The Speech Behaviour of Kazakhstani Youth in the Context of Interethnic Communication

Abstract

This article explores the features of speech practices of young people in Kazakhstan in the conditions of interaction between Kazakh, Russian, and English, taking into account the influence of the digital environment and modern socio-cultural factors. The relevance of this study is determined by the rapid transformation of the language situation in Kazakhstan, where traditional bilingualism is evolving under the influence of globalisation and digital factors, contributing to the formation of new models of language interaction in the youth environment. The aim of this research is to study the mechanisms of language functioning in different communicative contexts, including digital communication. As a methodological basis, the methods of sociolinguistic and discourse analysis were applied, including the collection and interpretation of young people’s written texts, as well as interviewing respondents to identify their language preferences and communication strategies. The empirical analysis allowed us to identify new models of young people’s linguistic behaviour in various communicative environments, including online space. The leading factors influencing the choice of language code were identified, and the characteristic mechanisms of integrating elements of Kazakh, Russian, and English into a single speech act were recorded. Special attention is paid to the specifics of language interaction in digital environments, where hybrid forms of communication are observed due to technological and globalisation processes. This study considers the speech of young people not only as a linguistic phenomenon, but also as an instrument of intercultural communication, reflecting trends in the development of polylingualism. The findings of this study can be used to improve language policy and to develop educational programmes that take into account modern trends in youth communication.

1. Introduction

In the context of globalisation, the evolution of information and communication technologies, and the intensification of migration, intercultural communication has become a natural necessity. As a process of exchanging ideas and cultural values, intercultural communication promotes mutual understanding, peaceful coexistence, and co-operation between different ethnicities. The harmonious interaction with representatives of different cultures, characterised by distinctive language, values, and behaviour, is based on intercultural dialogue, which is especially relevant for multiethnic societies. The present study is of particular pertinence due to the fact that modern Kazakh society has become an active participant in the process of economic, political, cultural, and scientific interaction with the global community.

In this regard, the speech behaviour of young people in a multiethnic environment is a complex and multifaceted phenomenon shaped by many factors, including cultural, social, and economic aspects. A multicultural environment undoubtedly influences the speech behaviour of young people, which in turn contributes to the development of intercultural communication.

From this perspective, Kazakhstan is a unique case study in terms of its multilingual society, where young people speak several languages, resulting in the emergence of intriguing patterns of speech behaviour. The transformation of speech behaviour due to the national and cultural diversity of Kazakhstan and the shift in generations give rise to specific communicative strategies that combine elements of traditional culture and modern language interaction. These strategies have a significant impact on the processes of intercultural communication, contributing to the development of unique spaces of effective interaction.

The current linguistic situation in Kazakhstan differs from the previously studied periods in a number of fundamental ways. Firstly, the contemporary generation of youth represents the first cohort to have been raised in an independent Kazakhstan under the policy of trilingualism (Kazakh, Russian, English). This generation of Kazakh youth, emerging as a new formation, is characterised by a creative mood, ambition, and a fresh outlook on the present and future, including the recognition of linguistic competence as economic capital. This creates a unique sociolinguistic context that necessitates a more profound scientific comprehension. Secondly, digitalisation and the development of social networks have engendered a fundamentally new communicative environment where young people’s language practices are shaped by global trends and local cultural specificities. This facet of language interaction demands further scientific exploration within the framework of Kazakhstan’s sociolinguistic space.

This paper employs an anthropocentric approach to the study of language, which considers this linguistic phenomenon in its relationship with the personality of the native speaker and culture as the environment of society. It is an investigation into the speech behaviour of Kazakhstani youth, with a particular emphasis on the identification of trends in speech behaviour that are attributable to both linguistic and extralinguistic factors. The investigation of this phenomenon from the perspective of intercultural communication, as viewed through the unique worldview of Kazakh and Russian speakers at the sociolinguistic, linguocultural, and functional-pragmatic levels, is of particular interest. In order to achieve this goal, the authors of this article posed the following questions:

(1)

What extralinguistic factors influence the speech behaviour of young people in Kazakhstan?

(2)

What are the peculiarities of the speech behaviour of Kazakhstani youth in the conditions of intercultural communication?

(3)

What are the linguistic, socio-cultural, and pragmatic features of the speech behaviour of young people in Kazakhstan?

The results obtained can be used to improve language policy and develop educational programmes taking into account modern trends in the development of youth communication.

2. Intercultural Communication in a Multiethnic Society

The multiethnic environment, representing diverse cultural traditions and promoting understanding of different values and behaviours, facilitates intercultural communication (Ilie, 2019). The dynamic communicative space of a multiethnic community (Aleksandrova et al., 2024), in which each ethnic group contributes to a common cultural and linguistic context (Wirentake, 2022), has a significant impact on young people’s speech behaviour (Ilie, 2019). This phenomenon is attributed to the adaptation of language and communication style to different cultural contexts, enabling language learners to navigate the diversity of communicative styles (Song, 2024). Consequently, this results in the development of patterns of communication and social interaction with individuals from various cultures (Ilie, 2019). The efficacy of intercultural communication, as evidenced by numerous studies, is contingent not only on linguistic competence, but also on an understanding of cultural nuances and perspectives (Evurulobi et al., 2024).

Intercultural communication functions at three interconnected levels: everyday communication, cultural interaction, and community building (Sun & Shi, 2024). At the third level, representing the integration of global cultural elements, communicators “not only engage in extensive and frequent everyday communication and cultural interaction, but also potentially cross cultural boundaries to create a shared global cultural community” (Sun & Shi, 2024, р. 1065).

Sun and Shi (2024) propose that intercultural competence, which they define as intercultural sensitivity (respecting and recognising cultural diversity), intercultural awareness (understanding cultural differences and recognising the uniqueness of one’s own culture), and intercultural mastery (developing one’s own communication and social skills) (Ilie, 2019), is a prerequisite for successful intercultural communication. The formation and development of intercultural competence is facilitated by educational strategies that integrate intercultural competence into language learning (Ilie, 2019). Inclusive English language teaching utilises a range of multimedia resources and interactive tasks that reflect ethnocultural aspects and cultivate intercultural communication skills (Nurgalynova, 2024). Language programmes that incorporate intercultural communication training engender inclusive spaces, thereby preparing young people for a globalised world (Wirentake, 2022).

In the context of Kazakhstan, the phenomenon of intercultural communication is influenced by the country’s heterogeneous cultural landscape and government policies that promote multilingualism, with a particular emphasis on Kazakh, Russian, and English. The adoption of a multilingual ideology has been facilitated by the comprehensive promotion of English, which is linked to the Kazakhstani government’s ambitions to make the state competitive in the regional and global economy (Tlepbergen et al., 2022, p. 3). The effective integration of multiculturalism into the higher education system has been identified as a key factor in promoting interethnic harmony and solidarity, which are considered essential conditions for effectively managing interethnic tensions and conflicts. Tolerance is considered to be a pivotal component of effective intercultural communication, which in turn promotes social cohesion and mutual understanding (Nakipbayeva & Sadvokassova, 2023).

The specificity of intercultural communication in the Kazakhstani context is characterised by the interaction and interpenetration of both national and universal components. Such dynamics allows different ethnic groups living on the territory of the country to preserve their unique identity and ethnocultural heritage. In modern science, such a phenomenon is defined by the term multiculturalism. As a policy of peaceful coexistence of different cultures, multiculturalism aims to create favourable conditions for interaction and mutual understanding of ethnic groups and their complementarity (Byazrova & Tedeeva, 2022). At the same time, this ideology is not aimed at constructing a single identity (Byazrova & Tedeeva, 2022). The processes of integration in the modern world make different cultures interact and influence each other, which can lead to a deepening of intercultural understanding and co-operation. As a result, the rich combination of traditions, languages, and religions contributes to active interethnic dialogue (Kulzhanova & Sheryazdanova, 2022).

