Tracing Yoruba Heritage in Brazil Through Olfactory Landscapes: A Sensory Approach to Cultural Heritage

Abstract

This study explores the role of olfaction in linking Brazilian cultural expressions with Yoruba heritages. Brazilian culture is deeply rooted in African traditions brought across the Atlantic, and this connection is evident in its foods, celebrations, and practices. Through a multidisciplinary approach combining bibliometric and historic review, fieldwork, and sensory analysis, the research reveals how distinct aromas, ranging from the scent of aromatic plants used in celebrations to culinary ingredients, act as olfactory markers of identity and collective memory in the state of Bahia and in a religious community in São Paulo. Historically, the transatlantic slave trade brought Yoruba peoples to Brazil, embedding their traditions deeply into the region’s cultural and everyday life. By documenting the shared olfactory elements between Bahian festivals such as the Lavagem do Bonfim and the practices observed within Yoruba-based cultural expressions in the Oduduwa Temple in São Paulo, the study underscores the significance of olfactory heritage to Afro-Brazilian culture and calls for greater scholarly attention to it. Recognizing smell as a dynamic conduit for history and emotion offers new insights into the survival and evolution of cultural traditions, urging further transdisciplinary research into the sensory narratives that shape our collective identities.

1. Introduction

Researchers have demonstrated that Bahia’s culture is intricately rooted in Yoruba heritage, forming a dynamic force that continues to shape the region’s identity in many ways [1,2]. The transatlantic slave trade brought millions of Africans to Brazil, with a significant number originating from Yoruba-speaking regions [3,4]. These individuals carried with them languages, spiritual beliefs, traditions, music, and ways of understanding the world that, despite the coercive conditions of enslavement, were preserved, adapted, and interwoven into the very fabric of Brazilian society [4]. Today’s Bahia, a state in Brazil that once served as a major entry point for enslaved Africans, has a population largely composed of people who identify as mixed race, followed by those who identify as black, with a smaller proportion identifying as white [5]. Yoruba traditions, in particular, have deeply shaped and continue to influence the region’s religious practices, cultural manifestations, community structures, and even its philosophical worldview [1,6]. It stands as a particularly powerful testament to the resilience and richness of African heritage.

One of the most visible and deeply ingrained aspects of Yoruba heritage in Bahia is the presence of Candomblé, an Afro-Brazilian religion born in Brazil with deep Yoruba roots that continue to thrive, offering a living link between the past and the present [7]. Candomblé, with its complex pantheon of orixás (deities), rituals, and spiritual practices, reflects the impact of Yoruba cosmology, epistemology and theology [7]. The Afro-Brazilian culture’s survival, despite centuries of oppression and marginalization, speaks to the strength of cultural transmission across generations [1]. Beyond religion, Yoruba legacy permeates Bahian cuisine, music, dance, and celebrations. Dishes like acarajé, made with black-eyed peas and fried in palm oil, trace their roots to West Africa [2,8], while events, such as the celebration of Iemanjá in Salvador, Bahia’s capital, bring people from various backgrounds with their flowers and perfumes to cherish the deity [9]. As noted by Souza (2019) [10], Iemanjá originates from the Yoruba deity Yemoja, known as the ruler of all waters. The deity is worshipped in several countries with African impacts such as Cuba, Haiti, Uruguay and other parts of the world. In the Afro-Brazilian context, she transformed into the goddess of the sea, embodying the adaptive nature of orixá worship in the diaspora. Similarly, the Lavagem do Bonfim ceremony, a major celebration that takes place in Salvador, Bahia every January, while originating from Catholic tradition and events, incorporates elements from Candomblé, particularly the washing ritual associated with the orixá Oxalá [11]. This syncretic practice underscores the enduring contribution of Yoruba liturgy and theology in Brazilian religious ceremonies.

Many of the cultural practices existing in Bahia have a major olfactory component. The Lavagem do Bonfim ritual, for instance, is characterized by the fragrant scents of flowers and água de cheiro [11]. Religious traditions provide especially vivid examples of how scent operates as a cultural medium. In Candomblé, described as an “olfactory religion” [12], smell is deeply embedded in ritual life. The odor of sacrificial blood serves as a potent medium linking the material and spiritual worlds, while palm oil, used both in cooking and in offerings, permeates places of worship and functions as a sensory marker of identity [12]. Likewise, Catholicism itself possesses a long-standing sensory theology. Within Catholic ritual, olfaction plays a central symbolic role, as seen in the “odor of sanctity” associated with holiness and the use of incense to represent purification and divine presence [13], an element that is very visible in catholic practices and will be observed in the fieldwork detailed in the Materials and Methods section. Christians utilized olfactory practices and their significations in order to construct a particular identity [13]. Yet the sense of smell has historically been undervalued by Western societies [14,15]. Olfactory experiences, associated with ritual practices, culinary customs, and local environments not only evoke individual and collective memories [16] but also reinforce continuity between past and present cultural practices. Despite its potential richness, this multisensory dimension, particularly smell and taste, remains underexplored in scientific literature.

This study aims to investigate the role that olfactory perceptions play in preserving and communicating Yoruba cultural heritage in Bahia, while also drawing connections to practices observed in São Paulo, within the Oduduwa Temple of Orixás, a key site where Yoruba traditions are directly transmitted by Africans to Brazilian practitioners. The central research question guiding this inquiry is: How are Yoruba traditions connected to cultural identity in contemporary Bahian society and how do olfactory elements express this connection? By explicitly exploring the olfactory dimensions of cultural heritage, such as odors associated with rituals, cuisine, and the natural landscape, the research seeks to fill a critical gap in heritage studies, as will be demonstrated in the next section. Adopting a multidisciplinary approach, combining bibliometric and historic review, fieldwork, and sensory analysis, this research aims to illuminate the nuanced ways in which odors function as active elements in heritage preservation and identity formation, highlighting the enduring sensory legacy of African traditions.

1.1. Systematic Review of the Literature

Over the past decade, olfactory studies have gained more traction and attention across disciplines including chemistry, museology, anthropology, and heritage science. Foundational research by Bembibre and Strlič established systematic methods for identifying, analyzing, and archiving historic odors, arguing that smells can hold documentary and emotional value comparable to that of visual or material artifacts (Bembibre & Strlič, 2017) [17]. Their later work emphasized the importance of integrating chemical analysis, sensory evaluation, and cultural interpretation into a coherent framework for olfactory heritage preservation [18]. These studies marked a turning point in the recognition of smell as both an object and vector of cultural heritage, stimulating collaborations between scientists, conservators, and cultural institutions.

Institutional initiatives have consolidated this momentum. The Odeuropa project (2021–2023, funded by the European Union, pioneered the use of artificial intelligence and semantic web technologies to extract references to scents from historical texts and images, reconstructing forgotten European smellscapes. Its outcomes, such as the Odeuropa Smell Explorer [19] and the European Olfactory Knowledge Graph [20], demonstrate how researchers can map the sensory past across archives, languages, and disciplines, preserving this knowledge. Parallel efforts in the ODOTHEKA project (2021–2024) have pioneered the development of an international archive of heritage smells. ODOTHEKA combines historical analysis, chemical profiling, and sensory evaluation to document and reproduce the odors of selected objects. Its methodology integrates gas chromatography–mass spectrometry (GC-MS) with olfactory detection and sensory panels evaluating intensity and hedonic quality, thereby ensuring authenticity in odor reconstruction. Importantly, the project also investigates how odors can be displayed effectively and safely in museum environments, establishing a structured archive as a model for cataloging and transmitting olfactory heritage [21]. Likewise, the SCENTINEL project (2024–2027), funded under the JPI Climate and Heritage framework, expands this approach to contemporary and climate-endangered contexts. It aims to build a methodology to identify and safeguard scents and flavors important for cultural heritage that are threatened by environmental change, combining chemical documentation with ethnographic methods, including interviews, imagery, literature review and computer sciences, to capture their cultural meanings and ensure open access to this multisensory knowledge [22]. Additionally, the project aims to use artificial intelligence to reproduce scents and flavors that are cataloged, preserving them for the future. Together, these projects illustrate the growing recognition of smell and taste as critical cultural resources worthy of preservation. Complementary efforts at the Osmothèque (the perfume archive in Versailles) have underscored the museological value of recreating and safeguarding olfactory experiences [23].

Formal recognition of the cultural importance of olfactory knowledge have also advanced in specific cases, such as the 2018 UNESCO inscription of Pays de Grasse on the Representative List of the Intangible Cultural Heritage of Humanity, which protects traditional expertise in perfume production [24]. However, within the broader framework of the 2003 UNESCO Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage, smells and flavors are still not explicitly listed as heritage assets [25]. As a result, olfactory and gustatory dimensions remain largely unacknowledged in policy, and the number of studies addressing these aspects remains marginal compared with those devoted to visual or auditory heritage. This imbalance underscores the need for greater inclusion of sensory dimensions in heritage discourse, particularly regarding living practices such as Afro-Brazilian and Yoruba traditions, where smell and taste play central roles in ritual, identity, and cultural continuity. Despite the growing body of work on olfactory heritage, these traditions remain absent from current preservation frameworks, a gap that the present study seeks to address.

A bibliometric review was conducted to elucidate current trends in research on Yoruba people, culture, language and religion and their presence and effect in Brazil. To achieve this aim, the study employed bibliometric methods and techniques as outlined by Donthu et al. (2021) [26], and applied by Vlase & Lähdesmäki (2023) [27]. Bibliometric analysis enables the tracing of research evolution within a given field, identifying emerging topics that drive intellectual development and revealing collaboration patterns among researchers, institutions, and countries [27]. Recent advancements in these methods allow for the interpretation of large volumes of data, making it possible to assess the growth, relevance, and impact of publications selected in accordance with each study’s objectives [27]. In this work, performance analysis (including publication and citation metrics), science mapping (such as citation and co-authorship analysis), and network analysis (co-occurrence analysis of keywords in abstracts, assuming that frequently occurring words are thematically connected) were employed. The SCOPUS database [28] was used to search and collect the corpus, and the PyBibX package for Python 3.12.12 [29], as well as additional code by the authors, was used to process the raw data from SCOPUS and calculate metrics and generate visualizations.

