Substack, the New “Home” for Cultural Journalism

Abstract

The crisis in the media industry has led some journalists to explore professional alternatives on platforms like Patreon, Ghost, Medium, and Substack—best known for their newsletter services and member-based paid subscriptions. These platforms operate independently of social media, allowing writers to build and maintain their own communities. This article explores a contemporary model of online literary mediation through a qualitative case study that combines cultural studies approaches with in-depth interviews. Focusing on a platform called Substack, the research analyzes how cultural content—particularly book recommendations and cultural commentary—is produced by journalists and writers. Despite the increasing presence of such content in mass media, this phenomenon remains underexplored in the academic literature. This study addresses that gap by examining the practices of cultural journalists in Spain on Substack.

1. Introduction

Substack is a subscription-based newsletter platform founded in 2017 by CEO Chris Best, developer Jairaj Sethi, and journalist Hamish McKenzie. From its inception, it has been designed as a tool for independent creators seeking direct financial support from their audience. This remains the core message on its homepage even today:

“We created Substack because we believe that what you read matters and that good writing is valuable. As the platform evolved, we expanded that vision to include all forms of cultural work. On Substack, writers and creators can publish their work and earn money through paid subscriptions, while readers can directly support the work they deeply value.”

(Substack, 2025).

As of January 2024, Substack had over 20 million active subscribers, according to Backlinko (https://backlinko.com/substack-users, accessed on 30 January 2025)—a well known digital marketing website focused primarily on search engine optimization (SEO) and content marketing strategies. Of these, 3 million were paying subscribers. Among Substack’s 17,000 content creators, only 10 authors generate a combined annual revenue of $25 million (Wefunder, 2025).

In its early days, in 2017, Substack actively recruited journalists to join its platform. One of the first was journalist Bill Bishop, who brought his 30,000 subscribers with him, creating a ripple effect. Initially, Substack prioritized journalists with large newsletter audiences and writers with significant followings. However, in 2018, it opened the platform to all authors interested in creating content.

Currently, the platform hosts newsletters from internationally renowned authors such as Margaret Atwood, whose newsletter In the Writing Burrow has around 75,000 subscribers, and Salman Rushdie, with 18,000 subscribers for An Ocean of Stories from Salman Rushdie. However, the most successful paid cultural newsletters on Substack far surpass these figures.

In January 2025, the number one cultural Substack in English—according to Sidestack—was House Inhabit by Jessica Redd Kraus with over 473,000 subscribers, of whom 10,000 pay at least the $8 monthly or $50 annually for the subscription.

The newsletter with the largest subscriber base overall is the political news publication American Ambition, led by conservative writer Marc Cenedella, boasting over 2.3 million subscribers. Another highly popular newsletter is that of filmmaker Michael Moore, with 741,000 subscribers.

These numbers contrast with those of Spanish-language newsletters, but there is a growing upward trend due to the increasing presence of authors on the platform. For example, Milena Busquets launched her newsletter just a few months ago and has already gathered 7100 readers. She is followed by the most recent Premio Planeta winner, Beatriz Serrano, with 5000 subscribers, and essayist, poet, and writer Elena Medel with 1000 subscribers. These numbers may seem modest compared to the 35,000 followers of writer Jesús Terrés, whose newsletter Nada importa ranks first according to the Sidestack Ranking (2025).

Substack was initially designed as a simple platform with a minimalist interface. While it still retains its original spirit, it has evolved into a platform that now allows creators to produce podcasts and videos for their newsletters, and includes a social feature called Notes, similar to Twitter (or X), though currently without an algorithm.

Newsletters are no longer limited to subscribers’ inboxes; they can now be shared on other social networks via a link. If the content is behind a paywall, only a preview will be visible. Moreover, Substack offers live streaming tools, such as chat and video conference capabilities, enabling authors to interact with their audience in real time.

In 2022, Substack launched its iOS and Android app, and in 2023, it introduced “Private Substacks,” exclusive newsletters accessible only by invitation. That same year, it also launched Notes, without ads. In 2023, Substack introduced the follow button, allowing users to follow a newsletter without subscribing. However, the platform’s most valuable feature remains its subscription-based content.

