identity.

The present study builds on this literature by focusing specifically on how Albanian journalists perceive everyday occupational stressors within a fragile democratic and media environment. Particular attention is given to political pressure, economic insecurity, criminal intimidation, and the psychological burden associated with these stressors.

2.2. Coping Mechanisms

Coping is a way of dealing and interacting with situations or problems (Baqutayan, 2015). Baqutayan (2015) highlights that coping consists of the “efforts to prevent or eliminate stressors or tolerate its effects in the least hurtful manner”. Lazarus and Folkman (1987) defined coping, more specifically—as an “effort to respond to environments, situations, or crises which require resources exceeding the individual’s resources”. This builds on the concept of dealing with stress by using cognitive efforts or behavior (Lazarus & Folkman, 1987). Lazarus and Folkman (1987) defined two different types of coping mechanisms: problem-focused and emotion-focused. The first one takes place when decisions are made, or actions are taken to change the situation. The second occurs when behavior reduces emotion and distress. This means the perception of stress is being changed but not the situation. Baqutayan (2015) found social support is crucial in enhancing ways to respond to stress. Journalists can perceive and deal in various ways, considering their background and the current social context (Buchanan & Keats, 2011). Different phenomena, such as the COVID-19 pandemic, have induced changes in journalists’ work routines. The way they deal with sources now and how they perceive the information and topics they write about has created new stressors (Posetti et al., 2020). Collective Coping Theory (Kuo, 2013) explains how coping behaviors are perceived as a result of joint norms and values of a cultural group. There are different coping theories that view collective coping. Aldwin (2009) describes the sociocultural theory of coping as a convergence of individual cultural values and beliefs, the community’s values and beliefs, and the situational demands of the stressor to create a unified coping response. Hofboll’s Conservation of Resources (COR) and Theory of Stress and Coping employs a social collective framework to explain the individual’s coping with stress. This theory posits that the individual’s stress response is shaped by the social context in which he lives. In a community of practice—as journalists are—collective coping is used to deal with stressors in a more resilient way than individually. This is helped by the community’s identity, constructed through their profession and societal role. Indeed, journalists make use of coping mechanisms involving their work and social context—in other words, colleagues, and family (Obermaier et al., 2018). Zelizer (1993) shed light on viewing journalists as interpretive communities, or a community of practice distinguished by collective interpretation of key events and strategies to address job-related challenges. Journalists continuously negotiate their identity and authority as news “messengers”. This means they identify themselves not only with the norms of the profession but a shared collectivity in understanding events and challenges. This negotiation strengthens their commitment to their work despite stress, viewing it as a defining feature of their role (Zelizer, 1993). The perception of stress and risks as “normal” job features emerges as a cultural norm within the community. Considering the environment where they operate and the occupational stress they go through, there is a need to understand how they perceive work stress, risks, or threats and how they respond to or negotiate these kinds of risks, given that this is their daily engagement. Therefore, here are the research questions:

RQ1: What occupational stress and risks do Albanian journalists describe?

RQ2: What are the strategies employed by Albanian journalists to mitigate job-related risks and stress?

3. Methodology

This study is based on a thematic analysis of the dataset. It utilizes semi-structured interviews to gather information from journalists in Albania regarding their perceptions of occupational stress and the strategies they employ to mitigate it. “It explores the meaning of stress and stressors for journalists and how these occupational pressures shape their professional experiences and coping responses.” The qualitative approach allows for a nuanced understanding of the complex realities faced by journalists in a challenging media environment. As an active journalist with more than 12 years of experience, the researcher engaged in self-reflexivity to be aware of her biases and avoid their impact on the process (Tracy, 2013). Considering her personal experience as a journalist covering internal politics and regional affairs, she worked to remain aware of when my bias started to influence my interview and data analysis behaviors in order to create room for salient themes to emerge and be noticed (Tracy, 2013). The first effort was to gain approval from the Institutional Review Board to locate eligible participants, and they decided to engage in purposeful sampling because of the limited timeframe for collecting data (Tracy, 2013). The recruitment was done through professional networks, journalism associations, and social media platforms. Invitations to participate were sent via email to inform about the aim of the study, confidentiality measures, and the fact that participation is voluntary. Participants had to fulfill the following criteria:

• All participants had to be over the age of 18 years old.
• Have at least 3 years of experience in journalism.
• Be available for a 45–60 min interview via Zoom.

