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Article

Neolithic Bird Folk of the Mongolian Gobi Desert: Climate Change, Ecological Knowledge and Intangible Heritage in an Ancient Persistent Place

by
Arlene M. Rosen
1,*,
Julia Clarke
2,
James Eighmey
3,
Jennifer Farquhar
4,
Dalantai Sarantuya
5 and
Tserendagva Yadmaa
5
1
Department of Anthropology, University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX 78712, USA
2
Department of Earth and Planetary Sciences, University of Texas at Austin, Austin, TX 78712, USA
3
Department of Anthropology, Palomar College, San Marcos, CA 92069, USA
4
Department of Anthropology, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, PA 15260, USA
5
Institute of Archaeology, Mongolian Academy of Sciences, Ulaanbaatar 13330, Mongolia
*
Author to whom correspondence should be addressed.
Heritage 2025, 8(10), 433; https://doi.org/10.3390/heritage8100433
Submission received: 1 July 2025 / Revised: 15 September 2025 / Accepted: 2 October 2025 / Published: 15 October 2025
(This article belongs to the Special Issue The Archaeology of Climate Change)
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Abstract

There were profound changes in climate and landscape throughout the Early to Late Holocene in the Gobi Desert of Mongolia. The transmission of Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) among ancient hunter–gatherer societies is key for resilient adaptations to such environmental shifts. Such ecological knowledge is often transmitted across generations through folklore and rituals. Evidence from the site of Burgasny Enger in Mongolia’s Gobi Desert suggests a persistent place used for gatherings centered around ritual consumption of birds. Occupied seasonally from approximately 10,000–5000 years ago during a warm, wet Holocene phase, the site offers evidence of waterbird hunting, elaborate oven construction, and repeated occupations. We propose that such gatherings were occasions for storytelling and the cultural transmission of TEK, including the widespread Earth Diver Myth. This narrative, centered on the emergence of land from water, underscores the symbolic and ecological significance of wetlands in traditional cosmologies. With the disappearance of wetlands and changing climates, new herding societies replaced earlier lifeways. We highlight the importance of integrating Indigenous ecological knowledge into modern sustainability efforts. TEK, as demonstrated by these ancient practices, offers vital insights for biodiversity conservation, climate adaptation, and long-term ecological resilience.