Thus, intercultural communication involves both language interaction and understanding of cultural traditions and mentality of the contacting ethnic groups. Intercultural interaction in the multiethnic landscape of Kazakhstan is based on bilingualism/multilingualism, the tradition of tolerance to other cultures, promotion of cultural diversity, development and promotion of international co-operation.

2.1. The Sociolinguistic Context of Kazakhstan

The contemporary linguistic situation in Kazakhstan is defined by the intricate interplay of historical, social, and political factors that have contributed to the formation of this country’s modern linguistic profile. According to foreign and Kazakhstani scholars, Kazakhstan’s linguistic landscape is one of the most striking examples of multilingualism in the post-Soviet space (Dave, 2007; Landau & Kellner-Heinkele, 2001; Fierman, 2006; Schatz, 2000; Smagulova, 2008; Suleimenova & Smagulova, 2005; S. K. Zharkynbekova, 2012). Their analyses of the historical context provided a description of the significant changes that Kazakhstan’s language policy has undergone since independence in 1991.

The formation of the Kazakh language situation was influenced by a number of key factors: firstly, the historical connection with the Soviet Union, and the subsequent imposition of a language policy for many years. Secondly, the diverse ethnic composition of the country, which has its own socio-political character (Suleimenova & Smagulova, 2005). The predominance of the Russian language has become a significant issue, necessitating specific state-level solutions to mitigate ethnic tensions while promoting the Kazakh language.

As a multinational country, Kazakhstan faces challenges related to the preservation of the linguistic and cultural heritage of various ethnic groups (Jin, 2020; Borisova & Panov, 2022). The necessity to develop effective mechanisms for regulating language policy has arisen in order to ensure a balance between different language groups and to prevent possible conflicts (Moldabayeva & Zeynelgabdin, 2024; Jin, 2020; Abdrakhmanov & Shaibakova, 2024). The implementation of the tasks of language policy has already demonstrated its results: there is a process of redistribution of the spheres of communicative practices, where there is an expansion of the spheres of activity of some languages and the displacement of others. The proportion of languages in their functioning and learning is changing, with obvious shifts having occurred in the functioning of the Russian language in Kazakhstan (Suleimenova, 2011; S. K. Zharkynbekova, 2012; Sabitova & Alishariyeva, 2015). This, in turn, becomes the object of various discussions, generating a polarisation of opinions related to the position of the Russian language in Kazakhstan. For instance, it has repeatedly been stated in various publications that Kazakhstan is beginning a stage-by-stage implementation of the idea of building a mononational state, which presupposes the displacement of Russian culture and the Russian language from spheres of communication and education, and consequently from the country’s cultural and information space (Igumnova & Vetlitsyna, 2005, p. 38).

It is imperative to consider the impact of globalisation on a nation’s linguistic landscape and the necessity to align language policy with contemporary realities. Kazakhstan, for instance, has witnessed linguistic convergence, which also represents a pivotal component for the analysis. The media is distinguished by its extensive utilisation of borrowed vocabulary, notably from the English language, which underscores the repercussions of globalisation and the imperative to adapt to modern circumstances (Balabekova & Khan, 2022). This phenomenon can result in alterations to the linguistic environment, potentially leading to the decline and eventual extinction of certain traditional linguistic forms. This issue has evoked concern among experts in the fields of linguistics and cultural studies (Balabekova & Khan, 2022).

Since gaining independence, the country has pursued a trilingual language policy, with a particular emphasis on the preservation and development of the state language, ethnic languages, Russian as a medium of interethnic communication, and English for professional and intercultural communication (Mukhamediuly, 2013). Strategic goals encompass a wide range of spheres, yet the implementation of reforms that impact numerous aspects of society can have unintended consequences. On the one hand, these reforms can enhance global competitiveness. However, they can also lead to significant discord in the establishment of national and ethnolinguistic identities. As Suleimenova and Smagulova (2005) observe, the implementation of language planning in Kazakhstan underwent a series of stages. These stages began with the conceptualisations of national patriots concerning the rapid radical introduction of the Kazakh language. These were followed by a period of disappointment with the modest results achieved, leading to the realisation that changes could not be decreed and implemented within strictly specified timeframes. Special attention and increased demands were rightly directed at Russian-speaking Kazakhs (Suleimenova & Smagulova, 2005).

The preceding discussion indicates that the ongoing processes necessitate the description of new linguistic conditions, as well as consideration of the role and significance of a particular language in the current geopolitical conditions. The functioning of language in intercultural communication is a very complex and multifaceted process, involving the interaction of a whole range of both linguistic and extralinguistic factors. The analysis of linguistic material in Kazakhstan enables the evaluation of extralinguistic factors, such as the interaction between two languages (Kazakh and Russian), which is characterised by factors including the scale of functioning and frequency of use. Additionally, the influence of English, as a global language that enhances intercultural communication and integration, is considered, given its use in the educational, professional, and digital environments.

2.2. The Speech Behaviour of Modern Youth in Intercultural Communication

In modern sociolinguistics, novel theoretical approaches have emerged for the investigation of youth speech. A number of studies have underscored the impact of the Internet on young people’s linguistic practices (see Blommaert, 2018; Deumert, 2014; Herring, 2013). The concept of ‘superdiversity’, initially introduced by Vertovec (2007) and subsequently employed by Blommaert (2010) in the domain of sociolinguistics, has been employed by Varis and Blommaert (2015) to elucidate the intricate nature of contemporary language practices among young people in the context of globalisation. García and Wei (2014) have noted that contemporary youth speech is characterised by the active use of translinguistic practices, i.e., the flexible switching between languages depending on the communicative context. In particular, Androutsopoulos (2015) has highlighted the innovative nature of young people’s linguistic expression in the digital domain, emphasising the fluidity and adaptability in their use of translingual practices. Furthermore, Leppänen and Peuronen (2012) have underscored the high degree of multimodality in contemporary youth communication, noting that their speech is frequently accompanied by images, videos, emojis, and stickers. Spilioti and Tagg (2017) demonstrate how young people utilise language to construct identity in the digital space, with the selection of linguistic means being influenced by group affiliation, leading to the development of novel forms of self-expression.

A particular focus has been placed on the study of global patterns of youth communication in multicultural settings. In these environments, communicative practices are universalised, transnational speech communities emerge, and global language trends manifest. Researchers have expressed interest in how youth in multicultural societies utilise social media to create new forms of communication (Danet & Herring, 2007; Deumert, 2014; Thurlow & Mroczek, 2011). Speech behaviour in such multicultural environments is thus a reflection of the interaction between cultural phenomena and linguistic characteristics, shaped by multilingualism, cultural identity, and social dynamics. Code-mixing, code-switching, and language adaptation are not merely tools for effective communication, but also markers of identity and cultural belonging (Seargeant & Tagg, 2014). Language as a marker of belonging allows individuals to assert their cultural roots (Lee & Barton, 2011). In addition, cultural traditions shape pragmatic communication systems by influencing the performance and interpretation of speech acts. For example, in business discourse, speech acts characteristic of business correspondence are perceived differently by both native and non-native speakers of English, which emphasises the importance of cultural specificity in communication (S. Zharkynbekova & Aimoldina, 2023). In cross-cultural interactions, people may modify their speech strategically to fit the group they are communicating with.

According to the research conducted by Musin (1990), approximately 50 social factors and reasons have been identified as influencing the choice of language of bilingual individuals. These factors encompass the form of national-state structure, culture, and language traditions of the ethnos, changes in the social situation, social differentiation of the functioning of the two languages and the distribution of subject spheres of communication between them, as well as the purpose of the communicative act, the environment, time and place of the speech act, demographic factor, parents’ social status in society, place of residence, etc. (Musin, 1990). It is evident that, over time, there is a further differentiation and detailing of socio-cultural conditions affecting the manifestations of bilingualism.