In 2024, Substack added a Chat feature, enabling users to have private one-on-one conversations. Later, an interactive video chat was introduced, allowing audiences to engage directly with authors. This feature was further enhanced with the option to place a paywall on the entire chat or specific parts of it.

Despite the proven importance of journalism through digital formats such as newsletters (Rojas-Torrijos & González-Alba, 2018; Seely & Spillman, 2021), journalistic work carried out through independent authors’ cultural newsletters remains largely invisible in journalism studies, resulting in a scarcity of academic research on the subject. This issue is frequently discussed in magazines and journalistic articles (Neuhaus, 2025; Gilmour, 2025; Stenberg, 2025; Savage, 2025), but it is rarely addressed in academic publications.

Although the gap is significant, a few exceptions can be found: Substack and the Newsletter Boom: When Does a Platform Become a Publisher? (Hobbs, 2021) and The Paradox of Connection: How Digital Media is Transforming Journalistic Labor (Bossio et al., 2024). This phenomenon is not common in academia for the moment, even with the importance that authors give to social media and digital creators (Baker & Baker, 2023; Hund, 2025).

In this evolving landscape over the past five years, a new type of journalist–influencer, or “newsfluencer”, has emerged (Hurcombe, 2024). This category includes both established professionals and enthusiasts who analyze and interpret news to make it more accessible to their audiences. These newsfluencers have flourished on new digital platforms, with Substack standing out as one of the most significant.

In recent years, micro-influencers—“individuals, typically with smaller but highly engaged followings” (Rachmad, 2023)—have also been considered as a relevant part of cultural journalism.

On the other hand, the rise and increasing significance of micro-influencers is changing the way that we can understand cultural communication and influence. The efficacy of this kind of informal journalism is based on their communities of followers, as Zaharani, G. F. R., Kusumawati, N., and Aprilianty, F. have demonstrated with their research about Brand Image and Purchase Intention on Local Culinary Products in Instagram (Zaharani et al., 2021).

2. Materials and Methods

This section outlines the methodological framework of this study, including the research hypothesis, data sources, and analytical procedures. The investigation adopts a qualitative approach, combining content analysis of digital platforms with in-depth interviews. This design allows for a contextual and interpretative understanding of Substack’s role in the current cultural and media landscape. The following subsections detail the key components of this research strategy.

2.1. Hypothesis

The central hypothesis of this research is that Substack has gained influence and visibility as a platform for cultural content creation primarily due to a combination of social, technological, and communicative factors that respond to broader transformations in digital media.

2.2. Research Objectives

The objectives of this research are as follows:

• To analyze the most-followed cultural content published on Substack in Spanish, with the aim of understanding the writing styles employed by its authors.
• To analyze, through in-depth interviews, the intentions of the journalists involved.
• To provide an overview of how the ecosystem of a platform like Substack may be transforming the practice of cultural journalism in Spain through micro-influencers who operate outside of mainstream social media.

2.3. Justification

In recent years, platforms like Substack have emerged as significant spaces for independent publishing, offering authors not only editorial autonomy but also opportunities for monetization and direct audience engagement. While the rise of these platforms has been widely discussed in journalistic and industry-oriented sources, academic research—particularly in the Spanish-speaking context—remains limited. This study seeks to address that gap by providing an in-depth examination of Spanish-language cultural content on Substack, situating it within the broader discourse on media transformation, digital authorship, and platform economies.

The justification for this study lies in the impact of digital culture on society and the ongoing changes in consumption habits, cultural influence, and literary creation (McGurl, 2021; Durbin, 2023).

According to Hurcombe (2024), newsfluencers can be analyzed through four interrelated dimensions: platforms, business models, labor, and cultures. The author emphasizes that this type of work is precarious and highly individualized, with a news culture that is becoming increasingly partisan and platform-centric.

This phenomenon reminds us of 19th-century Spanish newspapers, known as “political newspapers,” where individual writers, journalists, or politicians launched their own media outlets. This 19th-century model also extended to culture and literature, giving rise to highly influential publications, such as El pobrecito hablador by Mariano José de Larra.