To gain an initial understanding of the scope of existing literature and to assess the degree to which the olfactory dimension has been addressed in relation to Yoruba cultural presence in Brazil, several search queries were tested.

Table 1. Comparison of the search parameters used and the number of works found on the day of writing.

Search Query	Goal of the Query	Number of Works Found
ALL(Yoruba AND Brazil)	Broadest query to retrieve the maximum number of records related to both terms, regardless of where these terms appear.	2308
TITLE-ABS-KEY(Yoruba AND Brazil)	Targeted search limited to titles, abstracts, and keywords to capture works directly related to the research theme.	66
TITLE-ABS-KEY(Yoruba AND Bahia)	Focused query emphasizing a more specific geographic scope, aligned with the study’s emphasis on Bahia.	19
TITLE-ABS-KEY(Yoruba AND Brazil) AND TITLE-ABS-KEY(aroma OR smell OR scent OR olfactory OR odor OR olfaction)	Specific query combining thematic focus with olfactory terms to identify directly relevant sensory literature.	0
ALL(Yoruba AND Brazil) AND TITLE-ABS-KEY(aroma OR smell OR scent OR olfactory OR odor OR olfaction)	Broader version of the previous query to capture any mention of olfactory aspects in works otherwise related to Yoruba and Brazil.	6

summarizes these queries and outlines their specific objectives. The first and most general search retrieved all documents in which the terms “Yoruba” and “Brazil” appeared anywhere in the indexed metadata, including titles, abstracts, author keywords, references, journal names and other fields. This resulted in 2308 entries. However, many of these were only loosely related to the topic of Yoruba and Brazilian cultural heritage and did not address the focus of this study in any depth.

To improve thematic relevance, a more focused query was performed using the TITLE-ABS-KEY operator, which limits the search to titles, abstracts, and author-provided keywords. As noted by Vlase & Lähdesmäki (2023) [27], this method offers a better balance between specificity and comprehensiveness. It can identify works that, while not including the keywords in the title, still engage substantively with the topic. This refinement narrowed the results to 66 publications, indicating that few studies focus directly on the Yoruba presence in Brazil, with many addressing it only tangentially within broader topics. By comparison, a similar query returned 69 results for “Brazil” and “Bantu”, (another major African diaspora group). Considering indigenous ethnicities, the counts rise substantially: 627 results for “Brazil” and “Guarani,” and 267 for “Brazil” and “Tupi.” Searches for European nationalities yield still higher numbers: 1001 for “Brazil” and “Italian,” 1361 for “Brazil” and “German,” 1875 for “Brazil” and “Spanish,” and 7540 for “Brazil” and “Portuguese.” These disparities reflect the greater bibliometric visibility of European and indigenous groups and suggest a publishing trend that marginalizes African ethnocultural topics.

Further narrowing the geographic focus from Brazil to Bahia resulted in just 19 works, highlighting the specificity and limited coverage of the topic within the academic literature. To better align the search with the core objective of this research, which is to explore olfactory aspects of Yoruba cultural expression in Brazil, a new query included olfactory terms, such as “aroma”, “scent”, “smell”, and others, as shown in the table. This combination, when paired with the refined TITLE-ABS-KEY(Yoruba AND Brazil) search, returned no results. The absence of works explicitly linking Yoruba culture in Brazil with olfactory themes points to a significant gap in the literature, which this research aims to address. A final, broader test reintroduced the general ALL(Yoruba AND Brazil) operator but still required that olfactory terms appear in the title, abstract, or keywords. This produced only six results. When compared with the initial 2308 retrieved by the most generic search, this difference clearly illustrates the lack of attention paid to olfactory dimensions in studies of Yoruba cultural presence in Brazil.

For a more in-depth analysis, the corpus with 66 entries was considered, due to its more appropriate thematic relevance. According to SCOPUS classification of subject areas (where a single work may be assigned to more than one category), 41 works fit into Arts and Humanities, 37 into Social Sciences, 6 into Medicine, and fewer other works were classified into several other areas such as Psychology, Engineering and Computer Sciences. The titles and abstracts of the corpus were examined to identify and remove duplicates, as well as to exclude works that were unrelated to the focus of this study. Several entries were discarded for falling outside the scope, including studies in genetics, biomedicine, veterinary science, and public health. Additionally, some works, while thematically relevant, were excluded due to their geographic focus on regions such as Sierra Leone and Trinidad, which do not align with the Brazil-centered approach of this research. The final corpus comprises 58 relevant publications.

Figure 1 illustrates the distribution of document types and languages used on the corpus.

Figure 2 illustrates the annual publication counts on the topic of Yoruba and Brazil between 1964 and 2024. The data reveal periods of intermittent activity, with long gaps in publication followed by peaks of output that reflect a fluctuating research rhythm. It is important to acknowledge that all bibliometric databases have inherent biases. Fields in the social sciences, arts, and humanities are often underrepresented in Scopus and similar indices, while research from North America, Europe, and Oceania is frequently overrepresented [30,31]. Because this study emphasizes regions and subjects that are typically underrepresented, our corpus may omit relevant works and thus influence the trends we observe. Despite these limitations, the overall pattern demonstrates a clear increase in publications in recent years, even though interest remains variable. Further details on publication distribution by country, institution, and citation frequency, together with the most cited works and references, are provided in Appendix A. These data confirm the dominance of American and Brazilian institutions in the field, limited international collaboration, and recurring research themes centered on Yoruba diasporic identity and Afro-Atlantic religious continuity.

Going further into the themes of the corpus and how they are connected, an analysis of the most occurring words in the abstract of all the corpus and the co-occurrence of these words was made. Figure 3 and Figure 4 show, respectively, a word cloud with the most frequently occurring words, and a network visualization of the co-occurring words. The network visualization computes a term co-occurrence network by linking words that appear together in at least ten documents and individually in at least fifteen documents, and excludes uninformative tokens, such as the words “university”, “rights” and “reserved”, which appear as copyright text in the end of several abstracts. It then identifies thematic clusters via modularity maximization [32], assigns each cluster a distinct color, and visualizes the resulting network with node sizes proportional to term frequency.

The figures reveal a constellation of interrelated themes at the heart of Yoruba–Brazilian studies. The wordcloud highlights “African,” “Yoruba,” and “Brazil” as the most prominent terms, alongside “religion,” “cultural,” “tradition,” and “candomblé,” underscoring the centrality of Afro-Brazilian ritual heritage, specifically “Candomblé” and “Orishas”, as a field of scholarly inquiry. “Bahia” is also shown as a frequent term, indicating that the region is relevant to the theme, and is mentioned by multiple works. The co-occurrence network further organizes these terms into two clusters that reflect diasporic dynamics: one focused on shared transatlantic identities and movement (with “diaspora,” “Atlantic,” and “West”), and another with cultural practices (linking “candomblé”, “ritual”, “tradition”, “religion”, “afro” and “Brazil”. Related terms were not manually merged but appear grouped in the same clusters because they frequently co-occur in the abstracts, reflecting conceptual proximity rather than linguistic normalization. Together these visualizations point to a research landscape defined by the interplay of cultural transmission, religious creativity, and geographic movement between West Africa and Brazil, in-line with the scope of this article, but once again underscoring the lack of focus into sensory experiences in the reports.

In summary, recent publication trends indicate an increase in scholarly interest in the Yoruba–Brazilian nexus. Despite the literature on historical syncretism, cultural transmission, and diasporic identity; sensory dimensions regarding these cultures, including but not limited to olfaction, remain largely unexplored. Albeit academic studies in olfactory heritage and culture in general have increased, this attention has not fully extended to the cultural practices of Brazil, Afro-Brazilian traditions, or Yoruba peoples in particular. Three hypotheses might explain this gap:

A major contributor to the limited scholarly attention on Yoruba and Afro-Brazilian olfactory heritage is the enduring Euro-centric orientation of heritage and sensory studies. Bibliometric analyses of cultural heritage research show a strong bias toward European contexts and scholars, with non-European regions systematically under-represented in indexed publications, as shown previously in this section. The result is a persistent “methodological invisibility” of non-European cultures, including Afro-Brazilian sensory practices in the global heritage discourse.

Another key factor is the underrepresentation of Afro-Brazilian scholars and practitioners in national academic institutions, which directly shapes research agendas and priorities. Although Afro-descendants constitute more than half of Brazil’s population, they remain disproportionately excluded from higher education and academic careers. In 2013, only 14.51% of higher education students identified as black or brown, and among doctoral students, this number dropped dramatically to 0.03% [33]. The imbalance is also reflected in faculty representation, with only 13.22% of university professors identifying as Afro descendant [33]. This structural inequality limits the development of research on Afro-Brazilian cultural forms, such as Yoruba-derived traditions, including olfactory heritage. With few Afro-Brazilian scholars positioned to influence research priorities, the sensory dimensions of Afro-diasporic traditions receive little institutional visibility, resulting in fewer initiatives, funding opportunities, and publications in this area.