A number of Kazakh scholars have obtained interesting results in terms of the projection of borrowings, language interference in Kazakh-Russian and Russian-Kazakh speech of Kazakh people (see Mirzoyeva & Akhmetzhanova, 2019; Saina, 2000; Zhukenova, 2010; Zikeeva, 2011; Tezekbayev, 1987).

In the context of our research, the studies conducted by Sujunova (1995) are of particular interest, notably with regard to her analysis of code-switching in the speech of Kazakh bilinguals, which she correlates with the specific type of bilingualism, and by extension, the level of language proficiency. The level of proficiency is therefore a crucial factor, with lower levels resulting in more frequent code-switching as the bilingual individuals seek to transition to a language they possess a higher degree of fluency in, thus seeking to alleviate any lingering linguistic discomfort. Conversely, as the level of language proficiency rises, this rationale becomes less significant, with other factors, including situational, social, and demographic elements, assuming greater prominence. The factors associated with code-switching are linked to the socio-demographic characteristics of the communicators and the situational characteristics (Sujunova, 1995). Code-switching can be defined as a linguistic phenomenon guided by grammatical rules in both languages and fluently managed by bilinguals without breaking syntactic norms (Poplack, 1980).

In the works of S. K. Zharkynbekova and Chernyavskaya (2022a, 2022b), language mixing in speech is theorised as a pivotal concept, providing a conduit for elucidating two closely interrelated facets: the linguistic and the social. The social reality is reproduced in communicative interaction and includes a wide range of components, including discourse subjects, individual or collective, individual and collective experience, ideological attitudes, and culturally specific norms and conventions.

The speech behaviour of young people in intercultural communication is frequently distinguished by creativity, adaptability, and a propensity for informal and mixed language use. As digital natives, they have the opportunity to become familiar with a variety of languages and cultural phenomena, which contributes to the development of their linguistic flexibility. The younger generation conceptualises language as a tool for self-expression, meaning negotiation and interaction, and therefore frequently employs slang, neologisms, and multilingual elements (S. K. Zharkynbekova & Chernyavskaya, 2022b). A distinctive feature of youth discourse is the fluid alternation between two or more languages during conversation, a practice that serves to convey nuances of meaning or to establish contact with peers from diverse cultural backgrounds (S. K. Zharkynbekova & Chernyavskaya, 2022a). Talanov (2023) has observed that student slang, which is replete with foreign language borrowings, serves as a marker of group affiliation and hierarchy within the university environment, reflecting the quotidian reality of student life. The influence of the Internet on the youth speech culture, as reflected in their communication styles, literacy, and language behaviour, should be understood as an evolving aspect of language in the digital age (Gabbasova et al., 2023).

Concurrently, studies demonstrate that in English-dominated environments, young immigrants often adapt their speech to align with prevailing linguistic norms, frequently at the expense of their native languages (Gast et al., 2017). This adaptation can be regarded as a pragmatic response to social pressures and financial constraints in educational and public institutions (Gast et al., 2017). Conversely, the nexus between language and identity is accentuated in youth subcultures characterised by multilingual practices. A case in point is provided by the active use of multilingualism in hip-hop culture, where young people utilise different languages and registers to express their identity and navigate social dynamics (Williams, 2016). This phenomenon underscores the notion that young individuals employ language as a means of constructing identity, frequently resorting to code-switching and other linguistic strategies to assert their cultural affiliation (Canagarajah, 2013). These practices are not confined to specific geographical contexts; they can be observed in a variety of multiethnic settings where youth negotiate their identities through language.

Despite the prior research conducted within the framework of the problem under consideration, the modern language situation in the youth environment of Kazakhstan represents a novel, dynamically evolving phenomenon that necessitates a new scientific understanding, taking into account the important socio-cultural and technological factors.

3. Materials and Methods

The research material under scrutiny comprises the facts of speech behaviour exhibited by Kazakhstani youth, encompassing vocabulary that reflects mutual influence of languages and cultures, in addition to characteristic formulas of speech communication that are conditioned by linguistic and extra-linguistic factors. The methodological basis of this study was the research in the field of socio- and psycholinguistics, intercultural communication (Suleimenova, 2007, 2011; Smagulova, 2008; S. K. Zharkynbekova, 2012, etc.), as well as works devoted to pragmatic studies of speech communication among Kazakh youth (Kopylenko, 1988; Saina, 2000; S. K. Zharkynbekova & Chernyavskaya, 2022a, 2022b; Anishchenko, 2011, 2016; etc.).

This research combines sociolinguistic and discursive methods, including the observation of speech practices in social networks. The sources of the collected factual material comprise data from Internet sites, as well as live speech communication of Kazakhstani youth (vocational college students, university students, working youth). The texts were recorded in their original form, without changes, with all linguistic features preserved. It is noteworthy that written texts in social networks offer a more precise documentation of linguistic phenomena and the potential for their multiple checking. During the collection of factual material, the authors of the article adhered to the following criteria for text selection: (1) the text must have been created by young individuals on multilingual online platforms where linguistic convergence is a prevalent phenomenon; (2) the integration of varied linguistic codes within a single text (i.e., code-mixing, code-switching, and borrowings) is mandatory; (3) the text should exemplify distinctive communicative strategies that are hallmarks of youth discourse, such as irony, Internet memes, use of non-standard spelling and punctuation. The minimum length for a fragment was set at 100 words, with the mandatory condition being the presence of language code-switching. A selection of the data collected (154 text fragments) is presented as illustrative material in the ‘Results’ section, representing posts and comments that were published on social networks. An important methodological principle was the observance of ethical norms when working with the material: only public posts and comments were used, all personal data were anonymised. When quoting material, original spelling and punctuation were preserved to reflect authentic features of young people’s written speech.

This article utilised materials from the Vk social network, encompassing prominent groups in Kazakhstan such as ‘Under the Sky of Kazakhstan’, ‘Youth of Kazakhstan’, ‘Typical Kazakh’, ‘We are from Kazakhstan’, among others, posted from 2014 to 2024. Each text fragment was accompanied by exhaustive meta-information, including a unique identification code, the date of creation, the publication platform, demographic data of the author (where available), and the context of text creation. It should be noted that the specifics of the study of speech behaviour in social networks impose certain methodological limitations on the possibility of accurate socio-demographic characterisation of communication participants. Unlike traditional sociolinguistic studies, where direct contact with informants and collection of accurate demographic data are possible, the digital environment is characterised by anonymity and limited access to users’ personal data.

In addressing these communities, we focused on such characteristics as their thematic relevance to youth issues (discussion of studies, youth trends, etc.), belonging to online youth communities, use of speech genres characteristic of youth communication, as well as contextual markers of youth speech (slang) and stylistics. Furthermore, linguistic features indicative of proficiency in Kazakh and Russian, including manifestations of bilingualism in speech, were also considered. The implementation of these criteria enabled the identification of a representative corpus of data, which reflects contemporary trends in the speech behaviour of young individuals in a multilingual environment.

Taking into consideration that the lack of complete socio-demographic characteristics of the communication participants is a certain limitation of this study, it is crucial to underscore that the article focus is to examine general trends in the youth speech behaviour in the digital environment. In this context, the specific demographic composition becomes secondary to the exploration of authentic language practices in their natural manifestation. It is also noteworthy that the analysis of social media data has emerged as a robust and extensively utilised approach in contemporary linguistics (Karpov et al., 2022; Durham, 2022; Sun et al., 2021; Vorderer et al., 2016; Thomas et al., 2013). In alignment with the assertions of researchers Mukhin and Lozovskaya (2019), who contend that “existing associations of users into groups by interests, occupation, etc. are often correlated with the age of members of these communities; it is evident that the age parameter systemically impacts and strengthens the possibilities of its correlation with user speech content” (p. 39). It is an irrefutable fact that social networks provide extensive data sets reflecting real language practices and tendencies in natural conditions of communication.

