5.1. General Discussion
Regarding the first research objective (RO1), in terms of the hypotheses formulated in this study, H1a, H1b, H1d, and H1f are supported but H1c and H1e are not. The panel data model reveals SSUP and GDP as key explanatory factors associated with happiness. Likewise, the use of year fixed effects together with country random effects proves to be the most appropriate panel data specification. This result is consistent with mainstream WHR findings, which identify both factors as major determinants of happiness [
22,
51,
52,
53].
The relevance attained by CORR is particularly striking. In analyses covering a broad and heterogeneous set of countries, this variable typically shows lower explanatory power than GDP per capita or social support, and even lower than other factors such as healthy life expectancy or freedom to make life choices [
8]. In the present study, by contrast, its association is statistically significant and shows robustness comparable to those of GDP and SSUP. This result suggests that the relative importance of the determinants of happiness depends on the geographic and institutional context under analysis, as has been shown in various settings [
54]. A possible explanation for the pronounced association between perceptions of corruption and happiness lies in its effects on trust and perceived justice. Corruption can reduce wellbeing even when citizens do not experience it directly, since it erodes trust in government and institutions, generates a sense of inequality and injustice, and fosters negative emotions, insecurity, and hopelessness, effects that may be more pronounced in democratic countries [
55].
Recent studies show that both happiness levels and the strength of their associations with various economic and social factors vary significantly across European and global regions [
54]. A similar pattern has also been observed within Europe. In Western and Northern European countries, perceptions of corruption show a strong and significant association with happiness, while healthy life expectancy fails to reach statistical significance in any of the years analyzed [
14]. This result is consistent with evidence that the relationship between healthy life expectancy and happiness tends to weaken in high-income economies, while the adverse effects of corruption are more visible in wealthy, democratic, and Western countries [
30].
With respect to RO2, H2a is supported, as happiness exhibits strong and persistent positive spatial autocorrelation throughout the 2015–2024 period. However, H2b is not supported: once the standard WHR determinants, country random effects, and year fixed effects are incorporated, no robust residual spatial dependence remains. The results show that incorporating the spatial dimension provides substantive information about the territorial organization of happiness, even though it does not ultimately require a spatial econometric specification. Happiness levels display a positive, high, and stable spatial autocorrelation throughout the period, indicating that nearby countries tend to report similar life evaluations. However, the basic WHR model with country random effects and year fixed effects absorbs most of this spatial pattern, and no statistically significant residual spatial dependence remains when the full period is considered. This result is reinforced by the spatial diagnostic tests and model comparisons, which provide no evidence that either a spatial lag or a spatial error component significantly improves the non-spatial random-effects specification.
An important element for interpreting this result is that the six explanatory factors are themselves geographically clustered. Global Moran’s I is positive and statistically significant for GDP per capita, social support, healthy life expectancy, freedom, generosity, and perceptions of corruption. Thus, the spatial concentration of happiness across EU countries appears to be closely associated with the spatial concentration of its underlying socioeconomic, social, health, and institutional determinants. Geographic proximity is therefore descriptively informative, but much of this information is already captured by variables that are themselves territorially structured.
From a conceptual standpoint, this result implies that countries should not be understood as isolated units. Location places them within regional environments in which institutional, cultural, historical, environmental, and economic conditions are shared. The spatial literature has indeed pointed out that place and the characteristics of neighboring territories can shape wellbeing, and that ignoring this dimension can lead to an incomplete representation of its determinants [
9,
11]. In this sense, space does not necessarily act as an additional explanatory mechanism, but rather as the structure through which multiple conditions relevant to happiness are geographically organized.
The absence of significant residual spatial dependence also helps clarify the nature of this relationship. The similarity between nearby countries does not appear to reflect a systematic direct transmission of happiness between neighboring Member States, nor an additional spatially correlated error process once the standard WHR determinants, persistent country heterogeneity, and common temporal effects are taken into account. Instead, the evidence suggests that geographically close countries tend to resemble one another because many of the factors associated with happiness are themselves spatially clustered. This distinction is important because observed spatial clustering should not automatically be interpreted as evidence of spatial spillovers or “contagion”.
This interpretation also provides a rationale for research that extends the basic WHR model. The incorporation of new variables should not be conceived solely as a strategy for improving statistical fit, but as an attempt to identify the broader territorial mechanisms underlying the spatial concentration of both happiness and its determinants. Institutional, cultural, environmental, and regional characteristics may help explain why neighboring countries display similar levels of GDP, social support, health, freedom, generosity, corruption perceptions, and ultimately happiness. Future research could therefore examine more explicitly the processes through which these characteristics become geographically clustered and whether specific regional contexts generate additional spatial effects under particular circumstances.