The study used a purposeful sampling (Kvale, 1994) to capture different perspectives from young to more experienced journalists. A mix of experience levels (early-career, mid-career, and senior journalists) was included to capture diverse perspectives.—Journalists covering different beats (e.g., politics, culture, sports) were selected to explore how occupational stressors may vary across different areas of reporting. An interview guide was developed carefully based on the purpose of the study and the relevant literature, including the following themes:

(a)

Perceived Occupational Stressors

What specific stressors do journalists encounter in their daily work?

How do these stressors impact their mental health and job performance?

(b)

Coping Strategies:

What strategies do journalists employ to cope with job-related stress?

How effective do they perceive these strategies to be?

(c)

Support Systems

What role do colleagues, family, and professional organizations play in providing support? Are there institutional resources available to help manage stress?

(d)

Cultural Context

How does the cultural and political environment in Albania influence journalists’ experiences of stress and coping?

At the beginning of each Zoom interview, the researcher overviewed an electronic informed consent document with each participant detailing the study’s purpose, procedures, risks, and benefits. Once each participant electronically consented to participate, the interviews were recorded, and only the audio file was downloaded and saved in a secure location in the cloud for later transcription. The interview was structured around topics of interest with a clear structure and purpose, but it also gave flexibility to the respondents to add information following a preparation period by the researcher (Tracy, 2013).

3.1. Data Gathering

From October 2024 to November 2024, 14 interviews with Albanian journalists were conducted. This resulted in 13 h of recording, which was transcribed approximately into 130 pages. The process of interviewing stopped when data saturation was reached, and no new information was added to the data set. Having completed 14 interviews is significant in collecting enough data to develop an in-depth codebook since most themes are traditionally collected after coding approximately 12 interviews (Guest et al., 2006). Interviewing continued as a process until no new themes emerged. Participants’ age varied between 28 and 47 years old. A slight majority of the sample is female (51%), and the rest is male (49%). Many of the respondents had more than 10 years of experience in journalism. Data was securely stored in G-Drive, ensuring researcher access. Audio recordings were deleted after the transcribed interviews, and only the full interview transcripts, codes, and themes defined during the data analysis were included in the data stored. Personal identifiers were deleted, and identification as Respondent 1, Respondent 2, and so on was used to refer to the data to protect participants’ identities.

3.2. Data Analysis

All interviews were transcribed and thoroughly processed, including descriptive first-level coding and analytical second-level coding (Saldana, 2016). Thematic analysis (Clarke & Braun, 2017) was used to analyze the data, allowing new and salient themes to be identified from the dataset. This method involved the following steps: familiarization, coding, theme development, theme reviewing, and theme defining and naming. The first level of coding was based on recurring themes and patterns related to occupational stress and coping strategies. After the initial codes were completed for all transcribed interviews, the author engaged in second-level coding, where codes were grouped into broader themes that reflected the participants’ experiences and perceptions. When coding was done, the author continued defining and reviewing the emerging themes to ensure an accurate data representation.

4. Findings

This section addresses the two research questions guiding the study:

• RQ1: What occupational stress and risks do Albanian journalists describe?
• RQ2: What are the strategies employed by Albanian journalists to mitigate job-related risks and stress?

Participants described occupational stress as an inherent and normalized feature of journalism in Albania. Stress was not perceived as episodic but as a persistent condition embedded in daily professional practice. In relation to RQ1, three major categories of occupational stressors emerged: political pressure, economic insecurity, and criminal intimidation. These stressors were accompanied by significant psychological strain and emotional burden.

Political pressure was one of the most frequently reported occupational stressors. Journalists described direct intimidation from political figures, attempts to influence editorial decisions, public discrediting, and pressure exercised indirectly through media owners or affiliated actors. Participants explained that political actors often attempted to redirect attention away from investigative findings by attacking journalists personally or publicly questioning their credibility. Such practices created a climate of caution and self-monitoring that affected journalists’ sense of professional independence.

“To be honest, I have experienced physical threats, from personal physical threats to political pressure from several politicians, or maybe financial pressure or threats from several advertisers. It has been a “mosaic” of them during my career”.

(Respondent 6)

“And then you have political parties and political figures who comment in their way, trying to spin the stories, trying to change the narrative, trying to focus on the journalists, rather than the issue you have raised. So, the kind of pressure is something that you have to deal with yourself.”

(Respondent 1)

Economic pressure emerged as a structural occupational stressor. Participants described financial instability within media organizations, low salaries, fear of job loss, and depen ence on advertising revenue as conditions that increased professional vulnerability. Journalists explained that economically fragile media outlets are more susceptible to external political or business influence, limiting editorial independence and creating chronic uncertainty about professional stability. Economic precarity was often described as less visible than direct intimidation but equally stressful because it affected long-term professional security and independence.