Within the framework of this method, observational techniques were also employed to document the characteristics of live speech communication in natural settings (i.e., on the street, in educational institutions, and on social networks). The analysis of speech acts was conducted on the basis of data obtained from 48 participants representing diverse nationalities and geographical locations within Kazakhstan. The sample included 23 female and 25 male participants. The following tables contain the detailed information regarding the participants of the study.

Table 1. Main characteristics of the study participants.

Gender	Quantity	Status
		Vocational College Students	University Students	Working Youth
female	22	5	9	8
male	26	5	11	10
Total	48

presents such characteristics as the gender, quantity and status of the participants.

Table 2. Ethnicity of participants.

Ethnicity	Number of Participants
Kazakhs	20
Russians	15
Koreans	3
Tatars	3
Turks	1
Ukrainians	2
Uzbeks	2
People of mixed descent	2

provides a representation of the ethnicity of the study participants.

The study involved participants from various regions of Kazakhstan (see

Table 3. Geographical distribution of participants.

City/Region	Number of Participants
Astana/Akmola region	7
Almaty/Almaty region	6
Shymkent/South Kazakhstan region	6
Karagandy/Karagandy region	5
Kokshetau/Kokshetau region	6
Pavlodar/Pavlodar region	5
Taraz/Zhambyl region	4
Taldykorgan/Taldykorgan region	4
Semey/East Kazakhstan region	5

for details).

Audio recording of speech acts was conducted in natural conditions of communication in order to provide the most accurate representation of youth speech in everyday life. Various speech situations were used for analysis, including conversations, discussions, interviews, and other forms of communication. This approach allowed the identification of key aspects of intercultural communication among young people in Kazakhstan. All audio recordings were transcribed using standard transcription methods. In the transcription process, the distinctive features of pronunciation, intonation, accent, and pauses were meticulously recorded to ensure the accurate representation of the participants’ speech. Subsequent to transcription, the texts were processed and analysed.

Quantitative analysis involved counting the frequency of use of certain lexical and grammatical constructions. Qualitative analysis entailed an examination of the context in which words, phrases, and expressions were employed. The research methodology, including the use of audio recordings and transcription to accurately analyse speech acts, allowed for an in-depth and comprehensive analysis of youth speech in Kazakhstan from the perspective of intercultural communication.

The empirical material collected was quantitatively processed in order to determine the frequency of use of certain linguistic means, as well as to identify the most typical communicative strategies. The material was also distributed into thematic groups and levels of analysis (lexical, pragmatic, socio-cultural). The systematisation of the data made it possible to order them according to the identified trends. The lexical-semantic analysis identified lexical units that are characteristic of youth speech, including slang, loanwords, as well as bilingual and multilingual elements such as code-switching and code-mixing. Morphological and syntactic analysis revealed a tendency towards simplification of syntactic constructions and reduction in linguistic means. Discourse analysis enabled the consideration of stylistic and functional features of youth speech, including speech strategies employed in various communicative situations and features of narrative in social networks.

In order to consider the functions of speech formulas in different communicative situations, the functional-pragmatic approach was used, which allows for bilingual communication to be considered as a dynamic system, where the choice of language code is determined by specific communicative tasks and the context of communication. The research was focused on analysing the functional load of each language (Kazakh, Russian, and English) in different communicative situations, studying the pragmatic factors influencing the language choice, and researching the communicative strategies of speech participants in the digital environment and live communication.

Functional-pragmatic analysis complemented the sociolinguistic and discursive methods used in the study, emphasizing speech strategies, communicative intentions, and pragmatic functions of language mixing.

The sociolinguistic analysis conducted enabled the study of the interrelation of youth speech behaviour with the language situation in Kazakhstan, as well as consideration of the influence of bilingualism (Kazakh and Russian) on the formation of lexical and phraseological composition of youth speech, languages of mass media, Internet, etc. Furthermore, given that the study of speech behaviour entails the examination of this linguistic phenomenon in its interrelation with the personality of the native speaker and culture as the environment of existence of the society, the authors of the article considered the elements of national identity in speech, and analysed the integration of cultural borrowings into the youth’s lexicon.

4. Results

In order to elucidate multicultural and multilingual practices in contemporary Kazakhstan, it is imperative to emphasise the dynamic interplay and reciprocal impact of two languages (Kazakh and Russian) in spoken interaction, thereby facilitating comprehension within a specific communicative situation (S. K. Zharkynbekova & Chernyavskaya, 2022b). This approach refutes the notion of ‘linguistic discomfort’, ‘language proportions’, or ‘language vitality’, and instead demonstrates a comprehension of the mixed language code as a special semiotic resource chosen by the individual to express interaction and mutual understanding in a particular communicative situation (S. K. Zharkynbekova & Chernyavskaya, 2022b, p. 477).

In the context of Kazakhstan, the trilingual environment, the influence of globalisation, and the advent of digital technologies have collectively engendered a linguistic milieu characterised by a diverse array of behavioural strategies employed by young individuals in intercultural communication. The meticulous analysis of the collated material has enabled the identification of several key strategies employed by these young people in their interactions with representatives of diverse cultural backgrounds.

1. The first of these strategies pertains to dynamic switching between Kazakh, Russian, and English within a single utterance or discourse. This linguistic phenomenon was observed in 48 out of the 154 texts analysed, constituting 40% of the sample. The analysis of these linguistic practices reveals that language mixing is not random, but is structured by specific communicative situations where Kazakh elements fulfil particular pragmatic functions, such as enhancing emotional expressiveness or emphasizing local belonging. For instance, a member of the social networking group ‘Under the Sky of Kazakhstan’ shared a note expressing admiration for the well-known boxer Gennady Golovkin in both Russian and Kazakh languages:

“Velichajshij bokser v istorii kazakhstanskogo boksa i sovremennosti, gordost’ vsego naroda i strany!!! Ya schastliv, chto zhivu v to vremya, kogda nash sootechestvennik svoimi dostizheniyami podnimaet prestizh nashej strany…!!!!!! On poistine blagosloven, za ego plechami bolee 30 boev, zakonchivshikhsya neosporimymi pobedami. On kak tank, probivayushchijsya skvoz’ vsekh i vsya na puti!!!!. Ego nel’zya sravnivat’ s Tajsonom ili legendarnym Ali, on nash unikal’nyj i neprevzojdennyj Golovkin. Rakha, brat, ya rad, chto ty pokazyvaesh’ prostym pacanam iz aulov, kakikh vysot mozhno dostich’ upornym trudom, bez podderzhki agashek i tateshek/vliyatel’nykh dyadek i autov. Vy dokazali, chto nash boks zhiv. “Menіn anam orys, menіn akem karys, al men QAZAQPYN!!!! GENNADIJ GOLOVKIN”, zhasasyn kazagym, zhasasyn Kazakhstan!!! (“The greatest boxer in the history of Kazakh boxing and modernity, the pride of the whole nation and country!!! I’m happy to live in the time, when our compatriot elevates the prestige of our country with his achievements…!!!!!! He is truly blessed, with over 30 fights, ending in undeniable victories. He is like a panzer plowing through everyone and everything on the way!!!! He cannot be compared to Tyson or the legendary Ali, he is our unique and unrivaled Golovkin. Rakha, bro, I’m pleased that you’re showing ordinary boys from auls (villages) what heights can be reached through hard work, without the backing of agashkas and tateshkas (influential uncles and aut)s. You’ve proven that our boxing is alive. “My mom is Russian, my dad is Korean, and I am Kazakh. GENNADY GOLOVKIN”, long live my Kazakh people, long live Kazakhstan!!!)”.