This impact can be understood through six interconnected dimensions:

• Blog nostalgia: More than a decade ago, blogs began to decline (Pedroni et al., 2017; Driscoll, 2019). With the rise of Substack, bloggers found a new space for revitalization. They also encountered a nostalgic audience—primarily people in their forties who recall the early days of the internet, blogs, and newsletters—alongside a new generation seeking refuge from the immediacy and “noise” of social media, in favor of longer-form, reflective reading experiences.
• Free-noisy space: Substack functions as an alternative to the virality and negativity often associated with social media. It has become a valuable platform for niche journalists, many of whom emerged or redefined their paths during the pandemic. For example, food writer Mike Nagrant chose not to return to traditional media after discovering Substack, stating that the platform “gave him the kind of influence that is no longer available in most newspapers” (Valentino, 2025).
• Community strength: Similarly to the blogging era, newsletters on Substack thrive on the strength of the online communities formed around them. These communities foster close, ongoing relationships between writers and readers (Foasberg, 2012). However, Substack may not represent a true alternative media space, as it tends to reproduce existing journalistic hierarchies (Hewa & Cohen, 2024). The platform’s most successful newsletters are still authored by white, established journalists, and algorithmic recommendations increasingly shape subscription behaviors (Fernandes et al., 2024; Milovanska-Farrington, 2025).
• Subscriptions as support: Monetization through paid subscriptions has emerged as a new business model for journalists (Martin, 2024), particularly among younger generations, but also increasingly among senior writers (Aaronovitch, 2024). Monetization serves not only as a revenue model for writers but also as a meaningful way for readers to express commitment to independent voices and to participate in the sustainability of content creation.
• Creative freedom: Substack is widely seen as a platform that supports unfiltered, personal expression. However, this openness has also led to controversy. In 2024, the presence of neo-Nazi content on the platform drew public criticism, with journalists like Brustein (2024) questioning Substack’s profit model, since the company takes a percentage of subscription revenue, even from extremist content. In response to Substack’s refusal to revise its moderation policies, prominent writers such as Ryan Broderick (Garbage Day) and Casey Newton (Platformer) left the platform.
• Authorized voice: Blogs and newsletters have long played a significant role in the publication, promotion, and distribution of books (Steiner, 2010). The intimate connection between authors and their audiences has led some scholars to argue that this format is reshaping writing itself (Bossio et al., 2024). Posts published on Substack have appeared in cultural anthologies such as Best Food Writing (2023, 2024) and Escribir gastronomía 2022 (Casanova & Aguirre, 2023). In several cases, authors have expanded Substack content into full-length books (Terrés, 2025b; Kennedy, 2023).

Together, these dimensions form the analytical framework through which this study seeks to understand the impact and significance of Substack as a hybrid space for cultural commentary, community engagement, and alternative publishing.

2.4. Methodological Design and Analytical Approach

This study adopts a qualitative methodological approach based on two techniques widely used in the study of digital environments: case study analysis and in-depth interviews. The aim is to provide a comprehensive, contextual, and interpretative understanding of how Substack operates as a platform for independent cultural content creation, distribution, and monetization.

The case study design allows for an in-depth empirical examination of specific instances within their natural context. It is particularly suitable given the interactive nature of the digital scenario under investigation. This field-based strategy is complemented by the active engagement of the researcher, facilitating the collection of rich, contextualized data. The selection of cases was intentional, guided by criteria of appropriateness—based on thematic relevance—and significance, understood as their capacity to contribute meaningful elements to the analysis.

The data collection process included both quantitative and qualitative components. Quantitative data was sourced from platforms such as Substack, Backlinko, and SideStack—the latter being an analytics and automation tool that provides statistics on the most popular Substack newsletters, user growth, and content categories. These platforms were selected for their relevance in offering descriptive and analytical insights into the platform’s reach, user behavior, and monetization models.