The third explanation lies in the relative lack of investment in research, and asymmetrical distribution of resources. Despite recent increases in national research funding, investment in Brazil remains highly uneven and concentrated in affluent regions, particularly the Southeast [34]. In 2023, of the R$ 4.8 billion in non-reimbursable resources allocated by the National Fund for Scientific and Technological Development (FNDCT), 82% went to institutions in the Southeast, with 75% of that amount concentrated in São Paulo alone [34]. Persistent regional asymmetries and chronic underfunding continue to hinder equitable scientific progress. Given that olfactory heritage has only recently begun to receive scholarly recognition, it is likely that such fields receive even less support than average. Consequently, studies focused on Afro-Brazilian cultural expressions, such as Yoruba-derived traditions in Bahia, remain particularly scarce, as the region’s peripheral position in national research funding further compounds this neglect.

These three hypotheses help explain why the topic of this work remains absent from scientific literature. By foregrounding the multisensory textures of Afro-Brazilian practice, and in particular the role of aromas in cultural manifestations, the present work addresses this lacuna and opens new pathways for understanding how scent shapes cultural memory and heritage.

1.2. Historical and Cultural Background

Having mapped the contours of recent scholarship and identified the relative gaps in sensory approaches, we now turn to the deeper historical and cultural foundations of Yoruba presence in Bahia and in Brazil. Bahia holds a unique and significant position in the history of the African diaspora. As a main point of entry for enslaved Africans, Bahia absorbed approximately 1.6 million people [3] forcibly removed from their homelands during the transatlantic slave trade. Its capital, Salvador, established in 1549, became the first capital of Brazil and a crucial hub for both commerce and the development of Afro-Brazilian culture [35]. The scale of the slave trade profoundly shaped Bahia’s demographic composition. According to the first census that occurred in Brazil, in 1872, of the 1,379,616 inhabitants of Bahia, 45.7% were classified as “mixed race,” 26.6% as black, 24% as white, and the remainder as indigenous [36]. A similar distribution is still observed today, as shown in the 2022 census [5]. This demographic legacy has resulted in a substantial Afro-Brazilian population that continues to play a defining role in the region’s cultural landscape.

Among the diverse African ethnic groups brought to Bahia, the Yoruba survived the period of slavery better than many other African ethnicities, participating in the sociocultural life of the American countries and giving rise to new, mixed traditions, such as candomblé [1]. Their numerical presence is one factor that explains their major contributions to Bahia’s unique cultural identity. The Caribbean and Brazil were the largest importers of slave labor, receiving approximately 80% of all Africans transported to the Americas [37]. Brazil was the destination of nearly half of all slaves moved to the Americas (5.5 million out of 12.5 million) [3]. The slave trade displaced peoples of many different ethnicities, including the Yoruba, albeit the Yoruba represent less than 9% of the total slaves brought to the Americas [4]. Figure 5 and Figure 6 shows the origin of people brought from Africa who disembarked in Bahia, from 1576 to 1875 [3]. The Africans brought to Brazil belonged to two major groups: the West African (Bight of Benin), mainly comprising Yoruba people but also the Aja group [1], and the Bantu group, coming from Central West Africa [38]. The Yoruba were scarcely involved in the trans-Atlantic trade even up to the late-seventeenth century, but starting around 1750 as a result of the conflict in the Oyo Empire, more and more Yoruba slaves were shipped to the Americas, reaching a peak from about 1826 to 1850, before declining in 1867 [4]. Still, from 1675 until 1850, approximately 439,000 Yoruba slaves were brought to Bahia, representing 40% of all slaves brought to the region in that period and creating a big, localized concentration of the ethnicity in the state [4], partially explaining why the Yoruba culture created such strong roots in Bahia.

According to Udo (2021), several additional interconnected factors help explain the endurance of Yoruba culture in Bahia [1]. At a foundational level, the Yoruba shared a belief in a common origin in Oduduwa, regarded as the father of all Yoruba dynasties, a unifying myth that fostered cultural cohesion even under the coercive conditions of slavery [4]. This sense of shared identity helped preserve core traditions across generations and was particular in maintaining the culture [4]. Equally important was the Yoruba system of fictive kinship, which found unexpected parallels in Catholic practices, specifically baptism and godparenting [1]. These structural similarities allowed enslaved Yoruba communities to maintain their social networks under the guise of acceptable Christian rituals, effectively preserving ancestral bonds while avoiding persecution [2].

The Yoruba’s traditional gender roles also contributed to cultural survival. With women playing central roles in both economic and spiritual life, Yoruba social structures proved adaptable to the realities of slavery, where African women often controlled domestic and market spaces [4]. This continuity enabled Yoruba-derived traditions, particularly in Candomblé, to maintain strong female leadership through the mães de santo. Furthermore, the Yoruba’s urban background, with experience in large, organized settlements, made them better equipped to navigate the regimented plantation system compared to groups from more rural societies [2]. In Bahia, Yoruba people were more commonly relocated to urban areas, while Bantu populations were often displaced to rural zones [39]. This urban familiarity might have facilitated Yoruba communities to reestablish social networks and preserve cultural traditions even within the constraints of slavery.

Additionally, the Yoruba spiritual system demonstrated remarkable adaptability through religious syncretism while maintaining their traditions. Faced with forced conversion to Christianity, enslaved Yorubas developed ingenious parallels between their orixás and Catholic saints, for example, Oxalá with Jesus Christ, Iemanjá with the Virgin Mary, and Oxóssi with Saint George [40]. This is observed not only in Bahia through Candomblé, but also in other places of arrival of Yoruba slaves, such as Cuba through Santería [41]. In Cuba, as in Brazil, Yoruba-derived deities became intertwined with Catholic saints through lived experience and religious necessity [1]. In Santería, Changó is associated with Saint Barbara and is venerated as the orixá of thunder, fire, and strength [1]. Iemanjá, linked to the Virgin of Regla, represents the sea and motherhood [1]. Ifá-Orunmilá, the Yoruba deity of wisdom and divination, plays a central role as an oracle for both humans and gods, offering guidance to anyone who seeks it, regardless of religious affiliation [1]. Babalawos, or priests of Ifá-Orunmilá, hold an essential role in the Yoruba religious structure as custodians of the Ifá Literary Corpus, using their deep knowledge to guide individuals through the interpretation of mythical and archetypal narratives within a complex divinatory system [1]. These parallels between Candomblé and Santería reveal how Yoruba cosmology adapted across different colonial contexts while remaining rooted in shared beliefs and ritual frameworks [1]. Afro-descendant communities on both sides of the Atlantic found ways to safeguard their traditions, often transforming imposed religious structures into platforms for cultural resilience and continuity [1]. Over time, what began as a survival strategy evolved into the rich tapestry of Afro-Brazilian religious expression we see today, where Yoruba cosmology remains vibrantly alive alongside Catholic symbolism.

This internal resilience operated alongside, and in response to a broader historical trajectory of oppression and collective resistance. For example, between 1807 and 1835, Bahia witnessed several slave uprisings, culminating in the Malê Revolt of January 1835, when roughly 600 Yoruba-speaking Muslim captives (the term malê comes from imalê, which in the Yoruba language means Muslim—the malês were people of Yoruba ethnicity but followers of the Islamic faith) mobilized in Salvador against enslavement [42]. The revolt was quashed within a day and resulted in approximately 70 fatalities, punishments for the revolting people including prison (often with hard labor), lashing, death, and forced deportation to Africa. In some cases, individuals were deported even in the absence of definitive evidence against them [42], reflecting the extent of the authorities’ determination in suppressing future uprisings. There was a fear of similar uprisings in other parts of the country, and as such, the Africans were subjected to more rigorous vigilance and repressive measures by authorities to disincentivize new uprisings [42]. While these measures where primarily focused on stopping Africans from joining and walking freely, this further lack of freedom impacted their ability to manifest their culture freely, forcing a process of assimilation, adaptation, and survival.

Since then, several developments happened in colonial Brazil that slowly gave enslaved populations more rights. The transatlantic slave trade brought millions of Africans to Brazil until it was officially banned by the Eusébio de Queirós Law (1850), though slavery persisted internally for decades [43]. Incremental reforms, such as the Law of the Free Womb (1871) [44] and the Sexagenarian Law (1885) [44] occurred, offering limited progress towards emancipation. A detailed account of these historical developments is provided in Appendix B. Three years later, in 1888, slavery was officially abolished in Brazil [44]. It was a defining moment, yet it did not herald an immediate acceptance of African cultural practices [45]. In post-abolition Brazil, several legal attempts were made to limit the rights and liberties of recently freed slaves. One example is the prohibition on the washing of the Nosso Senhor do Bonfim church in anticipation of catholic celebrations, an act intimately linked with Afro-Brazilian rituals, known today as the Lavagem do Bonfim. Initially performed by individuals of African descent, who were tasked with cleaning the church of Nosso Senhor do Bonfim in preparation for the catholic celebration honoring the saint, the ritual gradually acquired religious and cultural significance among Afro-Brazilian communities. Over time, it evolved into a syncretic ceremony that incorporated processional elements, music, dance, and the use of água de cheiro (perfumed water), emblematic of Candomblé practices and an example of olfactory heritage intertwining religious practice and celebration.

The Festa do Nosso Senhor do Bonfim is held on the second Thursday after Three Kings’ Day and involves an eight-kilometre procession from the Conceição da Praia church to the Bonfim church, during which participants dressed in white garments associated with the orixá Oxalá carry clay vessels of perfumed water [11]. At the church steps, a symbolic washing is performed accompanied by chants and scented offerings that reflect Candomblé practice even as the image of Nosso Senhor do Bonfim remains the ritual focus; It is a celebration of a catholic image, but, with a strong Afro-Brazilian presence and importance [11]. Central to both this event and other Afro-Brazilian celebrations are the baianas, women distinguished by white lace dresses, turbans and beaded necklaces linked to Candomblé aesthetics. Baianas prepare and sell traditional foods such as acarajé and maintain the ancestral knowledge of água de cheiro; they are the ones that prepare, carry and use the water to wash the stairs of the church. In 2004, the Brazilian institute of historic and artistic heritage (IPHAN) inscribed the profession of baiana de acarajé as national intangible cultural heritage, formally recognizing their role in sustaining Afro-Brazilian cultural memory and practice [46]. These women stand as living embodiments of Bahia’s culture and its olfactory legacy, since the aromas of food, herbs, and perfume are a part of the identity they preserve.