(Under the Sky of Kazakhstan, 2022)

Another Russian-speaking user posted the following story on his page in the social network “Vkontakte”: “Sejchas ya uchus’ na tret’em kurse KaRGU. Snimayu kvartiru vmeste so svoim drugom Armanom. Odnazhdy ya vernulsya iz universiteta i ochen’ progolodalsya, poehtomu reshil sdelat’ sebe buterbrod. Ya dostal iz kholodil’nika kolbasu, syr i majonez, a kogda zakryl kholodil’nik, to zametil na nem tarelku s myasom. Arman skazal mne, chto ehto myaso nazyvaetsya kazy, no ya nikogda ran’she ego ne proboval. Ya otkusil kusochek myasa, а potom basym ajnalyp ketti, osy kezde men omirdin myanin tusindim—ol menіn omirimde ehn bakhytty kezen (“I am currently in the third year of my studies at KarGU. I rent a flat with my friend Arman. One day, I returned from university and was really hungry, so I decided to make a sandwich for myself. I retrieved sausage, cheese and mayonnaise from the fridge. Upon closing the fridge, I noticed a plate with meat on it. Arman had told me that the meat was called kazy, and I had never tasted it before. I took a bite of the meat and then my head started spinning, and I understood the meaning of life—it was the happiest moment in my life” (Under the Sky of Kazakhstan, 2022).

In this particular instance, the Russian text has been enriched by the inclusion of Kazakh expressions, which serve to convey the author’s emotional response to the experience of consuming Kazakh cuisine.

In the domain of social networks, it is prevalent to encounter humorous expressions that exhibit a combination of Russian and Kazakh linguistic elements. For instance, a poetic salutation observed within the ’Youth of Kazakhstan’ group exemplifies this fusion, incorporating features of both Russian and Kazakh languages: “Dorogim moim dostar byt’ vsegda lish’ super-star! Dastarkhanda kop tamak, v kholodil’nike—kajmak. Schast’ya vashim balalar! V sumke mnogo akshalar! Chtoby s vami byl bakyt. I na vse khvatal uakyt. I voobshche vy keremet! I za to sud’be rakhmet!” (My dearest dostar/friends, you are always super-star! There is kop tamak/plenty of food on the dastarkhan/table, and there is some kajmak/sour cream in the fridge. May your balalar/children be blessed with good fortune! And may you have lots of aqshalar/money in your pockets! May you have baqyt/happiness), and plenty of uaqyt/time for everything. And in general, you are keremet/amazing. Fot that, raqmet/thanks to fate!) (Youth of Kazakhstan, n.d.).

New conditions of intercultural communication caused the change in contacts. Creation of new words on the basis of the Russian and Kazakh languages is a trend, an objective linguistic phenomenon reflecting the mentality of Kazakh youth, their desire for dialogue of languages and cultures.

In the context of wedding celebrations, the well-known expression “prishel, uvidel, pobedil” (“I came, I saw, I won”) is often employed in a playful manner, articulated as “prishel, uvidel, kudalyk” (I came, I saw, qudalyq/matchmaking). This practice gives rise to a rich tradition of rhymes, including “anau-mynau, siyr-buzau” (this and that), “yashchik-zhyashchik” (this and that; so-so), and “zhizn’ bol’, kogda aksha nol’” (life is pain when there is no money), etc. Also, quatrains emerge: “Ya poekhal v Kokshetau, // my veselilis’ do utra, // anau-mynau, siyr-buzau, // ehto konec aksha”(I went to Kokshetau, // we partied until the morning, // anau-mynau, siyr-buzau, // that’s the end of aqsha); “Tro-lo-lo-lo, gde-to daleko, // gde-to daleko ona zhdet menya; // ya lyublyu tebya, // ya kuplyu mersedes // mersedes—kymbat (expensive), // ya—tvoj makhabbat (love) “Tro-lo-lo-lo, somewhere far away, // somewhere far away she is waiting for me; // I love you, // I’ll buy a Mercedes // Mercedes is qymbat (expensive), // I am your mahabbat (love)”).

Jokes in Kazakh continue in rhyme in Russian: “Et—etke, sorpa—betke, ostal’noe—paketke” (Et—etke, sorpa—betke, the rest is into the packet (irony is conveyed over the Kazakh custom of taking food home from a toi/feast).

The younger generation of Kazakhstan is raised at the crossroads of different cultures, and, realising the importance of cultural dialogue and multilingual education, assimilates the national culture of different peoples through the prism of their native language, as reflected in their oral speech and in the texts published in social networks.

Young people often ask a question that ends with “kerek pa” (Is it necessary?), for example: “Special’noe priglashenie kerek pa?” (A special invitation kerek pa?/Do you need a special invitation?).

The colloquial expressions employed by the youth are characterised by their jocular nature, as evidenced by the phrase “magan po barabanu” (a play on words combining the Kazakh word ‘magan’, which means ‘to me’, with the Russian colloquialism ‘po barabanu’ (on the drum), signifying ‘I don’t care’ or ‘I don’t give a damn’). The same is also exemplified by the phrase “Mesh luchshe tiispe” that is a play on words combining the Kazakh word ‘mesh’ (me), with the Russian lexeme ‘luchshe’ (better), and a Kazakh expression ‘tiispe’ (don’t touch)—“you’d better not touch me”. The next phrase “shatyr edet” (Kazakh ‘shatyr’/roof + Russian ‘edet’/is moving) that conveys the meaning “I’m going crazy” is equivalent to the famous Russian expression “krysha edet” (the roof is moving).

2. The subsequent strategy pertains to linguistic hybridisation, manifesting in the generation of novel language forms.. As the results of this study have shown, this purposeful mixing of codes results in the creation of specific lexemes in the speech communication of contemporary Kazakh youth, leading to the formation of novel lexical, grammatical, and phonetic constructions based on the integration of Kazakh, Russian, and English. During the course of the analysis, we have identified the following methods of generating hybrid lexical units. The number of texts exhibiting these linguistic phenomena was 40 (26%), including specific ways of morphological word-formation, as a result of which new words in phonetic and morphological respect arise, are also identified. This method is used mainly to achieve expressiveness and unusualness of the youth sociolect, with suffixation being a widely represented and popular method in youth word creation:

(1) Russian suffixes “-shk-“, “-k-“ or “-kkh-“ are added to the roots of Kazakh words to create specific words: agashka (elder brother, uncle), zhengeshka (zhenge—wife of an older brother), zhezdyukha (zhezde—husband of an elder sister), qudashka (quda—matchmaker), balashka (bala—child/boy), qapqarashka (generated from Kazakh words “qap”/‘very’ and “qara”/‘black’ and the Russian suffix “-shk-“ means a person with very dark skin. The use of the suffixes “-sk-“ and “-ski” is also prevalent among young people. For instance, the word “zhaisky” (kaz. “zhai”—simple) defines ‘simply’, ‘in simple way’; “baisky” (bai/rich)—richly.

It is noteworthy that in the process of creating new lexemes, Kazakh words combined with Russian affixes frequently transition from one part of speech to another, e.g., “kishkentaichik”—‘baby’ (the Kazakh adjective “kishkentai” which defines ‘small’ underwent a transformation into a noun after the addition of the Russian suffix “-chik”). Concurrently, these words can also undergo semantic changes (“qoaynchik”—‘bunny’) or intensify the original meaning of a word (the popular term of enderarment among the youth “zhanchik”: zhan/soul + the Russian suffix “chik”).

(2) Russian literary or slang words are joined by affixes from the Kazakh language (cf.: “ugaraymyz”—‘my shutim’/‘we joke’ is derived from the Russian verb “ugorat”/‘to laugh’ reinterpreted in the youth environment + Kazakh affix of the deuteronomy -y, the 1st person plural indicator -myz; “Nishtyak pa?”/‘Is everything well?’ from the Russian slang word “nishtyak”/‘awesome’, ‘great’ + the Kazakh question particle “pa”, which is attached to the word according to the model of the Kazakh language, etc.). It is evident that this particle has become a productive element in the speech practice of the younger generation. It functions as an intensifying particle in the Kazakh language, serving to reinforce the affirmative evaluation of objects and phenomena. For instance, the particle “goy” is employed in the formation of such phrase as “prikol goi”, which means “it’s fun” (Anishchenko, 2016, p. 78).