1. Introduction

Our hunter–gatherer ancestors have shown great resilience in adapting to broad shifts in climate throughout the Quaternary. They not only survived as a species but also were able to thrive in some of the most challenging environments on the planet while maintaining lifestyles as successful foragers [1,2]. Such success is largely a function of the profound ecological knowledge curated by hunter-gathering communities and the transmission of this knowledge across multiple generations. This information included how to switch from preferred food types to nutritious forms of famine foods [3], how to manage plants and animals for successful foraging, and adapting methods for living off a landscape in ways that maintained sustainable foodways for thousands of years. Much of this information was handed down through generations via rituals, stories, and legends.
The site of Burgasny Enger is located in the Ikh Nartiin Chuluu Nature Reserve of Dornogov aimag, within the Gobi Desert of southern Mongolia (Figure 1). It represents a long-persisting seasonal camp of early to mid-Holocene Neolithic foragers. Archaeological and geoarchaeological evidence shows that these hunter–gatherers returned to this former wetland locality over the course of 5000 years, throughout the early to middle Holocene period from ca. 10,000–5000 years cal. BP. This lengthy period of seasonal occupation is unusual in the archaeological record of the Mongolian Gobi and highlights this locality as an important “persistent place” [4,5,6]. The fact that forager populations repeatedly returned to this locality is significant on multiple levels. One of these is the scope of ecological knowledge required to use this landscape sustainably over the course of 200+ generations, and throughout a period of time that encompassed multiple episodes of climate change, as well as many phases of landscape transformation. This alone speaks to a large body of knowledge about plant and animal habitats and behaviors that were transmitted over the course of thousands of years.
The methods for transmitting this knowledge can be as important as the knowledge itself. Some researchers have established that this depth of Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) is commonly handed down through generations via emic media such as myths, legends, and folktales [7,8,9,10]. Ecological information is couched within the cosmological framework of Indigenous/Ancestral ways of knowing the world, something often quite foreign to those of us trained in Western Science traditions. An essential way that foragers were able to reaffirm cultural elements, strengthen social bonds, and broadly transmit ecological knowledge was in the gathering of small mobile groups for celebrations, ceremonies and feasting at annual intervals [11]. This is especially relevant for small-scale mobile communities such as the prehistoric societies in Mongolia which were thinly spread across a vast landscape. Ethnohistoric and modern examples that hold over from ancient and historic times include the North American Powwow [12,13], and the Mongolian Naadam celebrations [14]—usually occurring in warm seasons when food and other resources are abundant.
Although cultural traditions including myths, legends, and folklore can potentially be transmitted over many thousands of years from ancestral to descendant populations, there are a number of factors that contribute to the breakdown of these traditions. The most obvious of tradition-altering forces in modern times is the impact of colonialism, missionization, global markets, and the lure of large cities, to name a few. For past societies, it is also possible that major climatic changes have exerted strong pressures on ancient traditions that forced migrations and/or new economic orientations leaving old traditions as less relevant. Likewise, the influx of new populations that have different relationships with the natural world could lead to the disappearance of older traditions. For example, in the case of the Central Asian steppes and desert steppe zones, a shift from foraging to herding with the cooling and drying climate of the late Holocene, and the subsequent disappearance of lakes and marshes from the basins and lateral valleys might have played a role in shifting ancestral populations away from ancient traditions and cosmologies. Such a case was noted for Siberia as manifested in distinct changes in the subject of rock art which shifted away from animal imagery to human images in the Bronze Age [15] (p.106).
Once these traditions are lost, it might be difficult to detect them archaeologically. Therefore, few studies have attempted to understand the more intangible motivations of social and cosmological incentives over deep time, and their roles in creating cultural and sacred landscapes within the home ranges of particular groups of foragers. Exceptions to this are a number of works from Australian archaeologists dealing with ‘sacred geographies’ [5,16], and a handful from the Americas and Europe [17].
Over the past two decades, a growing number of researchers have highlighted the importance of addressing Indigenous ways of knowing in concert with Western scientific methods of understanding as essential for developing new and more effective strategies for conserving natural resources through sustainable foodways, seasonal resource management, and biodiversity conservation world-wide. For the most part these types of studies have been conducted in environmental research, health, education, and sustainability studies within a rubric of “Two-eyed seeing” [18]. Two-eyed seeing expresses the value of integrating the vast understanding of nature and sustainable use of natural resources derived from Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK), combined with insights gained from Western scientific methods. Although there are numerous pitfalls and uncertainties when this approach is applied to the distant past, it is possible that this tactic might offer or at least suggest some unique insights that would not be evident whilst adhering strictly to Western scientific paradigms. We attempt such an approach in this paper.
The site of Burgasny Enger (BE) may suggest some elements of TEK and cosmology relating to bird-lore among early Holocene foragers of Mongolia. The site itself is not only unique in its longevity as a persistent place, but also in the large number of bird remains recovered from the excavations. Other contemporary sites in the Gobi contain faunal remains that reflect the matrix of diverse animal life found on the surrounding landscape at that time, including many large and medium-sized mammals such as wild cattle (Bos primigenious), wild horses (Equus ferus), wild camelids (Camelus ferus), marmots (Marmota sibirica), deer (Cervidae), and wild hogs (Sus scrofa). Bird bones form only a small percentage of these remains [19,20]. Conversely, a variety of avian fauna constitutes over half of the faunal remains at Burgasny Enger. Many of these are most likely associated with the now vanished wetlands formerly adjacent to the site and may also represent migrating bird species which visited this locality on a seasonal basis. Likewise, the features and structural remains at the site are also unique for mobile foragers in these time periods.
In the interest of a “two-eyed seeing” approach we attempt to explore the heritage of ancient foragers in a way that goes beyond material culture remains to speculate about the intangible heritage transmitted through folklore. We will explore some of the potential implications of the unique features of Burgasny Enger, with respect to the reasons why this valley was a persistent place both economically and cosmologically. We speculate on some possible implications for linking the site to deep-time traditions as expressed in folklore, with a focus on the world-building story of the “Diving-Bird Myth” (DBM) prevalent ethnohistorically in Siberia. This ancient myth is also known as the “Earth-Diver Myth” (EDM), widely known across north Asia, South Asia, as well as North America [21,22]. We also examine the role of late Holocene climate change together with historical contingency in breaking the link to these ancient traditions in the Central Asian steppes, with the introduction of sheep/goat/cattle herder-based economies. To begin, we briefly outline the general climatic history of the eastern Mongolian Gobi.