These data have been interpreted through a qualitative lens to identify patterns and underlying discourses. In parallel, we conducted content analysis of Substack newsletters written in Spanish. Specifically, we selected a sample of three posts from each of the newsletters on the Top Substack Newsletters list, including both top-ranked and lower-ranked creators. Posts were analyzed according to their narrative style (e.g., informative, personal, or opinion-based) and thematic focus (e.g., cultural commentary or personal reflections). Attention was also given to who writes these newsletters, and how identity and voice are constructed in the text.

To enrich and triangulate the findings, this study also incorporates three in-depth interviews: two with the most prominent Spanish-language cultural content creators on Substack—Jesús Terrés, currently the top-ranked creator in terms of subscribers and income, and Jorge Guitián, positioned tenth in both categories—and one with an active reader and subscriber of cultural newsletters. The interviews with the authors were conducted via video conference using a semi-structured format, and lasted approximately one hour each. The reader interview was carried out in written form via Substack’s internal messaging tool, using a structured questionnaire.

The semi-structured interview method enables a deep exploration of the creators’ work, motivations, and perceptions of their relationship with their audience and the platform. Open-ended questions were designed to align with this study’s objectives and to allow for reflective and detailed responses. The interview data was then analyzed in relation to the statistical findings and content analysis to identify overlapping narratives and possible contradictions. This interpretive process follows a circular dynamic, as described by De Toscano (2009): “Qualitative analysis operates in two dimensions and follows a circular process, as it not only records and observes data but also establishes a continuous dialogue between the researcher and the subject, accompanied by a constant analytical reflection on external observations and research objectives.”

This methodological design enables a multidimensional understanding of Substack as a media platform. By integrating digital content analysis, statistical indicators, and subjective narratives, this study aims to capture both the structural characteristics and symbolic dimensions of cultural production in this emerging publishing environment.

The in-depth interviews were conducted in Spanish, which is the language of both the interviewees and the authors of this research. For this article, the responses have been translated as faithfully as possible by the researchers themselves.

2.5. Ethical Considerations

This research adheres to ethical principles of informed consent, privacy, and confidentiality. All participants were informed about the purpose of the study and gave their explicit consent to participate. Interviews conducted via video conference were recorded with prior permission, and data was anonymized when necessary to protect participants’ identities. In the case of the written interview conducted through Substack, participants were informed that their responses would be used solely for academic purposes.

This study received ethical approval from the Research Ethics Committee of Universidad Rey Juan Carlos, which reviewed the project titled: CULTURAL SCAPE. Cartography of Online Literary Mediation Models: Challenges for the Media System and Opportunities for Cultural Literacy.

2.6. Limitations of This Study and Researchers’ Reflexivity

As a qualitative case study, this research does not aim to produce generalizable results, but rather to offer a deep, situated understanding of a specific phenomenon within the context of Spanish-language digital cultural production from Spain. The focus on Substack limits the scope of the findings to this platform, excluding similar services such as Patreon, Medium, or Ghost. While combining platform data, content analysis, and interviews strengthens the research, the relatively small sample size—particularly in the interview phase—may limit the diversity of viewpoints represented. Additionally, focusing on the most successful Substack writers may introduce a bias, as they are more likely to emphasize the platform’s positive aspects. However, we considered this a reasonable approach for capturing a representative sample. Nevertheless, this study serves as an exploratory contribution that opens avenues for further empirical and comparative research.

Given the qualitative and interpretive nature of this study, the researcher’s role is understood as inherently subjective. The analysis of platform dynamics, content, and interview data is inevitably shaped by the researcher’s academic background and professional engagement with digital media and cultural journalism. In this particular case, one of the researchers has direct experience with Substack, as she maintains her own cultural newsletter on the platform. This insider perspective offered valuable contextual knowledge but also required continuous critical reflection.

Throughout the research process, reflexivity was employed to remain aware of potential interpretive biases and to uphold analytical consistency. This ongoing self-awareness, combined with active immersion in the field, aligns with qualitative research traditions that prioritize meaning-making, contextual interpretation, and the co-construction of knowledge over claims of objectivity.

3. Results

According to data from Sidestack and Substack, the top 10 cultural newsletters in Spain show significant disparities in subscriber numbers (See

Table 1. Cultural Substacks in Spain with the largest audience and highest revenue.