(3) The Latin affix “-ization” has also been adopted by young people, as evidenced by the use of “rakhmetization” for “positive communication”, derived from the Kazakh word “rakhmet” meaning ‘thank you’. A similar development is seen in the use of “mahabbatization”, derived from the Kazakh word “mahabbat” meaning ‘love’, which is used to refer to the relationship between lovers. The following example illustrates the utilisation of the “mahabbat” lexeme and its lexical and word-formation variants (mahabbatization, mahabbatki) in social networks: “Proekt “Makhabbatizaciya—najdi svoyu lyubov’!”, razrabotannyj v Innovacionnom Evrazijskom universitete, predostavil odinokim studentam voz-mozhnost’ najti svoyu vtoruyu polovinku. V nachale proekta v zdaniyakh universiteta studentami pervogo kursa i chlenami studencheskogo samoupravleniya razdavalis’ makhabbatky (makhabbatskie kartochki). Razdacha kazhdoj makhabbatki soprovozhdalas’ svoim poryadkovym nomerom, kotoryj neobkhodimo bylo zaregistrirovat’. Posle registracii v zdaniyakh universiteta vyveshivalsya spisok uchastnikov, po kotoromu studenty muzhskogo i zhenskogo pola mogli najti makhabbatku s tem zhe serijnym nomerom, chto i u nikh” (“The project entitled ‘Makhabbatisation—Find Your Love!’, which was developed at Innovative Eurasian University, provided single students with an opportunity to find their soul mate. At the commencement of the project, makhabbatky (mahabbat cards) were distributed in the university buildings by first-year students and members of student self-governance. The distribution of each mahabbatka (mahabbat card) was accompanied by its own serial number, which had to be registered. Following registration, a list of participants was displayed in the university buildings, enabling male and female students to locate a makhabbatka with the same serial number as their own) (Torgayeva, 2012).

3. Contamination is an association of two words ‘generating a third one—occasionalism’, and is a ‘game’ type of slang word formation (Zemskaya, 2005, p. 191). The contamination of words is evident in the formation of new terms.

Table 4. Examples of contamination.

New Formation	Source Components	Contamination Type	Meaning
zhandyrgalka	the Kazakh verb ‘zhandyru’ (to burn) + the Russian noun ‘zazhigalka’ (lighter)	Kazakh-Russian morphological contamination	The lighter is an ignition device.
toktatanovis	the Kazakh imperative verb ‘Tokta’ (stop) + the Russian verb ‘ostanovis’ (stop)	Kazakh-Russian verb contamination	It is employed in a humorous manner to denote the action of ’stop’.
zhaksybis	the Kazakh adverb ‘zhaksy’ (good) + the slang Russian slang word ‘zashibitsya’	Kazakh-Russian lexical contamination	The term is synonymous with ‘great’, ‘excellent’; however, its meaning is more expressive and reinforced.
Zhas Star	The Kazakh adjective ‘zhas’ (young) + the English word ‘star’	Kazakh-English lexical contamination	The title of the youth magazine “Young Star”, reflecting youth culture and the desire for success
zhayphone	The Kazakh adjective ‘zhai’ (simple, ordinary) + the English noun ‘phone’	Kazakh-English lexical contamination	It denotes an ordinary phone
zhayD	The Kazakh adjective ‘zhai’ (simple, ordinary) + the English abbreviation ‘D’ (3D, HD, 4D)	Kazakh-English abbreviation contamination	cinema without 3D, HD, 4D, etc., support
Online, aynalaiyn!	The English word ‘online’ + Kazakh ‘aynalaiyn’ (dear)	English-Kazakh phrase contamination	a jocular appellation employed by internet users шутливoе oбращение в интернете

presents a number of examples of contamination.

The contamination as “word play” realisation enables the capture of the emotional and evaluative meanings of the words in contact, thereby facilitating the comprehension of the specific patterns of thinking of young individuals. In the context of the language game, it is noteworthy that the combination of words from Kazakh and Russian in a single phrase, e.g., “Qalaysyn-normalaysyn” (Kazakh phrase “Qalaysyn?”/‘How are you?’ + the Russian adverb ‘normal’ transformed under the influence of Kazakh). The following expressions have been identified as particularly prevalent, as evidenced by the authors’ observations: “zvezda bolmashy” (don’t imagine yourself a star); “tupit etpeshi” (don’t make yourself stupid); “gruzit etpeshi” (don’t tell me anything), “bazar zhok” (no doubt, no problem), and others.

Why do young people so actively combine the vocabulary of two languages and resort to occasional new forms? What is the purpose of this language game? The answer to these questions was given by one of the philology students, an active user of social networks: ‘The point is that language follows mankind. There were periods when borrowings from other languages (mainly English) came in large layers into the vocabulary of young people, when groups like hippies, rockers, stylogues, etc. began to emerge. And, subject to the time, social and political transformations, young people played, changed and widely used other-language vocabulary to understand the culture of other people and because at that time it was prestigious to know English. Nowadays, living in the territory of modern Kazakhstan, it is necessary to know the Kazakh language. And not only language, but also everyday life, mentality, customs and traditions of Kazakh people. And the changes that are taking place in the language are a consequence of the fact that Russian-speaking young people are trying to learn the culture of the titular nation through the language’ (A., a 20-year-old student, Tatar).

4. Semantic reinterpretation can be defined as a subjective evaluation of the object of nomination, ranging from the humorous and ironic to the rude and familial. This concept is employed in a variety of ways. The following are the various ways in which semantic reinterpretation is employed: firstly, word transfers caused by similarity (metaphorical); secondly, word transfers caused by contiguity (metonymic); and thirdly, word transfers caused by functional identity (functional). To illustrate this, the word “shanyrak”, which is derived from ‘vault of yurt’ is interpreted as ‘strong ties, patronage; protection’ in Kazakh.

The phenomenon of metaphorical reinterpretation of the names of inner-city buildings on the basis of external similarity is a salient example of the urban landscape’s capacity for metaphorical expression. A notable illustration of this phenomenon is the multitude of ‘youth’ informal names assigned to residential buildings in Astana: Examples include “Titanik”, “dollar”, “svechka”, “zazhigalka”, “chetyre kitajtsa”, “kukuruza”, “Krasnaya shapochka”, “Pentagon” (‘Titanic’, ‘dollar’, ‘candle’, ‘lighter’, ‘four Chinese’, ‘corn’, ‘Little Red Riding Hood’, and ‘Pentagon’).

Unofficial toponyms are employed to denote objects that play a significant role in the lives of young individuals. Such toponyms may include educational institutions, popular recreational locations or commercial establishments. These terms serve as vehicles for expression, conveying strong sentiments that reflect the attitude of the younger demographic. They also embody the ‘local’ rationale that underpins the nomination process.

In Almaty, for instance, the term “Kompot” (Compote) denotes the eastern part of the city, extending from the beginning of the Malaya Almatinka River. The district derives its name from the numerous streets located in the dacha area, namely Yablochnaya (Apple), Vishnevaya (Cherry), and Grushevaya (Pear) Streets. The term “Gemini” is employed to denote a particular location on Almaty’s Arbat, proximate to two high-rise buildings that bear a striking resemblance to the components of the popular game ‘Jenga’ (In Almaty, 2021).

One of the consequences of semantic transfer is the utilisation of precedent texts in the speech of young people. The creation of stable expressions with new components involves the integration of Kazakh words into established Russian word combinations while preserving the fundamental meaning. The examples are represented in

Table 5. Examples of stable combinations with new components.