However, the incorporation of such embodied and sensorial practices was met with resistance by the Catholic hierarchy, which deemed the expressive and festive nature of the ceremony blasphemous [11]. By 1889, church authorities prohibited the washing from taking place within the interior of the church in preparation to catholic celebrations, effectively relegating it to the exterior steps and public forecourt [11]. This episode reflects a broader historical pattern of religious and cultural repression. Even during the Empire, the 1823 Constitution limited religious freedom to Christian denominations, merely tolerating other forms of religiosity. The new Brazilian republic of 1889 ostensibly introduced freedom of religion. However, as Capone (2018) notes, new mechanisms of repression soon emerged: the distinction between “legitimate” and “illegitimate” religious practices was maintained through legal pretexts, such as accusations of illegal medical practice and superstition [47]. Article 157 of the 1890 Penal Code criminalized Afro-Brazilian practices under the guise of prohibiting spiritism, witchcraft, and fortune-telling [47]. As Mandarino (2007) observes, this legal framework was informed by a paradoxical perception of Afro-Brazilian religions: they were at once dismissed as superstition and feared for their perceived efficacy, giving rise to widespread efforts to suppress them [48]. Consequently, state policies and societal attitudes continued to marginalize these traditions. Visible elements such as sacred images and public musical celebrations might have been concealed or discontinued to avoid persecution. In contrast, more discreet sensory practices could persist. Olfactory and gustatory elements, such as incense, ritual foods, and aromatic plants, could be used within the privacy of homes or integrated into everyday routines. As a result, these subtler aspects of Afro-Brazilian culture endured and were transmitted despite official bans.

Despite these repressive measures, the syncretic character of Bahian culture continued to evolve. The 1920s saw the first recorded celebrations of Festa de Iemanjá in Salvador, a now major cultural event that comes from Afro-Brazilian tradition, but also constitutes the popular calendar of the city of Salvador and attracting people of all faiths [49]. Rooted in the worship of the Yoruba orixá Iemanjá, goddess of the sea and mother of all orixás, the celebration has taken on new forms in the Bahian context. It is said to be one of the few popular celebrations in Salvador that are exclusively Afro-Brazilian, without catholic influences [9]. This contrasts with the syncretism present in the Lavagem do Bonfim, and in celebrations such as the Dia de Santa Bárbara, where the catholic saint is celebrated together with Iansã [50], an Afro-Brazilian orixá, and the Festa de São Roque, where the catholic saint is celebrated with the orixá Omolu [51]. Yet, Iemanjá is often imagined as a mermaid-like figure, incorporating European influences, showing how the co-existence of cultures in Bahia are always present to some extent. Every year on February 2nd, thousands of devotees gather in the Rio Vermelho neighborhood to bring offerings of flowers, perfumes, and handcrafted gifts, which are sent out to sea in gratitude and devotion. Organized by local Candomblé and fishing communities, the festival affirms Afro-Brazilian identity in a shared public space, and puts on display a sensorial experience consisting of music, traditional foods, and the smell of lavender for offerings [9]. As Queiroz (2021) observes, the celebration has grown into a moment of cultural affirmation and collective memory, reinforcing both religious continuity and the social visibility of Afro-descendant traditions [9].

The recognition of a Candomblé terreiro (place of worship) as an item of national cultural heritage in 1984 marked an important step in the ongoing process of cultural reclamation in Brazil [52]. However, the official protection applies primarily to the physical site and its architectural, historical, and landscape value, rather than to the religious practices performed there or the olfactory elements integral to those rituals. This blending of influences allowed Yoruba-derived religious and cultural practices to survive, creating new, uniquely Brazilian cultural expression on the process. However, it raises a critical question: does this syncretism represent a form of cultural erasure, or rather the creative genesis of a new culture? Capone (2017) [53] argues that a debate about syncretism in Candomblé predominates in northeastern Brazil. The author states that there are movements: “de-syncretization” and “re-Africanization”, and both have the common goal of rejecting afro catholic syncretism and returning to the original culture, by searching for any elements relating to allegedly lost religious practices. Similarly, Cano (2005) [41], when talking about the alleged syncretism between Santería and Catholicism, argues that Santería’s identification of orixás with Catholic saints exemplifies its syncretic adaptation, and this should be understood as a dynamic process of cultural borrowing rather than a wholesale fusion, since practitioners attest to an unbroken continuity of an ancient spiritual tradition. To speak of Santería as a “hybrid” religion is, according to the author, incorrect and diminutive. While some criticize syncretism as a weakening of original culture and try to avoid it in religions such as candomblé and santería [41,53], others argue that rather than erasing tradition, syncretism has facilitated the survival of African heritage in a manner that continuously redefines modernity [53]. Syncretic practices now inform major social and religious events, such as the Lavagem do Bonfim, which originated in the Catholic tradition yet are fundamentally shaped by Afro-Brazilian culture [11]. This study does not resolve the debate over syncretism’s cultural costs or benefits. It simply acknowledges that syncretism is a defining feature of Bahia’s cultural manifestations today.

In synthesizing historical narratives and contemporary scholarly perspectives, it becomes clear that the Yoruba contribution in Bahia is not a static remnant of the past but a dynamic, evolving force. While syncretism has reshaped many facets of Bahian culture, sensory elements, particularly olfactory ones, often remain amid these processes of adaptation. Scents associated with ritual practices and traditional ingredients often survive shifts in practices, serving as potentially resilient markers of heritage even as other elements change. This study therefore seeks to identify and explore how these preserved sensory dimensions might link to broader dynamics of cultural resistance and continuity in Bahia.

1.3. The Role of Olfaction on Memory and Identity

The interplay between olfaction, memory, and identity is not a mere curiosity of human perception but a complex process with many cultural ramifications [54,55]. For instance, Classen, Howes, and Synnott in Aroma: The Cultural History of Smell show how cultures have encoded social values, power structures, and cosmological beliefs into olfactory landscapes, so that particular scents serve as powerful mnemonics for shared narratives and group identity [56]. They argue that scent can both reinforce and subvert social structures, uniting or dividing people, empowering or disenfranchising them, because olfactory experiences are intimate and emotionally charged [56]. These authors further link collective memory and identity to olfaction, demonstrating that culturally coded aromas become deeply internalized by individuals [56]. Finally, they argue that despite its profound social role, smell is routinely undervalued in Western societies [56].

The unique neural pathways of the olfactory system differ from other senses [57]. Odor molecules bind to specialized receptors in the nasal lining, triggering signals that travel to the olfactory bulb in the brain [57]. Unlike other senses, olfactory information bypasses the thalamus and proceeds directly from the olfactory bulb to the olfactory cortex, which has immediate connections to the limbic system, connected to memory and emotion [57]. This allows specific odors to evoke vivid and emotionally charged memories, a phenomenon often termed the “Proustian effect” [58]. Researchers demonstrated that odor-evoked memories tend to be more intense than those elicited by other sensory stimuli [54]. This capacity is reinforced by studies, which reveal that the direct connection between the olfactory bulb, hippocampus, and amygdala is instrumental in forming and retrieving these memories [59]. In Bahia, this is particularly prominent. Traditional scents, from the ingredients used in traditional foods central to Candomblé offerings, like the sharp, earthy aroma of palm oil [8], to the aromatic components of specific herbs used in healing and cleansing rituals [60], do more than recall personal reminiscences. They evoke ancestral practices [61] and reinforce the continuity of Yoruba heritage within Afro-Brazilian communities, a legacy preserved despite the ruptures of enslavement [2,12]. As Halloy’s (2018) shows, olfactory elements in Afro-Brazilian ritual, such as the aroma of sacrificial offerings and palm oil, are inseparable from the spiritual efficacy of ritual performance [12]. Similarly, Willis (2018) demonstrates that in the peripheries of Rio de Janeiro, olfactory atmospheres play a crucial role in mediating affect, sanctity, and social belonging [62].

The historical and racial dimensions of smell further reinforce its cultural significance. Andrew Kettler’s The Smell of Slavery (2020) shows another aspect of olfactory heritage, where hierarchies were central to the racialization of bodies during the Atlantic slave trade, when African scent was pejoratively framed as evidence of otherness and inferiority [63]. Yet, as Kettler argues, the persistence of African-derived olfactory traditions in the Americas became an act of cultural resistance and memory preservation. In this light, the enduring presence of Yoruba olfactory practices in Bahia—through foods, ritual leaves, and perfumed waters—can be interpreted as both survival and subversion, transforming the very sensory registers once used to stigmatize.

Brazilian scholarship has also begun to engage with olfactory heritage more directly. Halloy (2018) and Voeks (1997) both highlight how ritual plant aromas anchor memory and cosmology [12,61]. While anthropologist Seeger (1988) earlier underscored the broader neglect of odor in ethnography despite its cultural salience [64], more recent works, such as those by Willis (2018), have demonstrated how smell constitutes a moral and spiritual sensorium in contemporary Brazilian religiosity [62].