	Author	Newsletter	Style	Free Content	Paid Content	Paid Susbscription	Total Subscribers
1	Jesús Terrés	Nada Importa	Narrative	Life	Tips, chats, podcast	+100	+35 mil
2	Leticia Sala	Magical thinking	Narrative	Life	Life	+100	7 mil
3	Molinos	Cosas que (me) pasan	Narrative/Informative	Life, books	Life, books, pod-cast	100	5 mil
4	Máximo Gavete	Honos	Opinion/Informative	Design	Spon-sor	−100	6 mil
5	Esteban Concia	Comunicación	Opinion	Digital culture	Tips	−100	6 mil
6	Romina Sacre	Por tu atención, gracias	Narrative	Life	Tips	−100	5 mil
7	Carolina Chavate	Elogio a la cotidianidad	Narrative	Life	Tips	−100	4 mil
8	Iván Leal	Superfluor	Informative	Curiosities	Tips	−100	4 mil
9	Gabi Chestrada	Lo que sea que inspire	Narrative	Life	Tips	−100	3 mil
10	Jorge Guitián	Carreteras secundarias	Narrative	Life, food, books, music	Tips	−100	3 mil

Source: Own elaboration with data from Sidestack and Substack as of January 2025.

). On one end, the leader in the ranking, Jesús Terrés (Nada importa), has over 34,000 subscribers, including more than 100 paid subscribers. However, the remaining newsletters in the top 10 have between 3000 and 7000 subscribers.

Despite this gap in total subscribers, the top three newsletters have similar numbers of paying subscribers (around 100). As of 2025, subscription fees range from €65 per year for the top-ranked newsletter to €50 per year for the 10th-ranked newsletter, Jorge Guitián’s Carreteras secundarias.

“Substack is the new home for the world’s best writers, covering topics from food and religion to politics and economics,” the platform states on its homepage. The word home evokes the idea of a safe space. Adding to this notion—like a house where you enjoy spending time—Substack now offers everything you need: social media, podcasts, videos, streaming, and emotions, thanks to the nostalgic feel of blogs and the vintage charm of newsletters, one of the first informational tools of the early Internet.

3.1. Keep the Community

Substack has evolved from a simple newsletter platform into a complex ecosystem offering video conferencing, chat, and social media-like tools to help writers engage with their audiences. However, this variety of features can sometimes overwhelm authors who prefer to avoid the noise and focus on writing.

Journalist and writer Jesús Terrés, whose newsletter Nada importa (Nothing Matters) ranks first in the cultural category by number of followers, feels uncomfortable with Substack’s many communication features. He prefers a minimalist interface—just like his writing—to share his “intimate letters” with subscribers every Saturday.

Nada importa was the name of a blog he ran until 2015. Terrés—who holds degrees in Advertising and Public Relations, Creativity, Marketing, and Communication from CEU Cardenal Herrera University (Valencia)—sees his newsletter as an experiment in his literary journey. Many other writers on the platform share this view: Substack as a space to explore literary style, storytelling, and most importantly, connection with readers.

He launched Nada importa on Substack in 2020 and added a paywall a year later for his Claves articles, which include travel and food recommendations, reflections on trends, creativity, culture, and knowledge. He also offers a “Fearless Advice” section—answering paid subscribers’ questions—and a paywalled podcast titled Un rato en casa (“A Little Time at Home”), where he shares casual conversations with his life partner. A large part of his writing explores his evolving understanding of new masculinity. He positions himself in an emotionally engaged and empathetic way alongside his partner to explore issues such as obstetric violence. The journalist himself acknowledged during this research that he sometimes loses readers because of this. In fact, he recalled that on one occasion, a former male reader told him: “You’ve abandoned us,” referring to the new topics he addresses and the perspective from which he writes.

Jorge Guitián, author of the tenth most-read cultural newsletter in Spain, connects with his community exclusively through email and comments on his newsletter Carreteras secundarias (Secondary Roads). He has opted not to use Substack’s other communication tools, instead focusing on his weekly texts. For him, these writings are experimental in nature—what he calls “open texts”: notes, reflections, and other content without a fixed structure.