5. Intimidation and Safety Threats

Several journalists described direct intimidation and safety threats connected to reporting on organized crime, corruption, and trafficking networks. Unlike political pressure, which focused primarily on influencing narratives or damaging professional credibility, these experiences involved explicit threats to personal safety and attempts to stop publication through fear and intimidation. Participants reported encounters with criminal actors, indirect warnings, surveillance, and threats that extended beyond the workplace and affected family life and personal security.

“I can remember one example when we’re covering a story about one violent organized crime group who deals with traffic drugs from Latin America to Albania and were involved in a lot of money laundering in Albania. Before we found those people, this gang person found us first, so he came to the table and tried to threaten and try to stop us publishing the story…”

(Respondent 4)

“These kinds of threats make you constantly alert. Even after work, you continue thinking about possible consequences for yourself or your family.”

(Respondent 7)

Participants associated these threats with anxiety, hypervigilance, sleep disturbances, and emotional exhaustion.

“I have been suffering from sleep deprivation for many months after the smear campaign against me.”

(Respondent 8)

“Sometimes you feel lonely as a journalist, and most of the journalists have had that sense of loneliness because you work on behalf of the public.”

(Respondent 4)

6. Collective Coping and Informal Support

Participants frequently described relying on colleagues and informal peer support to manage occupational stress. Journalists discussed sharing experiences, discussing threats with colleagues, exchanging legal information, and seeking reassurance from peers who understood the professional environment. Journalists described themselves as a community of practice (Zelizer, 1993) that relies heavily on shared understanding and peer solidarity. Informal communication channels are used to share experiences of threats, exchange legal resources, coordinate public responses and provide emotional reassurance. Collective identity (Zelizer, 1993) reduces the perception of isolation. Stress is reframed as a shared professional experience rather than an individual weakness. Solidarity operates as a buffer against intimidation.

“Well, as I said, I try to stay calm, inform my colleagues and have more knowledge on the legal aspects so I can take another step if it will be needed.”

(Respondent 5)

These interactions reduced feelings of isolation and helped participants process stressful experiences. Participants also identified reactions which would include reporting different cases of intimidation or pressure to the law institutions. But they were really rare and respondents did not show particular trust in how these institutions could contribute to the tackling/improving of their situation.

“Firstly, I worked by myself calming down and thinking about possibilities of addressing the issues in public institutions like the law institutions such as policemen, prosecution and so on.”

(Respondent 5)

7. Problem-Focused Coping Strategies

Participants described several active strategies aimed at reducing professional risk and protecting themselves from legal or reputational consequences. These strategies included:

• Verifying stories line-by-line before publication.
• Consulting legal experts.
• Revising wording to avoid ambiguity.
• Reporting threats to institutions.

This meticulous approach to verification serves both as professional rigor and as self-protection against lawsuits or reputational attacks (Zelizer, 1993). Some journalists reported modifying investigative strategies—not content—to reduce exposure to legal retaliation.

“Sometimes you face the problems, and you have to implement new strategies and try to go out of the box and think what’s going on here, and how can it be resolved.”

(Respondent 1)

“When we have sensitive stories, what we do is like, at the end, when the story is written and it’s already edited, we go line by line and try to think that, okay, somebody will like trying to mitigate their risk of being sued or being, I don’t know, accused or being like misinterpreted, and this somehow makes a job more difficult.”

(Respondent 4)

Participants explained that these strategies functioned both as professional safeguards and as ways to reduce anxiety associated with investigative reporting.

8. Emotional Regulation and Boundary Management

Journalists also described emotion-focused coping strategies intended to reduce emotional strain and maintain psychological balance. These included:

• Talking through stressful events with colleagues.
• Separating work stress from family life.
• Emotional compartmentalization.
• Reframing stress as part of professional responsibility.

Family support was frequently described as important in helping journalists detach from workplace pressures and maintain emotional stability.

“I always choose to talk about this issue during work or during my way back home, just to put out all the stress and emotional feelings, and then later on, when I can get home and go to my kids, work will not be as much of a problem as it is at work.”

(Respondent 8)

9. Experience-Based Adaptation

Professional experience emerged as an important factor shaping how journalists respond to occupational stress. Senior journalists described becoming more emotionally prepared and strategically aware over time.

“For me when I started this job, I was a little bit, let’s say, afraid of the feedback that I would have. But when you have some experience, you start understanding that at the end of the day you are doing your job.”