Original Phrase in Russian	Analogue in Kazakh-Russian	Transliteration	Translation into English	Meaning
god za godom	zhyl za zhylom (Kazakh word ‘zhyl’)	zhyl za zhylom	year after year	An expression denoting recurring events
veshat’ lapshu na ushi	veshat’ lagman na ushi (lagman is a national dish)	veshat’ lagman na ushi	to pull the wool over someone’s eyes (literally: to hang noodles on ears)	It means ‘to deceive’ or ‘to tell lies’
Ne veshai lapshu na ushi!	Ne kroshi mne baursaki na ushi! (baursak is traditional Kazakh fried dough pieces)	Ne kroshi mne baursaki na ushi	‘Don’t try to pull the wool over my eyes’ (literally: Don’t crumble baursaks on my ears)	‘Don’t try to pull the wool over my eyes’ or ‘Don’t fool me’
rasprostranyat’ spletni	rasprostranyat’ khabar (khabar—news in Kazakh	rasprostranyat’ khabar	to spread gossip	to spread gossip about somebody or something
Golova ne varit	Kazan ne varit (kazan is a traditional Kazakh cookware)	Kazan ne varit	My brain isn’t working (Kazan isn’t cooking)	‘My head isn’t working’ or I can’t think straight’
Vot takie pirogi	Vot takie baursaki	Vot takie baursaki	‘That’s how it goes’; ‘That’s the way the cookie crumbles’	‘That’s the way it is’ or ‘That’s the way things are’.
Da budet svet, skazal electrik, obrezaya provoda	Da budet svet, skazal Aset, obrezaya provoda (Аsеt—a Kazakh male name)	Da budet svet, skazal Aset, obrezaya provoda	Let there be light, said Aset, cutting the wires	A humorous adaptation of the Russian expression ‘Let there be light, said the electrician, cutting the wires’

.

Precedent phenomea, as a realisation of secondary nomination, create a special type of expressiveness, evaluation, and imagery that is essential for youth communication. Being in a foreign-language environment, a speaker of a particular language begins to see the world not only from the perspective prompted by their native language but also assimilates the conceptualisation of the world characteristic of the surrounding culture (Rakhimzhanova, 2004).

5. Unconventional pronunciation of common words and expressions. The following discourse pertains to the specific and unusual pronunciation of Kazakh words. It is noteworthy that young people frequently employ the expression “salam (salem)” from Kazakh “sәlem” (a specific sound in the first syllable) as a greeting, as well as the expressions: “derzhi salam” (hold salam), “lovi salam” (catch salam).

An interview with a student from Shymkent revealed the following expressions used by locals: “When we communicate, we often use such words as baurym, dosym, daragoy, rAadnoy, bracho, dAragoy, zAlatoi, brO that are addressed to the best friends or those who are excessively respected” (Saidov, 2019).

The following observations are derived from the commentary provided by young people and the video entitled ‘7 popular slang words in Kazakhstan. Ch. 2’ (spelling and punctuation preserved): The young people’s comments included the next statements: “Zhajskij, bazarnyjzhok, anau-mynau, syyr buzau—nu, ehto chisto nashe” (It’s simple, no doubt, this and that, well, that’s totally our thing) and “Davaj kAroche v sleduyushchem vypuske CHIJSTA Kazakhstanskie slengi es’zhe!!! A tAk bazar zhoқ na!”)Krasaucheg!” (Come on, guy, in the next episode let’s speak PURE Kazakh slang, yeah!!! And anyway, no doubt, you are the man!”); «Est’ slovo «deJ» ili «deseJ» ehto kazakhskij sinonim slova shutka” (There is a word “dei” or “desei” that is a Kazakh synonym for ‘joke’); «Tol’ko v Kazakhstane u kazhdogo slova est’ sledom idushchij “krivoj braT”. Anau-mynau, tyrym-pyrym, koshak-poshak, shaj-paj i t.d.” (Only in Kazakhstan does every word have its “crooked sibling” that follows it. This and that, so—so, etc.); “Eh bazaru net, rakhmetski, che tam brat, ezhzhe, deh. Che tam brat, che tam?” (Yeh, no doubt, thanks, man, what’s up, bro, there is, yeh); “Moi kazakhstancy svoi. Po svojski goj braT” (We, Kazakhs are our own people. We follow our own way, bro); “U nas vsegda govoryat po braaatttsskkiii v KazakhstanE” (In Kazakhstan we always speak like brothers; It’s always bro-style in Kazakhstan); “Kazakhstan teeema goJ” (Kazakhstan is cool, for sure) (Yakupoff, n.d.).

The addresses accepted in the youth circle include “bauyrym” and “dosym” from the Kazakh language, translated into Russian as ‘brother’ and ‘friend’, and “BRO” (from the English word ‘brother’) used informally as ‘friend’ or ‘comrade’. It is important to note that the written record reflects the pronunciation of youth lexemes, including the lengthening of vowels and consonants (raadnoy, po braaatttsskkii, teeema, ezhzhe), ‘specific’ for the young generation, placement of the place of accent (dAragoi, zAlatoy, kAroche), additions, replacement or rearrangement of sounds (CHIISTA, Krasaucheg).

The lexical items listed by the student from Shymkent can be regarded as words belonging to the same synonymic series, distinguished by different intonation shades. It is evident that young people tend to express their emotions in speech, employing emotionally charged words and intonation patterns that convey nuance and feeling.

Of particular interest in the commentary on the video are rhyming joking new forms used as ligatures in conversation (“to da se”/‘this and that’, “o tom, o syom”/‘about this and that’; “chai i to, chto k chau” or “shai—pai”, literally meaning ‘tea and what’s for tea’). The functions of youth designations include language play, expression, and the use of humour in speech. By playing with words, young people convey their attitudes, bringing additional expressive and semantic shades.

6. The influence of borrowings from English on the formation of lexical and phraseological composition of youth speech communication. It is important to note that, in addition to the specific expressions used by Kazakh youth, vocabulary popular among Russian youth is also being used. This includes names of persons (“zumer”—‘a representative of Generation Z, born at the very end of the 20th century or at the beginning of the 21st, who makes excellent use of modern technologies’; “boomer”—‘a representative of the baby boom generation, who lives according to the old ways and does not keep up with the development of modern trends’, “toxic”—‘a conflictual person’, etc.).); names of actions denoting various recreation (“chilit”/chill, “flexit”/flex, “tusit”/hang out); denotations of abstract notions (“vibe”—‘something positive (mood, emotion, feeling), “hype”—‘action aimed at attracting attention’, “zashkvar”—‘something unpopular, out of fashio’, “cringe”—‘something that causes a feeling of shame for others’, “pruf”—‘proof’, “rofl”—‘joke; laughter’; “bullying”—‘systematic bullying of someone’; “respekt” = “uvazhukha” (often young people add to the borrowed word from English the slang derivative of Russian origin “uvazhuha” (from the word ‘uvazhat’/to respect), etc.).

7. Influence of advanced communication technologies (use of emoji, abbreviations, emoticons, etc.). In the context of contemporary Kazakhstan, the youth demographic is characterised by a pervasive utilisation of advanced communication technologies and digital platforms, including instant messaging services, social networking sites, and video-sharing platforms. Consequently, emoticons, emojis, abbreviations, and hashtags have become integral components of their communication. The utilisation of Internet resources enables young individuals to expand their horizons, engage in the process of creating their own vocabulary, and reflect their personal linguistic experience. These technologies afford young people more opportunities for self-determination and the development of their abilities and creativity. This phenomenon is particularly evident within the domain of subcultures, where young individuals have the opportunity to express themselves creatively, establish connections with like-minded peers, and engage in the process of creating and sharing their own vocabulary. Notable examples of such innovations, as cited in the article “Vaib, krinj and rofl: what language Kazakhstani youth speak”, include the use of novel words and expressions from popular digital platforms such as TikTok and Instagram, as well as from computer games and anime. These elements are rapidly assimilated into the young population’s everyday speech.