Despite this minimalist approach, his relationship with readers remains central. “Seeing that people follow you and ask questions is encouraging. It breaks the barrier between author and reader, and that’s especially rewarding at the beginning, because it boosts your confidence in the work you’re doing,” he explains in an interview for this research.

Guitián also chose to offer a paid subscription, not for commercial gain but to allow readers to support him voluntarily. “It’s completely optional, but seeing that support is very rewarding,” he concludes.

His paid content consists of recommendations for places, trips, restaurants, hotels, and products in Galicia and nearby regions—northern Portugal, Asturias, Cantabria, and León—areas he knows well as a native Galician. In his own words: “Tips on lesser-known places, slightly more detailed comments on restaurants, hotels, and routes. Basically, it’s the kind of information I’d want a friend to give me when I visit their region.”

Community is also essential for Terrés. Although his newsletter ranks seventh overall in Spain—well below The VC Corner (67,000+ subscribers) and LWS Financial Research (6000)—he has cultivated a “small community of sensitive people.” He organizes in-person gatherings in cities like Madrid and Barcelona, often in collaboration with hotels, which include showrooms with discounted products. These events supplement his income and reinforce his voluntary subscription model, which has surpassed 100 paid subscribers according to Sidestack.

Paid subscriptions have fluctuated in recent years. Neither journalist disclosed exact figures, but both confirmed a recent stagnation. “In 2021 and 2022, paid subscriptions surged exponentially. But since 2023, there’s been a slowdown,” Guitián notes. “At first, you blame yourself, but then you realize it’s happening across the board. We’ve reached a point of saturation.”

3.2. Personal Writing First!

In January 2025, Jesús Terrés’ piece Qué narices importa (What the Hell Matters) (Terrés, 2025a) was the most-read Substack post in Spain, according to Sidestack. The article featured his trademark style: self-reflection, therapy insights, and emotional honesty.

This personal tone has deeply resonated with his readers. One subscriber interviewed for this research said:

• “I subscribed when he started writing so openly about emotional and mental health issues. That wasn’t common at the time—especially for a ‘successful’ man to show vulnerability. That’s what made him connect with people. We’ve all read something of his and thought, I’ve been there.” (2025)

Terrés sees this style as a literary commitment. “I read a lot of Annie Ernaux and Emmanuel Carrère. That’s the direction I want to go in,” he explains. “I aim to expose myself more and more. But that doesn’t mean I tell the truth. I write on the edge of fiction. I’m not faithful to facts, but I am brutally honest.”

In February 2025, Destino published Vivir sin miedo (Living Without Fear), his third book—a collection of 110 newsletter entries. His first book, Nada importa, compiled previously published journalistic articles (Terrés, 2020). Still, he insists that neither his blog nor Substack defines his writing: “I write without considering the platform. I write at 5 a.m., by candlelight. Each piece could fit into a short story collection.”

He also resists platform dependency. Terrés wishes Substack would bring back older features that let readers access his letters exclusively via email. He claims not to track analytics and says he would immediately remove any troll-like commenter—even refunding their subscription. “The personal drive to tell stories must come first—before the business model.”

He admits that one recent post, which dealt with his partner’s miscarriage and discussed obstetric violence, led to a noticeable drop in subscriptions. “Many men don’t want to read about this,” he says, recalling a comment from a book event: “You’ve abandoned us, Jesús.”

According to Terrés, “in 2010, I wrote from a more rebellious place. Those readers have changed. I began psychoanalysis in 2015, and by 2020, after five years of therapy, I dove deep. Psychoanalysis has changed my writing—Substack hasn’t.”

Guitián’s most-read piece, Trascendencia (Transcendence), also follows this emotional model (Guitián, 2024). It recounts family stories and personal insecurities, showing a more vulnerable side. This pattern is common among the most popular newsletters in Spanish.

We refer to this journalistic style as narrative. These writers go beyond reporting—they reflect on human emotions, using personal stories as a way to examine cultural experiences. It is a more emotional, more personal kind of journalism.

Popular paid content includes recommendations and tips, but personal chats and podcasts are also in demand. Community interaction is essential to this style of journalism.