This work highlights the subtle yet resilient nature of aromas as a key contribution, showing how their persistence, even under repressive conditions, and their deep, evocative connection to memory make them powerful instruments for preserving cultural heritage. Maurice Halbwachs (2006) emphasizes that collective memory is anchored in spatial context, which provides a stable framework against the fleeting nature of individual impressions [65]. Our memories, he argues, are sustained by the material environments that surround us, which allow us to revisit the past [65]. Similarly, Tullett (2023) argues that smell archives and “re-odorization” of historical environments can resurface suppressed narratives and offer new pathways into the past [66]. Olfactory stimuli, due to their unique neurological and emotional power, can serve a similar anchoring function. Scents can evoke vivid, emotionally charged memories that recontextualize fleeting impressions into enduring recollections. In Candomblé, for example, the distinct scents associated with initiation rituals have such sensory and emotional weight that, according to Voeks (1997), even years after the event, the mere smell of ritual leaves can trigger memory to the extent where the user goes into trance [61]. This exemplifies how olfactory cues, similar to spatial context, can sustain and transmit collective memory across time.

Focusing on the already mentioned celebrations of the Lavagem do Bonfim and Festa de Iemanjá, some olfactory elements are clearly present to anyone who experiences the events, and even though some might not consciously think of these elements as defining, they are crucial to the sensorial experience of the events and the consequent memories associated with them. For example, the Lavagem do Bonfim has a clear defining scent: the água de cheiro, the fragrant water meticulously prepared by baianas, often containing fresh basil, rosemary, lavender, and other aromatic herbs [67]. The scent of these mixed herbs, released as the steps of the Bonfim church are washed, symbolizes blessing and purification [11]. Similarly, the Festa de Iemanjá, honoring the orixá of the sea, has an important olfactory component. Devotees cast offerings into the ocean: masses of flowers, particularly white roses and palms, whose scent mixes with the scent of the sea. Added to this is the lavender perfume used by devotees in their offerings, creating a complex smell that carries prayers and signifies devotion [9]. These olfactory elements are not decorative but are essential components of the celebrations and the culture that surrounds them. By acknowledging not only its capacity to evoke rich emotional memories but also its undervaluation in contemporary society, we gain a more comprehensive understanding of how olfactory heritage contributes to both individual well-being and the preservation of cultural identity.

Odors also shape and affirm cultural identity. In marginalized communities such as Afro-Brazilians in Bahia, culturally significant scents serve as markers of collective identity and forms of resistance [16]. For example, the aroma of sacred leaves used in ritual baths or offerings creates an olfactory environment that anchors individuals to Yoruba cosmology and a displaced heritage [61]. Beyond identity, smells exert a direct influence on our emotional states. Recent research emphasizes that odors can modulate mood and affect almost instantaneously [68], and anosmia, or the loss of smell, has been linked to decreased emotional health and a diminished quality of life, underscoring the critical role that olfactory experiences play in maintaining psychological balance and well-being [69].

In sum, olfactory cues function as powerful triggers for both individual and collective memory, directly contribute to emotional states, and serve as robust markers of cultural identity. Ritual fragrances, culinary aromas, and the scent of sacred plants provide sensory anchors that reinforce historical continuity and communal belonging. Despite their central role in cultural transmission and well-being, these olfactory dimensions remain underexamined. A systematic focus on smell will yield deeper insights into how communities preserve and assert their heritage through one of humanity’s most fundamental senses.

2. Materials and Methods

2.1. Fieldwork Observations

Having established the historical importance of Yoruba-derived traditions in Bahia and the vital role of scent (see previous sections), this chapter presents the empirical mapping of fragrances at two emblematic Salvador celebrations. Between January and February 2025, we attended public celebrations in Salvador, including the Lavagem do Bonfim, with five different events related to it (mass at Nosso Senhor do Bonfim Church, visit to São Joaquim Fair, nautical Procession, visit to the National Association of Baianas de Acarajé, as detailed in

Table 2. Table summarizing the events attended during the fieldwork, with dates, cultural roots, and main olfactory elements.

Main Event	Event	Date	Geographic Coordinates	Cultural Roots	Main Olfactory Sources
Lavagem do Bonfim	Mass at Nosso Senhor do Bonfim Church	14th of January	12°55′25.0″ S 38°30′29.2″ W	Catholic ceremony	Incenses, flowers
	Visit to São Joaquim Fair	14th of January	12°57′07.2″ S 38°30′07.2″ W	Afro-Brazilian, with influences from all cultures present in the city of Salvador	Various scents from herbs, spices, plants, flowers, culinary ingredients, and others
	Nautical Procession	15th of January	12°59′58.1″ S 38°32′02.1″ W	Catholic ceremony	Marine environment and traditional foods
	Visit to the National Association of Baianas de Acarajé	15th of January	12°58′24.5″ S 38°30′43.1″ W	Afro-Brazilian	Scent from the plants and flowers used to create the “água de cheiro”, as well as the smell of the freshly cleaned white clothes
	Lavagem do Bonfim	16th of January	12°55′26.2″ S 38°30′29.7″ W	Syncretic ceremony with catholic and Afro-Brazilian influences, but presence of people from diverse backgrounds	“Água de cheiro”, herbs, as well as traditional foods sold by the baianas
Oduduwa Temple of Orixás	Visit to Oduduwa Temple of Orixás	25th–31st of January	24°07′27.3″ S 46°40′37.4″ W	Yoruba	Various aromatic ingredients used for offerings, ceremonial purposes, and for food
Festa de Iemanjá	Festa de Iemanjá	2nd of February	13°00′45.5″ S 38°29′31.5″ W	Afro-Brazilian, with presence of people from diverse backgrounds	Flowers used as offerings, as well as lavender perfume

), and the Festa de Iemanjá, recording qualitative olfactory observations throughout the events and interviewing attendees in the events. To enable comparative analysis, the study also examined traditional Yoruba practices at the Oduduwa Temple of the Orixás in Mongaguá, São Paulo, a site dedicated to preserving and performing Yoruba practices as practiced in Nigeria. The temple is integrated within the Oduduwa Cultural Center, integrated within the Oduduwa Cultural Center, and serves as one of the most active institutions dedicated to preserving and teaching Yoruba culture outside of Africa. This provided a comparative basis between Afro-Brazilian and Yoruba sensory traditions.

The work conducted at this stage was primarily qualitative, relying on descriptive and comparative methods rather than instrumental chemical analysis. Although no quantitative data on volatile compounds are discussed, qualitative approaches remain essential for understanding the social, symbolic, and experiential dimensions of olfaction that cannot be captured solely through molecular measurement. Olfactory-trained authors and professional perfumers conducted sensory documentation during the events, providing a detailed scent analysis using industry-standard terminology, and that can be found at The Good Scents Company’s database (2025) [70]. For standardized notes, descriptors follow Good Scents terminology; in cases where a smell was identified through a specific compound (when the smell is characteristic of a given compound, as learned during olfactory training), the associated odor type from Good Scents is given in parentheses. When a note was unique or unlisted, it is marked as such.

Beyond aromatic characterization, environmental observations were made at all events, noting contextual aspects such as movement, ritual actions, and atmosphere. In addition, short interviews were conducted with participants to capture cultural meanings associated with scent. Respondents were asked about the importance of the event, its characteristic smells, and to rate intensity and hedonicity (pleasantness) on a 0–10 scale. In total, 52 interviews were conducted at the Lavagem do Bonfim and 20 at the Festa de Iemanjá, each lasting approximately five minutes. These brief interactions aimed to capture the immediate impressions of participants without interrupting their experience of the celebrations. The interviewer approached people on the streets, explained that the questions were part of an academic study, and, upon their consent, noted their responses. At the Oduduwa Temple, five in-depth interviews were conducted, totaling approximately two and a half hours of conversation. While three of these followed the same protocol as those conducted in Salvador, they yielded longer and more detailed answers, reflecting the participants’ deep engagement with Yoruba cultural practices. The remaining two interviews, each lasting around one hour, focused on broader themes related to the significance of the Oduduwa Temple as a reference point for Yoruba culture and on the culinary dimension of ritual practice, including the preparation of offerings and communal meals. In contrast to the street interviews in Salvador, where any participant could respond, the Oduduwa interviews were conducted with individuals who possessed long-standing experience and deep knowledge of Yoruba traditions.

Table 2 summarizes the events attended. Together, these observations form the basis of a comparative olfactory analysis that reveals how scents operate as carriers of heritage and cultural identity across diverse ritual spaces.

2.2. Events Connected with the Lavagem do Bonfim

The Festa do Senhor do Bonfim, also known as the Lavagem do Bonfim, is a famous celebration held every year in January, as introduced in the Historical and Cultural Background Section. The event is centered on the cleansing of the Senhor do Bonfim church stairs but also includes the procession that takes the image of Senhor do Bonfim up the hill to the church. The growing importance of the event is evidenced by the rise in attendance over the years, from approximately one million participants in 2008 [71] to a record two million in 2019 [72], with similar figures recorded in 2025 [73]. This substantial rise in participation reflects the expanding cultural and social relevance of the event but also introduces significant transformations to its traditional structure. It is a major event, and happening in the beginning of the year, it is said to be the “opening” of the festivities of the year for the city of Salvador. During the fieldwork, the authors made observations and collected data not only on the day of the celebration but also observed connected events and preparations for the event, to have a more complete view of the festivity. Each visit had a specific objective, and the means to achieve these objectives were always through observations, documentation and sensory analysis. The events are described in the following subsections.

2.2.1. Mass at Nosso Senhor do Bonfim Church

The first event experienced was a mass at the Senhor do Bonfim church, shown in Figure 7, happening as part of the Novena in Honor of Senhor do Bonfim. The Novena consists of 9 days of prayers in anticipation of a specific intention, in this case the honoring of the Senhor do Bonfim. The church is the subject of intense religious devotion by the people of Salvador and is the site of the Lavagem do Bonfim. The objective of this visit was to document the environment of the church during a purely catholic event. The ecclesiastical environment comprises several aromatic sources. The ceremonial incense exhibited a complex aromatic profile characterized by the following notes: floral, rose, woody, spicy, linalool (floral), phenylethyl alcohol (floral), citronellol (floral), phenylethyl acetate (floral), phenolic, dry, terpenic, cedrol (woody), cedarwood, as well as palo santo (unique descriptor), olibanum (unique descriptor).