5. Discussion

The analysis of texts and social networks has demonstrated that the mixing of Kazakh and Russian in the speech of Kazakh youth is a stable phenomenon reflecting the processes of intercultural interaction and mutual influence. The mutually influential nature of the Kazakh and Russian languages, operating within a single state, is manifested in the speech behaviour of contemporary young people in Kazakhstan. The utilisation of Kazakh lexical elements in Russian-language texts and oral speech functions not only as a means of communication but also as a marker of cultural and social identity, emphasizing affiliation with the Kazakhstani society. Code-switching can thus be conceptualised as a distinctive semiotic resource that facilitates enhanced mutual comprehension and the use of a common language. Code-switching in bilingual communication is not merely an error or limited vocabulary, but rather a deliberate utilisation of language to facilitate mutual understanding. This approach enables the speaker to select linguistic means depending on the situation, thereby contributing to harmonious communication (S. K. Zharkynbekova & Chernyavskaya, 2022a, 2022b).

Russian-speaking youth demonstrate a sophisticated understanding of the national connotations of Kazakh vocabulary, adapting and incorporating it into the Russian linguistic system. Such linguistic markers, or indices, are important because, as Molodychenko and Chernyavskaya (2022) point out, “it is precisely through the actualisation of numerous indices during the development of discourse that so-called contextualization occurs, and the utterance/discourse acquires its meaning” (Molodychenko & Chernyavskaya, 2022, p. 112). This approach to language use enables the speaker to select language means depending on the situation, thereby contributing to harmonious communication. It can thus be concluded that the youth narrative is not an isolated phenomenon, but rather is influenced by the socio-cultural environment in which it is situated. A narrative is reflective of the discursive reality of the society in which it is formed, correlating with other discourses and developing and supplementing social reality with new meanings.

It is evident that the English language exerts a notable influence on the speech behaviour of young individuals, particularly in the context of Anglicisms, which are not merely adopted but ingeniously repurposed. This phenomenon can be observed across both Kazakhstan and Russia.

In contrast to the more rigid categorisation observed in Russian youth slang, the linguistic repertoire of Kazakh youth slang demonstrates a greater degree of variation (Gizdatov, 2015). In addition, Bekzhanova (2018) holds a similar opinion. By examining the distinctive characteristics of youth discourse, such as the rejection of formal language, playful behaviour of communicants, carnivalisation of speech, and expressiveness, and by comparing Kazakh, Russian, English, and American youth TV shows, she uncovers nationally distinctive features. She contends that Kazakh reality shows maintain communicative taboos, and that the use of foul language and confrontational behaviour among participants is uncommon (Bekzhanova, 2018, p. 224).

A functional-pragmatic analysis of the texts collected revealed that young people deliberately alternate language codes depending on the pragmatic purpose. For instance, code-switching is employed to demonstrate group identity and to establish an informal atmosphere, while contaminated words (e.g., zhandyrgalka—‘lighter’, zhaksybis—‘excellent’) function as elements of language play, allowing irony, affiliation to a certain social group, and anglicisms and Kazakh–Russian hybrid constructions in digital discourse to fulfil the strategic function of prestige, emphasizing the speaker’s inclusion in global culture.

The deliberate use of colloquial language by young people can be regarded as a conscious stylistic device in communication, reflecting the desire to communicate with peers.

6. Conclusions

The findings presented in this article have made it possible to clarify several important points outlined above.

The sociolinguistic analysis conducted enabled an investigation into the relationship between youth speech behaviour and the linguistic landscape in Kazakhstan. Furthermore, it facilitated an examination of the impact of bilingualism (Kazakh and Russian) on the formation of lexical and phraseological composition of youth speech, the languages of media and the Internet. The study of speech behaviour is predicated on the consideration of this linguistic phenomenon in its relationship with the personality of the native speaker and culture as the environment of society (Blommaert, 2018; Deumert, 2014; Herring, 2013; Varis & Blommaert, 2015; García & Wei, 2014; Androutsopoulos, 2015). Speech behaviour in such multicultural environments is indicative of the interaction between cultural phenomena and linguistic characteristics, and is shaped by multilingualism, cultural identity, and social dynamics (Danet & Herring, 2007; Deumert, 2014; Thurlow & Mroczek, 2011).

The results of this study demonstrate that the distinctive characteristics of young people’s speech behaviour in a multicultural environment such as Kazakhstan manifest through both the selection of vocabulary and the employment of diverse communication styles, thus underscoring the significance of cultural competence in intercultural communication.

Linguistic analysis has demonstrated that slang, loanwords, and bilingual and multilingual elements such as code-switching and code-mixing, which are characteristic of youth speech, reflect the influence of Kazakh, Russian, English and other languages on the speech practices of young people. This indicates a high degree of linguistic hybridity in the context of multilingualism. Discourse analysis enabled the consideration of stylistic and functional features of youth speech, incorporating speech strategies in diverse communicative scenarios and characteristics of narrative in social networks.

The socio-cultural factor as an extra-linguistic factor was analysed through the prism of the influence of ethnicity and social environment on the formation of young people’s linguistic identity. In particular, the interaction between Russian- and Kazakh-speaking youth, as well as the transformation of language under the influence of globalisation and the digital environment, was noted. The use of Kazakh words in Russian-speaking speech not only demonstrates the bilinguality of speakers, but also serves as a marker of their belonging to the unique cultural space of Kazakhstan. This phenomenon goes beyond mere language mixing (code-switching or code-mixing). It reflects the aspiration of young people to express their social and cultural identity. The incorporation of Kazakh elements into Russian discourse underscores the connection with the Kazakh reality, where Kazakh is the state language and Russian functions as a lingua franca for inter-ethnic communication. Consequently, the utilisation of Kazakh vocabulary in Russian-language texts and oral discourse serves as a means of asserting affiliation with specific social groups, namely young individuals who self-identify with Kazakh culture and the multicultural society.

The speech behaviour of Kazakhstani youth is indicative of their mentality, values, and unique word creation, the study of which facilitates the presentation of a sociolinguistic portrait of the young generation. The analysis demonstrates the emergence of a novel cultural type among contemporary youth in Kazakh society, one that significantly deviates from the characteristics of previous generations. This new cultural type is characterised by a distinct set of guidelines and values, representing a significant departure from the norms of previous generations (Shadinova, 2015, p. 1392).

At this stage of the research, the emphasis is placed on the analysis of examples of Kazakh–Russian language mixing. This allows for the identification of the basic mechanisms of intercultural interaction in the speech of young people. However, it is planned that the analysis will be expanded in the future to include such parameters as nationality, gender, and regional differences. This will make it possible to understand more deeply how these factors influence the choice of linguistic means and the formation of identity in a multicultural society.

Consequently, studies of the speech behaviour of Kazakhstani youth not only reveal the peculiarities of interaction within this group, but also contribute to a deeper understanding of the processes of intercultural communication, thereby facilitating harmonious coexistence in a multilingual and multicultural society. The findings of this study are of particular significance in the development of effective communication strategies, as they furnish practical recommendations for enhancing communication between individuals from diverse cultural and linguistic backgrounds. This study captures and elucidates the distinctive characteristics of speech behaviour, which reflect the identity of native speakers. This contributes to the preservation of cultural heritage and its integration into the global context. The comprehension of trends and factors influencing speech behaviour facilitates the mitigation of potential conflicts caused by misunderstandings or stereotypes.

The results of this study may have an important practical significance for understanding the trends in the development of the language situation in Kazakhstan and developing an effective language policy. The results of this study will also contribute to the inclusion of the language of the youth of Kazakhstan in the range of linguistic objects necessary for further comparative, descriptive, and scientific research by a wide range of specialists. Prospects for the development of the methodology include expanding the research field to include analysis of oral communication, expanding the geography of the study, increasing the sample size and introducing new methods of data analysis, taking into account the factors of nationality, gender, and regional peculiarities.