Guitián notes that the life cycle of digital formats is shrinking: “Blogs lasted 12 years, social media 8–10, TikTok just 4. I’m not attached to the format—what matters is the content. If something more agile comes along, I’ll switch. Same thing with music formats.”

He adds: “When the blog stopped working for me, I didn’t hesitate to change. I’m comfortable with Substack now, but if another platform fits my needs better next year, I’ll switch.”

Some writers, like Carmen Pacheco, do not rely on Substack at all. Her newsletter Flecha (Arrow), one of the most influential in Spanish cultural circles, is hosted on her own independent site, supported by subscribers. Pacheco describes it as “a tiny refuge on the Internet” (Onda Cero, 2025).

For Guitián, monetization has been the biggest change: “Between 2012 and 2014, money entered the blogosphere, and what had been a passion project became a business. As a result, blog content lost its independence.”

According to Guitián “this is now happening with newsletters. At first, we didn’t think of making money from them. But now, people launch newsletters with monetization in mind, and that changes the tone—they lose freshness.”

3.3. A Different Approach to Writing

For Guitián, newsletters are like “drafts” he shares with interested readers. “You write as Jorge Guitián, and people read you as such—not as ‘Jorge Guitián from La Vanguardia’.”

“When I post unfinished texts on my newsletter, it’s a choice. At La Vanguardia, I have to meet editorial standards—I put on my ‘professional’ suit. But in my newsletter, there’s no mask. I write as if I were having coffee with the reader. That’s why there are errors, redundancies, tangents. In traditional media that’s unacceptable, but in a newsletter, it builds closeness.”

He believes newsletters break the traditional top-down author-reader model. They also decentralize journalism. “There’s no center of power. Everyone writes from their own place,” he says.

Community has always mattered in digital media. As Carlos A. Scolari notes in Hipermediaciones, blogs first showed this (Scolari, 2008). They became spaces for shared reading and book recommendations (Driscoll, 2019; Foasberg, 2012).

Today’s newsletters are built on the same foundation. In some cases, they even become books—like Vivir sin miedo (Terrés, 2025b). The publisher emphasizes Terrés’ community in its synopsis: “A tribute to life, love, and the beauty of simple things. The intimate stories that have captivated more than 35,000 readers.” (Planeta de Libros, 2025).

The publisher’s site expands:

“Since March 2020, Jesús Terrés has sent an intimate letter every Saturday to over thirty-five thousand readers… This shared intimacy has become the most widely read literary newsletter in Spanish.”

This trend of newsletter-based books includes Desde mi escritorio (From My Desk, Col&Col, Kennedy, 2023) by Alicia Kennedy—another anthology of translated newsletters. It may signal a new form of editorial creation—or even literary production (Steiner, 2010).

Blog-driven book culture has been widely studied. Now, it is time to expand that research to newsletters—a format already shaping cultural journalism today and ready to be formally recognized by fields like Digital Journalism (Westlund et al., 2025).

4. Discussion

Fake news, hate speech, and disinformation run rampant on the internet, while academics and journalists focus on how to combat them (Giachanou & Rosso, 2020). Meanwhile, traditional media outlets continue to struggle with a deepening crisis, pushing journalists and content creators to seek alternative sources of funding (Proyecto Una, 2024).

In this context, Substack has emerged as a kind of oasis for writers and cultural journalists—an “alternative universe,” as the International New York Times described it (Hsu, 2022). Many have turned to the platform as a refuge from the “noise” of the internet (Hewa & Cohen, 2024), mo-ving away from algorithm-driven engagement and mass messaging. For some, it truly feels like coming home—just as Substack likes to present itself, despite the platform’s gaps in terms of gender, race, and extremist ideologies—because they can write cultural news without ‘masks,’ in a more intimate and experimental narrative style that is celebrated by their audience, as the Spanish interviewees of this article have explained. Nevertheless, they assert that just as they once left some social media platforms and blogs, if Substack were to stop being that ‘quiet space,’ they would also ‘move’ to other platforms.

At the same time, they have found a potential revenue stream through reader subscriptions. For subscribers, the appeal lies in escaping the constant barrage of advertisements that dominate other platforms.