The church’s decorative elements contributed additional olfactory dimensions, with orange lilies emanating the notes of indole (animal), benzyl acetate (floral), while red roses contributed with: ylang, phenylethyl alcohol (floral) and medicinal notes, collectively establishing a distinctly sacred atmospheric chemistry, in a catholic environment.

2.2.2. Nautical Procession

On the day preceding the Lavagem do Bonfim, the authors attended the nautical procession, which reenacts the 18th-century arrival of the Senhor do Bonfim image by sea to Salvador from Portugal [11]. The event is depicted in Figure 8. Similarly to the Mass, the objective here was to observe an event administered by the catholic church and targeted for catholic devotees. Introduced in 2023 by the catholic church, the procession travels across the Baía de Todos-os-Santos with the sacred image aboard a ceremonial boat accompanied by smaller vessels. The event presented a marine-influenced olfactory environment mixed with robust aroma of feijoada (a traditional dish consisting of cooked beans and meat) and other foods available. The overall smell was characterized by the following fragrance notes: spicy, cooked, meaty, salty, peppery and ozonic.

2.2.3. Visit to São Joaquim Fair

In preparation for the Lavagem do Bonfim, it was important to identify the origin of the raw materials that are used for the água de cheiro, the olfactory focus of the celebration, and map them in the field. Preliminary research including the literature review [11] and conversations with baianas about the Lavagem do Bonfim celebration indicated that the raw materials for the creation of the água de cheiro are acquired at the São Joaquim Fair: an open market which represents a significant repository of botanical aromatic diversity. The fair is extensive, selling a diverse array of products including spices from Bahian cuisine, typical fruits, drinks, handicrafts and items from candomblé, such as herbs, amulets and other items [74]. Its stalls and vendors visibly reflect African cultural influence in local crafts and the sale of items used in Afro-Brazilian religious practice [74]. A picture of a stall in the market is shown in Figure 9. Although São Joaquim has been under consideration for recognition as intangible cultural heritage since 2005, it has yet to receive formal designation [75].

The market was explored but special focus was placed on the plants that are commonly used to create the perfumed water: myrrh (Commiphora), tansy (Tanacetum vulgare), lavender (Lavandula angustifolia), levante (Hyptis brevipes), and basil (Ocimum basilicum). The overall scent was defined by fresh notes, shared by all 5 plants, herbal, shared by 4 plants and green notes, shared by 3, while each plant had unique notes such as: thymol (herbal), thyme, rosemary, hexenol-cis-3 (green), minty, camphoreous, linalool (floral), boldo tea (unique descriptor), and eugenol (spicy). Figure 10 summarizes the fragrance note distribution.

2.2.4. Visit to Memorial das Baianas

On the night before the Lavagem do Bonfim, the authors visited the Memorial das Baianas, a space dedicated to the history and tradition of the craft of the baianas de acarajé and recognized as cultural heritage of Brazil (as noted in the Historical and Cultural Background Section). The objective was to communicate with the baianas, which are an essential part of the celebration and Bahian culture, and to witness the preparation of the água de cheiro, the main olfactory element of the celebration. Prior contact was established with the community to introduce the objectives of the study and ensure their participation in this stage of the work. The authors were formally received by Rita Santos, president of the Associação Nacional das Baianas de Acarajé, Mingau, Receptivos da Bahia (ABAM), who generously agreed to contribute to the project and facilitated access for the authors to observe the traditional preparation of água de cheiro. This preparation served not only as a demonstration of technique but also as an expression of the ceremonial and symbolic significance of fragrance within the community.

The composition of água de cheiro can vary depending on who prepares it. On the day of observation, the mixture included myrrh (Commiphora), tansy (Tanacetum vulgare), lavender (Lavandula angustifolia), levante (Hyptis brevipes), dill (Anethum graveolens), rosemary (Salvia rosmarinus), and one unidentified plant, which could not be named by the preparer or identified by the authors. The infused water is typically filtered and stored overnight, then used the following morning during the Lavagem do Bonfim to wash the stairs of the church. On the day of the event, the water is carried in clay pots, as shown in Figure 11 and Figure 12, and decorated with flowers and lavender perfume, completing a multisensory ritual of purification.

The scent of the perfume water had herbal, anisic, sweet, tea, floral and lavender notes.

After observing the preparation of the água de cheiro, we also witnessed the washing of the traditional white clothes used by the baianas. As introduced in the Historical and Cultural Background Section, the white clothes are emblematic of baianas, and people in Salvador can easily identify a baiana by her white clothes, which are used by them when they are selling their food products in the streets and during events such as the Lavagem do Bonfim. The washing of the clothes is also performed in a ritualistic manner, in the memorial, although with normal cleaning products instead of flowers. The smell of the recently washed clothes was analyzed, and had the notes of: aldehydic, floral, white floral (unique descriptor), coumarinic and galaxolide (musk).

2.2.5. Lavagem do Bonfim

The Lavagem do Bonfim ceremony occurred on the next day. The washing produced transient, at times short-lived, but significant scents. The washing ritual released volatile compounds with the fragrance notes: herbal, lavender, rue, sweet, fresh and floral, which can symbolize purification and spiritual renewal, especially considering that the same water is used to cleanse the people who attend the celebration [76]. As mentioned, the growth of the event brings about changes to the sensory experience of the event. Among these is the alteration of its olfactory landscape, now shaped by a complex layering of scents associated with ritual practices, food, drinks, and the inevitable sensory impacts of densely concentrated crowds, including the presence of human perspiration, to be expected on a hot summer’s day. Additional fragrance notes identified in the environment were palm oil (unique descriptor) and sweaty. Palm oil which emanates from the food stalls led by the baianas in the area, selling their traditional food. As the Historical and cultural background presents, the olfactory focus of the celebration is the washing of the stairs with the perfume water, but for most of the crowd, the dominant smell will be that of the food being sold nearby, the drinks being consumed by the crowd, and the normal smell of sweat, to be expected on a crowded place on a hot summer’s day. While these scents might not be as symbolic as the ones brought about by the perfumed water, they are now an inextricable part of the celebration and must also be noted, as they also define the smell landscape of the present. Regarding the interviews, respondents describe the Lavagem as a meaningful celebration at a personal level, often using the terms: faith, peace, gratitude and syncretism. The most recurrent and distinctive description of the smell is lavender, often complemented by rue, herbs, and água de cheiro. Reported hedonic and intensity levels had an average score of 9.22 and 8.70, respectively. Most respondents gave high scores for both intensity and hedonicity, with only three respondents indicating an intensity of five or below, and just one respondent rating the hedonic level at five.

2.3. Festa de Iemanjá

As presented in the Historical and Cultural Background Section, another major celebration of the city of Salvador with deep Afro-Brazilian roots is the celebration of Iemanjá. The event happens in the coastal neighborhood of Rio Vermelho, as shown in Figure 13, where people send their offerings to the sea. The event starts on the night of the 1st of February, and continues until the evening of the 2nd of February, when a main gift is sent to the sea. The observations were made in the early morning, and later in the evening as well. The interviews revealed that it is seen as having deep spiritual and emotional significance, often described through words such as faith, gratitude, and renewal. Participants consistently associated the event with the scent of lavender, occasionally complemented by notes of sea breeze and flowers. Reported pleasure levels were uniformly maximal, resulting in an average of 10, while intensity ranged from moderate to very strong, with only one respondent giving the minimum score and an average score of 8.43. Regarding sensory analysis, at the beach, the smell of flowers mixed with anthropogenic sources, resulting in the following fragrance notes experienced: floral, lavender, alcoholic, tobacco, sweaty and urine.

Within the Casa de Iemanjá, a place of worship dedicated to the deity, an intense scent of lavender and floral notes was concentrated, due to the large number of offerings left by followers in the small, confined space. Here, the smell was not only more concentrated, but also more homogenous, being dominated by the lavender perfume.

2.4. Oduduwa Temple of Orixás

The authors also traveled to São Paulo to visit the Oduduwa Temple for the Orixás. This visit aimed to provide a comparative perspective between the celebrations in Salvador, with a heavy participation in Afro-Brazilian culture, and a manifestation of original Yoruba cultural expressions as practiced in Nigeria. The Oduduwa Temple of the Orixás, integrated within the Oduduwa Cultural Center and directed by Nigerian priest Bàbá King, serves as one of the most active centers for the preservation and teaching of Yoruba culture outside Africa [77]. The center promotes Yoruba philosophy, religion, music, and language through ritual practice and intercultural exchange, and has become a global reference point for Yoruba heritage, attracting followers and researchers from Brazil, Africa, and Europe. Its annual Festa de Ifá stands among the largest Yoruba celebrations in the Americas, offering a rare opportunity to study authentic ritual practices in a diasporic context, attracting followers not only from across Brazil but also from Europe, Africa, and Asia. The timing of the visit was deliberately planned to coincide with the Festa de Ifá, which included approximately 3000 participants on its busiest days and featured the presence of traditional Yoruba priests traveling from Nigeria. During the festival, these priests demonstrated cultural practices such as music and dance, performed rituals, and taught participants about Yoruba traditions. The event attracted not only Nigerian practitioners but also individuals already initiated into Yoruba culture, as well as those seeking initiation. Observations revealed that certain rituals may only be performed by Yoruba people, making the Festa de Ifá an exceptional opportunity for initiated participants to engage with otherwise restricted cultural expressions. Conversations with non-African followers revealed a common thread of prior exploration, of various belief systems and worldviews, with many viewing the Yoruba practice as a philosophy or way of life rather than a formalized system. Some engaged with multiple traditions simultaneously. Brazilian attendees expressed a desire to reconnect with their African heritage, often stating that their previous experiences with other frameworks lacked the authenticity and cultural depth they found in the practices observed at the temple, which they regarded as vital expressions of their identity.