(Respondent 5)

“These efforts made me stronger. That means the next time I face this kind of risk or intimidation I know how to protect myself, how not to let this influence me. I never changed an article or a title because of that.”

(Respondent 8)

Participants often framed resilience as something developed gradually through repeated exposure to occupational pressure.

10. Professional Identity as a Protective Mechanism

Commitment to professional ethics and public-interest journalism was frequently described as a source of resilience. Participants explained that adherence to professional standards provided a sense of legitimacy and psychological protection when facing intimidation or criticism.

“Professionalism is what I think will protect us better than anything else. So, if we do all the steps right, then anything that comes in our way, we can explain and we can come from.”

(Respondent 9)

A recurring finding across interviews was the normalization of stress within journalistic culture. Participants described occupational risks as expected aspects of professional life.

“This job, the journalists’ job, is not for everybody. A journalist should be aware of the risks and pressure he would face during his work, but he should stand to censorship and should not make any compromise.”

(Respondent 8)

While this normalization appeared to strengthen resilience, it also suggested that occupational stress may become underrecognized or insufficiently addressed.

11. Discussion and Conclusions

The findings indicate that Albanian journalists experience occupational stress as a persistent and normalized component of professional life. In relation to RQ1, participants identified political pressure, economic insecurity, and criminal intimidation as the primary stressors shaping their daily work experiences. These stressors were accompanied by emotional exhaustion, anxiety, sleep disturbances, and feelings of isolation. Drawing on the Transactional Theory of Stress and Coping (Lazarus & Folkman, 1987), the findings demonstrate that journalists respond to occupational stress through both problem-focused and emotion-focused coping strategies. Participants described active strategies such as verification procedures, legal consultation, and strategic risk assessment, alongside emotional regulation practices including peer discussion, emotional compartmentalization, and maintaining boundaries between work and family life.

The findings also support Zelizer’s (1993) conceptualization of journalists as interpretive communities. Journalists frequently described relying on colleagues and informal peer support to discuss stressful experiences, exchange information, and reduce feelings of isolation. These interactions suggest that shared professional identity functions as an important informal coping resource within journalism.

Participants primarily emphasized informal peer support, personal resilience, and professional ethics as mechanisms that helped them manage occupational stress. Therefore, the findings should be interpreted cautiously and remain grounded in the data collected. The normalization of stress emerged as a particularly significant finding. Participants often framed occupational pressure and intimidation as expected aspects of journalism. While this normalization may strengthen resilience and professional commitment, it may also contribute to emotional suppression and reduce recognition of the long-term psychological impact of occupational stress.

This study contributes to research on occupational stress in journalism by examining how everyday stressors are experienced within a fragile democratic context. The findings demonstrate that occupational stress among journalists extends beyond trauma reporting and includes ongoing political, economic, and safety-related pressures embedded in routine professional practice.

The study also has practical implications for media organizations and professional associations. Although participants did not extensively discuss formal organizational support systems, the findings suggest that journalists benefit from professional environments that encourage peer support, ethical reporting practices, and open discussion of occupational stress.

12. Limitations and Future Directions

The limitations of this study relate to the fact that it is based on 14 interviews with Albanian journalists. Their lived experiences, despite the diversity and the richness in data, remain limited. Looking ahead, in future research the conceptualization of job-related stressors by journalists of different experiences and ages can be explored to create a full overview of what triggers stress in the workplace and how stress is perceived and dealt with, based on different experiences, years of practice and experience accumulated. In view of the loopholes identified by this research, different effective support mechanisms might be analyzed and explored aiming at giving this community of practice a more institutionalized way and practices to cope with occupational stress.

13. Theoretical and Practical Contribution

By combining Transactional Theory of Stress and Coping (Lazarus & Folkman, 1987) and Zelizer’ foundational concept of journalists as interpretive communities which leads to Collective Coping, the data was analyzed to understand (1) individual appraisals related to managing occupational stress and (2) the importance of social structures in managing work-related stress. The typologies identified—risk types and response mechanisms highlight areas for potential reform, including better organizational policies, legal safeguards, and stronger institutional support systems for journalists. These findings also emphasize the resilience and dedication of journalists as a community of practice despite persistent adversities. These findings can be used as a basis to start an assessment of the concrete structural support that news organizations and professional associations can provide to the members of the community. They can help media organizations to review their policies and strategies and undertake necessary measures to reduce stressors and support journalists into being more resilient to different types of stressors related to their job.