The findings are consistent with previous spatial econometric studies of happiness, though they introduce an important nuance. Aral and Bakır [
9] observe clusters of countries with similar happiness levels and conclude that ignoring the spatial dimension may yield an incomplete explanation of the relationship between wellbeing and economic conditions. Stanca [
11] likewise argues that geography, culture, and institutions should be explicitly incorporated when analyzing international differences in wellbeing. Lin et al. [
32] find spatial dependence and indirect effects between countries, attributed to both the happiness and the socioeconomic conditions of neighboring territories. Ziogas [
12] documents clustering and spillovers of life satisfaction between communities and notes that shared cultural and institutional traits may explain part of these interdependencies.
The main contribution of the spatial analysis is therefore not to confirm the familiar north–south or west–east pattern of European wellbeing. Rather, it is to show that this descriptive geography substantially weakens once the standard WHR determinants, country-specific heterogeneity, and common year effects are taken into account. Moreover, all six explanatory factors are themselves spatially autocorrelated. This indicates that the observed clustering of happiness is largely associated with the territorial concentration of its underlying determinants, rather than with an autonomous spatial spillover process.
5.2. Theoretical and Practical Implications
From a theoretical perspective, the results show that the use of panel data and the correct choice between fixed and random effects are essential for controlling national heterogeneity and temporal evolution, but they should also be complemented by an explicit examination of the spatial structure of happiness. Conventional panel models maintain the assumption that, once explanatory variables and individual and time effects are accounted for, countries are spatially independent. In the present study, happiness displays strong spatial autocorrelation, but this dependence largely disappears in the residuals of the non-spatial model, and neither the SAR-RE nor the SEM-RE specification significantly improves on the random-effects model with year fixed effects. Moreover, all six WHR determinants are themselves significantly spatially autocorrelated. These results suggest that the geographic clustering of happiness largely reflects the spatial concentration of its underlying socioeconomic, social, health, and institutional determinants rather than an additional independent spatial process. This result aligns with [
9], who warn that ignoring heterogeneity and spatial dependence can obscure relevant differences and affect the validity of inference, and with [
10], who show that incorporating territorial factors can improve understanding of the determinants of wellbeing.
The absence of significant residual spatial dependence further provides a specific theoretical interpretation. The spatial structure detected does not appear to stem primarily from a direct transmission of happiness between countries or from omitted factors generating an additional spatially correlated error process. Instead, the basic WHR determinants themselves exhibit a marked territorial structure. The basic WHR model therefore provides a relevant explanation of the geographic distribution of wellbeing, although it does not necessarily exhaust the territorial, institutional, cultural, environmental, and economic conditions that shape it. This evidence supports lines of research that extend the WHR model through new variables (e.g., [
14,
15,
16,
17,
18,
20,
55]), but it also indicates that such extensions should explicitly consider how these factors are distributed in space. The same recommendation applies to other frameworks used to explain happiness, such as those based on the Sustainable Development Goals [
56,
57,
58]. Examining the presence of spatial dependence, and incorporating it through appropriate models where it persists after controlling for observed determinants and country and time effects, seems a promising line of inquiry, since levels of SDG compliance and their relationships with happiness may also be territorially clustered.
From a practical standpoint, social support maintains a positive, strong, and robust association across the main specifications. This result indicates that wellbeing-oriented policies must not take into account economic growth alone, but should also seek to strengthen social cohesion, interpersonal trust, family and community networks, and people’s ability to obtain help when needed. However, since the variables are measured on different scales, the magnitude of the coefficients does not allow us to directly claim that social support is the “most important” factor. It can instead be regarded as one of the strongest and most consistent determinants in the model.
The relevance attained by perceptions of corruption also carries notable implications for the EU. The results suggest that transparency, accountability, and integrity in public and private management not only have value from a normative standpoint, but also are associated with how citizens evaluate their lives. In this sense, strengthening institutional controls, ethical codes, the independence of oversight bodies, and mechanisms for preventing and sanctioning corruption may contribute to wellbeing. Better governance may also indirectly foster other determinants of happiness by increasing institutional trust, improving the provision of public services, and facilitating the achievement of economic, social, and environmental goals.
Finally, the spatial evidence suggests caution when drawing policy implications from geographic clustering. The results do not support a direct transmission of happiness between neighboring countries, nor do they indicate that regional coordination itself necessarily increases wellbeing. Rather, they show that nearby EU countries tend to share similar socioeconomic, social, health, and institutional conditions, many of which are themselves spatially clustered. From a policy perspective, this suggests that European coordination may be useful when addressing common regional conditions—such as social cohesion, institutional quality, and regional development—but such coordination should not be interpreted as a mechanism through which happiness automatically spills over across borders.