Additionally, three long-time attendees of the Oduduwa Temple and the Festa de Ifá were selected, given their diverse backgrounds and long interaction with the Yoruba tradition: Jasmina (Slovenia), Edgar (Portugal), and Nilza (Brazil). They described the celebration as a profoundly spiritual and communal experience. Jasmina emphasized its dual spiritual and social dimension, celebrating life, wisdom, and community, and identified the scent of food and bodily energy, the “scent of life” as she called it, as most characteristic, rating intensity at 8 and enjoyment at 10. She also emphasized that the Festa de Ifá at the Oduduwa temple is the largest in South America, and with the presence of Yoruba priests from Africa is a unique opportunity for learning and immersion. Edgar framed the festival as a philosophical practice centered on wisdom and universal connection. He associates smells with the divine presence of the orixá, and when asked about the smells of the event in general, rates both intensity and enjoyment at 10. Nilza described the event as the most important of the year, marked by collective emotion and trance, and characterized by the mingling scents of palm oil, flowers, ritual foods, and people, also assigning the maximum score of 10 for intensity and hedonicity. Overall, the interviews depict the Festa de Ifá as a multisensory and sacred experience, highly important due to its dimension, presence of Yoruba priests and atmosphere. Two additional participants were interviewed; although they were not asked to rate olfactory intensity or pleasantness, both emphasized the central role of the Oduduwa Temple as a living reference for experiencing Yoruba culture. They also noted the characteristic presence of palm oil, foods prepared both for offerings and for the community, and at times the odor of sacrificial blood, integral to ritual practice.

In this space, several herbs and ingredients are used in a manner like what was seen in the cultural manifestations of Bahia. The use of palm oil is particularly relevant, serving as a strong connection between the traditional Yoruba culinary and the food of Bahia; the use of this ingredient and overall similarity of culinary dishes prepared at the temple and in Bahia already show a clear olfactory connection between the cultures. Other noteworthy ingredients identified are yam, manioc, yam and manioc flour, black beans, black-eyed beans and cachaça (Brazilian distilled drink). Additionally, other elements bear a striking resemblance between cultures. The music heard at the temple, played by the Nigerian priests whenever a ritual or celebration was commencing, with its African rhythms and percussion-heavy sound, was very similar to what the authors heard in celebrations and in the streets of Salvador. The dance of the Nigerians, moving to the rhythm, also similar to what we observed in Bahia. The deities of candomblé, ever present in the celebrations of Salvador, as mentioned in the historic review have their origin in Africa and this was visible here, with statues honoring them; bearing similar names and images as what was observed in Salvador, particularly in the São Joaquim Fair.

Regarding scents, several were present. In the center of the temple, there is a building that they call Estrela, due to its star shaped format. Here, each corner of the building is dedicated to a specific deity, with statues, decorations, signs explaining the deity’s function, and offerings. The offerings that are left at statues in honor of each revered orixá have their own unique smells, albeit with common notes, namely palm oil (unique descriptor) and woody. Other fragrance notes felt were dry, old wood, fermented, fruity, alcoholic and bloody. An image of an offering is shown in Figure 14.

The scent of the preparation of a ceremonial cleansing water, which is made by boiling a combination of dry ingredients and spices was also observed. Here, the smell was reminiscent of a stew, with the following notes: vegetable, spicy, meaty, salty and rosemary.

Some more unpleasant smells were also present at the temple, to note two instances: the corner where animals are sacrificed for ritual purposes and the blood is collected and mixed with alcohol (to prevent coagulation), and a table used in the initiations of followers, which represents everything that is negative in their lives and thus must be washed.

The sacrificial corner has an intense smell, with the notes: bloody, alcoholic, animal and palm oil (unique descriptor).

The table, owing to its representation of everything negative, has an even more intense smell, with the following fragrance notes: rancid, bloody, indole (animal) and with hints of palm oil (unique descriptor).

Additionally, a traditional robe, which is used only by the Nigerian priests during specific ceremonies and is never washed, was also seen and smelled during the visit. For this object, a Nigerian priestess had to be present and only she was allowed to handle it. She unfolded the robe and spat cachaça on top of it; then, we were able to smell it. While one might expect the smell of such clothing to be intensely unpleasant, it is more neutral, with the following notes: animal, musty, leather, alcoholic.

3. Results

Similarities Between the Scents of Yoruba Practices and Bahia’s Cultural Manifestations

Following the observations made during the Ifá celebration at the Oduduwa Temple, a comparative analysis with the cultural and olfactory landscape of Bahia reveals clear olfactory connections, underscoring the historical and cultural ties between these cultures. The field experiences in both São Paulo and Salvador provide evidence of a shared olfactory heritage, manifested through common ingredients, fragrance profiles, and an overall compatibility of the botanicals used in both cultures, albeit in slightly different contexts.

A primary and potent link lies in the shared culinary and ritual ingredients. Palm oil, yam and manioc (and their respective flours), black beans, black-eyed beans, and cachaça were identified as key components in both the Yoruba practices at the temple and the cultural expressions of Bahia. The influence of Yoruba culinary traditions on Bahian cuisine is undeniable, and palm oil serves as perhaps the most prevalent olfactory marker of this connection. Its distinctive, rich aroma is not only central to iconic Bahian dishes but was also a dominant note in various spaces and offerings within the Oduduwa Temple. This ever-present scent acts as a constant reminder of the intertwined histories. Beyond palm oil, the broader compatibility in the types of ingredients, herbs, and natural materials favored by both cultures points to a deeply rooted shared sensory preference, even as distinct local adaptations and additions have inevitably emerged. For instance, by talking with one of the cooks at the temple, who routinely prepares foods for the temple goers and for offerings to the deities, it was revealed that in the case of yam, one of the basis of the traditional Yoruba cooking, they always try to purchase the species available in Brazil that is, in their experience, the closest to the yams present in Nigeria, which they call Cará do Norte (Dioscorea cayanensis Lam). However, there are times of the year when this species is not readily available, and they need to substitute it with the more common Colocasia esculenta. They have different cooking properties and taste, but still serve the same function, showing compatibility between the flora of Brazil and Nigeria.

Further analysis reveals similarities in the specific fragrance notes encountered in both contexts.

Table 3. Binary incidence matrix, where an X indicates the occurrence of the fragrance note on the given context.

Fragrance Note	Lavagem do Bonfim	Oduduwa Temple of Orixás	Festa de Iemanjá
Woody	X	X
Spicy	X	X
Indole	X	X
Rosemary	X	X
Salty	X	X
Meaty	X	X
Palm oil	X	X
Floral	X		X
Lavender	X		X
Sweaty	X		X

shows the shared fragrance notes between the Lavagem do Bonfim, the events connected to it, the Oduduwa Temple and the Festa de Iemanjá. While no fragrance notes were shared between Salvador’s Festa de Iemanjá and São Paulo’s Oduduwa Temple of Orixás, the following fragrance notes were observed in both Salvador’s Lavagem do Bonfim and São Paulo’s Oduduwa Temple of Orixás:

• Woody: The grounding scent of incense used in Salvador’s Senhor do Bonfim Church finds a parallel in the aroma emanating from the offering made in honor of the deity Orunmilá, and Yoruba temple. More widely, the whole estrela, place dedicated to the honoring of the deities, had a woody scent, suggesting a shared preference for woody fragrances in a sacred context.
• Spicy: This note was present in the Senhor do Bonfim church incense, in the feijoada of the Nautical Procession in Bahia, and on the streets of Salvador due to the preparation of acarajé. At the temple, a similar spicy character, reminiscent of stewing herbs, defined the ceremonial cleansing bath preparation.
• Indole: Often associated with specific white flowers or with decaying organic matter, this heavy, sometimes challenging note was sensed in the elaborate flower decorations within Bahian churches and, more intensely, on the ritual table representing the negativity of the lives of the people undergoing initiations at the temple. Here, it is interesting to note the stark difference in context, one positive, one negative. And yet, the fragrance note still connects both cultures, being used for a sacred purpose in both instances.
• Rosemary: The distinct herbal fragrance of rosemary was noted in the myrrh used for the perfumed water (água de cheiro) during the Lavagem do Bonfim and echoed in the profile of the Yoruba cleansing bath. Here, the context of cleansing is the same.
• Salty: The salty aroma of the ingredients of the feijoada used at the Nautical Procession in Bahia, complemented by the oceanic environment of the event, is mirrored in the stew-like scent of the temple’s cleansing bath.
• Meaty: Once more, the similarity between the aromas of the food at the Nautical Procession is strongly mirrored in the temple’s cleansing bath preparation, despite its difference in terms of ingredients. The aroma of the feijoada is congruent with its purpose, to be eaten, while the cleansing bath has a surprising aroma of food while serving as a cleansing medium. Nevertheless, the similarity is still present.
• Palm Oil: As mentioned, this is a unifying aromatic signature, prominent in Bahian acarajé and detected on the ritual table, at the Orunmilá offering site, within the sacrificial blood collection area, and generally around places where offerings are left at the temple.