Despite Substack’s promise of financial independence for creators, this study reveals that even the most prominent Spanish-language cultural newsletters generate only modest earnings. However, new opportunities are emerging beyond the digital sphere, including in-person community events centered around newsletters and the publication of books that compile the best newsletter content.

Substack shifts the focus from mass audiences to direct, personal connections between writers and their subscribers—a revival of the vintage newsletter model, now adapted as a paid tool for creators. In many ways, this is a return to the 19th-century model of single-author publications funded by subscriptions, which remain just as financially precarious today. As a result, our initial hypothesis about the profitability of writing on Substack has not been confirmed. Instead, even in the case of Jesús Terrés—the highest-earning cultural writer on Substack in Spain—the findings suggest a more romanticized view of writing, where personal creative goals take precedence over audience demands. His approach reflects a certain nostalgia, even seeking in-person engagement with his readers. According to Jorge Guitián, Substack is an evolution of blogs, and for him, it is a place to write in a different way—closer to the audience. This movement of journalists and writers to Substack is important to them as a creative way to communicate. Because of this, the object of study is relevant for journalism studies.

According to McGurl, the role of the author has evolved in the Amazon era, favoring “a prolific writer with a strong community and personal charisma” (2021). This analysis confirms that this role has solidified within the Substack model, where writers engage directly with their audience without intermediaries. These unique dynamics open up vast possibilities for further research, including potential effects on literary production—especially given the trend of publishing anthologies of Substack writings.

In this study, the content creators are primarily journalists and writers. As a result, the platform shows a higher level of professionalization compared to what was previously common on social media, where content creators were typically amateur communicators who spoke as equals (Pérez Escoda et al., 2021).

However, these influencers—most of them “micro-influencers”—remain closely connected to their communities and present themselves as equals through their emotional openness, though not necessarily through their language, which tends to adopt a narrative style that begins to shape a new kind of journalism in which the news has an effect on our bodies.

It is striking to hear Substack authors speaking of “saturation” when journalism studies have barely begun to analyze this emerging format. This underscores the need to bring attention to a model that has already attracted many professionals.

Although income remains modest for most cultural journalists operating on Substack in Spanish, the practice is still perceived as professionally meaningful. As revealed in interviews, their work contributes to a new form of journalism that resists both traditional media logic and the fast-paced culture of social media. These journalists—often classified as micro-influencers—are largely overlooked by journalism studies, despite playing a significant role in shaping cultural narratives through community-driven, independent publishing.

5. Conclusions and Future Research

This study contributes new insights to journalism studies by analyzing how Substack functions as a hybrid space that blends journalism, personal blogging, and influencer culture. While financial sustainability remains limited—particularly in the Spanish-language context—cultural content creators perceive the platform as professionally meaningful. Their work reflects a shift toward a slower, more personal model of journalism that resists both traditional media logic and the algorithmic speed of social media.

The findings reveal that cultural newsletters on Substack serve not only as tools for distribution but also as affective infrastructures, fostering trust, intimacy, and community between authors and readers. This direct, sustained connection has contributed to a transformation of journalistic narrative, where content is no longer shaped primarily by editorial routines or mass appeal, but by personal voice, emotional openness, and a desire for reflective storytelling. The style adopted by many of these writers blurs the line between reporting, commentary, and creative nonfiction.

These dynamics underscore the importance of recognizing micro-influencers not as peripheral figures, but as central actors in the evolution of cultural communication and media authorship. Substack, as shown in this study, is not simply a platform, but a narrative space where authors reclaim editorial control and redefine how journalistic knowledge is produced and shared.

By incorporating both platform analysis and qualitative interviews, this research calls for an expansion of journalism studies to include these emerging practices. It also identifies new avenues for inquiry, including the following:

• the material convergence between newsletters and book publishing;
• the narrative impact of emotional, first-person storytelling on cultural journalism;
• the potential of shared or bundled subscription models for reader-supported media.

Substack’s growing role in the professional and expressive lives of journalists invites researchers to rethink the boundaries between media production, self-expression, and community-building in the digital era.