Investigating further into the botanical components, particularly the plants used for the água de cheiro during Salvador’s Lavagem do Bonfim and for the offerings in the Festa de Iemanjá, provides additional insights. The água de cheiro typically includes a selection of aromatic plants, among them lavender, which is also the primary fragrance offering during the Festa de Iemanjá. As mentioned earlier, there was one unidentified plant that was observed during the preparation of the perfumed water. For the following analysis, this specimen was replaced by rue, a popular plant in Brazil, which has been mentioned to be part of the perfume water by a baiana who spoke to the authors; this is also reinforced by the fact that the fragrance note of rue was sensed on the day of the event. Additionally, the use of Basil was not observed during the preparation of the perfume water, but was mentioned by the same baiana, and thus was also considered here. While direct observation at the Oduduwa Temple during the visit did not confirm the use of all these specific plants in their practices, the literature review reveals overlaps and historical connections. Verger’s Ewé: The Use of Plants in Yoruba Society lists the uses of botanicals in the Yoruba community, in West Africa [78]. Cabrera’s El Monte has a botanical encyclopedia section detailing the uses of botanicals in Cuba’s Yoruba-influenced Santería [79]. The two books were used as a main source of information, as an additional measure, scholarly articles were also searched.

• Myrrh (Commiphora africana): Verger’s work mentions the plant in three different contexts, all applied to beneficent works, such as to find a job, wake up well and achieve good fortune [78]. In El Monte, the plant is not included in the encyclopedia section, but myrrh is mentioned elsewhere, usually in the context of being burned to use as incense [79], highlighting its aromatic property, one of the main reasons why it is used in the água de cheiro. It is also used in medicinal contexts and is associated with the deity Oshun [60,80].
• Basil (Ocimum basilicum): It is well-documented in Yoruba practices, with works focusing exclusively on the ethnobotany of the plant, and its uses as a medicine [81]. In Verger’s work, the listed uses are for healing various ailments (child sickness, smallpox, giddiness) [78]. In El Monte, its listed uses are to cleanse the body and as medicine. Additionally, it is said that its aroma can be embedded in handkerchiefs and used to counteract “the evil eye” [79]. This aromatic focus once more reinforces the link between the use of the herb for its aromatic properties in Bahia and in other Yoruba-influenced cultures.
• Rosemary (Salvia rosmarinus): This plant is not mentioned in Verger’s work but is recognized on the Yoruba-derived religions of Santería and Candomblé. In El Monte, it is said to aid in childbirth, rheumatism, headaches and bronchitis. It is also mentioned that the plant’s “aroma is a secret that should be kept quiet”. This indicates the recognition of the aroma of the plant as an important tool, even if it is not discussed in detail [79]. It is speculated that the plant was introduced into Afro-Brazilian practices like Candomblé through Bantu influences [82], an ethnolinguistic group from sub-Saharan Africa. This indicates that the use of the plant is an adaptation that occurred in the Americas and might not trace its roots to the Yoruba culture.
• Lavender (Lavandula angustifolia): It is not mentioned by Verger’s work or in El Monte. Nevertheless, its use is common in Afro Brazilian culture such as candomblé [83], and is observed in many cultural manifestations such as the Lavagem do Bonfim and the Festa de Iemanjá [9,67]. The use of lavender as a perfume and fragrance note is very well diffused in Bahia, and as such, the use of Lavender for religious and cultural purposes might indicate an adaptation made by the Brazilian of the Yoruba culture, considering their own preferences and availability [84].
• Rue (Ruta graveolens): It is cited in Candomblé ethnobotany to be used for medicinal purposes [85]. In El Monte, a related species (Ruta chalepensis) is mentioned as a potent protector (“witchcraft killer”) [79].
• Tansy (Tanacetum vulgare), Levante (Hyptis brevipes), and Dill (Anethum graveolens): The literature consulted did not indicate specific traditional uses within the core Yoruba practices referenced. This could also indicate that the use of these plants was an adaptation of Yoruba culture by Afro-Brazilians.

Recognizing the cultural importance of these plants prompts consideration of their conservation status. The International Union for Conservation of Nature Red List, the global standard for assessing extinction risk, classifies species into categories like Least Concern, Near Threatened, Vulnerable, Endangered, Critically Endangered and Collapsed. The classification of species is based on five criterions, considering the species’ reduction in geographic distribution, restrictions to geographic distribution, environmental degradation, disruption of biotic processes and a quantitative risk analysis [86]. However, many plant species have not yet been formally evaluated. To supplement this, the Angiosperm Risk Prediction Model offers an estimation if the plant is threatened or not, and if the model is confident in its prediction or not [87]. A total of 50% of the plants used for the água de cheiro are not classified by the IUCN (Ocimum basilicum, Tanacetum vulgare, Hyptis brevipes, Anethum graveolens), while the others are classified as “Least Concern”. The Risk Prediction Model offers confident predictions that none are threatened. Based on these current assessments and predictions, the specific plants central to the Bahian água de cheiro appear to be relatively secure from an immediate conservation standpoint, although ongoing monitoring is necessary for culturally vital species.

4. Discussion

Linking back to the research question, the identified shared fragrance notes, botanical overlaps, and sensory practices demonstrate that the culture of Bahia preserves and continues Yoruba traditions, with olfactory elements acting as active carriers of cultural identity. The recurrence of key scents, particularly palm oil, herbs, and aromatic botanicals such as rue and myrrh, connects the culinary, ritual, and environmental dimensions of Yoruba and Afro-Brazilian traditions. Local substitutions and adaptations, such as the use of Brazilian yam species or the inclusion of lavender and tansy, give each culture its own distinctive character while maintaining an underlying connection. These findings provide evidence of an enduring olfactory continuum between Yoruba culture and the traditions of Bahia, where shared ingredients and recurring fragrance profiles reflect both the historical experience of forced migration and the persistence of cultural memory. The resulting sensory landscape is not an identical reproduction of Yoruba practices but rather a living expression of continuity and transformation, with an olfactory heritage that has evolved while retaining a recognizable cultural foundation.

Fieldwork in Salvador, Bahia and at the Oduduwa Temple in São Paulo underscores the importance of scent as a medium for cultural continuity and spiritual practice within Afro-diasporic traditions. Olfactory elements are not incidental sensory features; they are intentionally selected and symbolically significant components that form an integral part of sacred rituals and communal celebrations. This network of shared olfactory elements creates a subtle yet powerful link between contemporary Afro-Brazilian cultural expressions and their Yoruba origins, functioning as a nonverbal language of heritage and identity.

The role of scent also extends beyond ingredients and ritual objects to shape the broader atmosphere of cultural events. Public celebrations such as the Lavagem do Bonfim demonstrate a complex interplay between sacred and everyday scents, where carefully prepared aromas mix with the natural olfactory environment of large gatherings. This sensory complexity is not incidental but central to these cultural expressions, anchoring spiritual practices in physical and social realities. From ceremonial garments that retain the fragrances of repeated rituals to the ever-changing olfactory environments of festivals, scent emerges as a critical dimension of cultural memory and continuity.

It is evident that more comprehensive efforts are needed to catalog and analyze these ephemeral markers. The systematic preservation of olfactory heritage is crucial not only for safeguarding cultural memory but also for understanding the full spectrum of human sensory experience in social rituals [12,18]. By developing refined methodologies and interdisciplinary approaches to document and preserve these scents, we can ensure that the delicate balance of tradition and innovation in Afro-Brazilian culture is both acknowledged and sustained for future generations.

While the present study provides a qualitative overview of this sensory heritage, it is limited by the absence of instrumental chemical data. Future work should integrate ethnographic and analytical approaches, combining GC–MS or headspace analysis with ethnographic interviews and sensory mapping, to identify both chemical markers and cultural meanings of olfactory heritage. Moreover, collaborations between chemists, anthropologists, perfumers, data scientists and heritage institutions could establish reference databases for Afro-Brazilian olfactory profiles, ensuring reproducibility and cross-cultural comparison.

Finally, to move beyond documenting importance toward actionable preservation, future initiatives should: develop protocols for archiving and describing intangible olfactory heritage, similar to sound or oral archives., encourage museological and educational programs that include olfactory experiences in exhibitions of Afro-Brazilian culture and support policy recognition of olfactory heritage within frameworks such as UNESCO’s Intangible Cultural Heritage Convention.

These actions are both important and urgent in light of the accelerating climate and social changes that are further aggravating the processes of cultural erosion and endangering these living traditions. While, as shown in this work, the subtle and resilient nature of olfactory heritage has enabled its survival through centuries of transformation and even aggressive cultural suppression, the combined pressures of environmental degradation and social transformation now pose unprecedented threats. Climate change may restrict access to the natural ingredients essential for these practices, while social shifts risk weakening the intergenerational transmission of knowledge and meaning, placing these cultural expressions at real risk of disappearance in the near future.

5. Conclusions

This research investigates the role of olfactory perceptions in preserving and transmitting Yoruba cultural heritage in Bahia, exploring how scents express cultural identity in contemporary Bahian society. The analysis reveals that smell is a critical, yet understudied, vector of cultural transmission. The distinctive olfactory landscapes of Salvador’s cultural manifestations and the Oduduwa Templo dos Orixás in São Paulo show that olfaction functions not merely as a sensory backdrop but as an active repository of historical memory and cultural continuity.

The study contributes to ongoing discussions in heritage and sensory studies by identifying a significant bibliometric gap in olfactory research related to Afro-Brazilian culture and by documenting shared olfactory elements between Bahia and Yoruba traditions. These results demonstrate the value of integrating sensory approaches, particularly olfaction, into the analysis of cultural transmission, as they reveal dimensions of heritage often overlooked by visual and textual methodologies.

Nevertheless, this research is exploratory in scope. Its conclusions are limited by the geographic focus on Bahia and São Paulo and by the qualitative nature of sensory interpretation. Broader and comparative studies, involving diverse regions and communities, as well as collaborations between chemists, anthropologists, and heritage specialists, could provide more comprehensive sensory mappings and contribute further to the recognition of olfactory heritage as an important field of cultural analysis.

By highlighting how olfactory elements may act as subtle yet resilient markers of cultural identity, this work underscores the importance of developing interdisciplinary methods to document and preserve these intangible dimensions of heritage, while encouraging future research to refine the theoretical and analytical tools needed to study them.