2. Terminal Pleistocene to Late Holocene Climate and Landscape in the Eastern Mongolian Gobi

Climate change has played an important role in the subsistence economies of ancient hunter–gatherers in the Mongolian Gobi. As with many dryland regions, much of our information about these populations comes from sites that are situated near former lakes, ponds, and wetland areas [11,19,23,24]. These localities are highly sensitive to changes in temperature, precipitation amounts and yearly rainfall distribution. For the most part, Mongolia lies within a continental climatic regime with precipitation controlled by the westerly winds. Today, the climate has cold-dry winters, and short summers in which most of the yearly precipitation falls. Precipitation in the eastern Gobi Desert is also within the northernmost range of the East Asian Summer Monsoon (EASM), which brings summer rainfall to this semi-arid steppe zone [25].
Major climatic changes have occurred throughout the late Pleistocene and Holocene in the eastern Gobi. At the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM), large saline lakes filled many of the linear basins in the region. The presence of Paleolithic sites on the high beach ridges around these basins testifies to the use of these lake environments by Pleistocene period hunter–gatherers who visited these locations [26]. These high lake stands were most likely a result of cooler temperatures inhibiting evaporation from their enclosed basins, rather than significantly wetter environments. All indications from proxy data from lakes and speleothems suggest that most of the late Pleistocene was cold and dry, with increases in precipitation and warmth during the Bølling/Allerød period, from ca. 15,000–13,000 BP [27,28,29]. Subsequently, the Younger Dryas climatic phase marked a shift back to cold dry conditions which lasted for about 1200 years from ca. 12,900–11,700 cal. BP. At this time, many of the large basin lakes disappeared, and erosion pockets marked the valley floor. The end of the Younger Dryas marked the beginning of the Holocene Epoch, our current interglacial episode.
The Holocene began with a rapid warming, a strengthening in the EASM, an extension of its northernmost limit, and a marked increase in precipitation [30,31,32]. Geoarchaeological evidence points to perennial streams which flowed from the feeder valleys into the large linear basins, resulting in small ponds and wetlands dotting the basin floors, providing oasis-like microenvironments which attracted rich plant and animal life, and numerous visitations by hunter–gatherer groups to these localities [19,33]. This mid-Holocene climatic optimum reached its apex from ca. 8000–6000 cal. BP, then tapered off with a secular drying trend until around 4000 cal. BP, which heralded both the warm-dry conditions of the Late Holocene, as well as the end of the Neolithic forager subsistence economies, and the introduction of sheep/goat/cattle herding societies around 3500 cal. BP [34,35,36,37].

3. Archaeological Background

Around 25,000 BP, at the cusp of the cold-dry Last Glacial Maximum (LGM), new cultural traditions made their way across Northeast Asia, resulting in the replacement of the Early Upper Paleolithic large blade technologies with microlithic assemblages. These microblade traditions signaled new types of hunter–gatherer lifeways and might have enhanced the ability of these mobile foragers to adapt to the harsh Pleistocene environments they inhabited [38]. Although sites from the early post-LGM are rare in the Gobi, they began to be more prevalent at the beginning of the warmer-moist Holocene with the bearers of the microblade traditions spreading out across the landscape in this ameliorated environment—at first very sparsely and later increasing in abundance. These sites are mostly known from surface scatters rather than excavations and are primarily located at the shores of dry lake basins, within dunes near extinct wetlands, and along shores of former perennial streams. These former watery localities were of great importance to the economies of the terminal Pleistocene to early and middle Holocene foragers to such an extent, that it led Janz to frame the distinctions of these occupations into three periods within the context of a model of oasis economies. These periods are Oasis 1 (13,500–8000 cal. BP), Oasis 2 (8000–5000 cal. BP), and Oasis 3 (5000–3000 cal. BP) [23,24].
Oasis 1 (13,500–8000 cal. BP) coincided with the Mesolithic of Europe and the Epipaleolithic periods of Western Asia [24,36]. There are very few sites dating to this phase in the Gobi, apart from Chikhen Agui, (Mongolian: “Ear Cave”), a rockshelter located in the foothills of the Gobi Altai in Shinejinst suum, Bayan khonggor aimag [39,40,41]. Although Gladyshev et al. [41] report one Early Upper Paleolithic radiocarbon date from a lower level of the site (27,432 ± 872 BP—AA-26580), numerous dates from the previous Russian excavation team place the site occupation more confidently within the range of ca. 13,405–8717 cal. BP (11,545 ± 75 to 7850 ± 110 BP radiocarbon years). There are some archaeological parallels between Chikhen Agui and the earlier occupation phases at Burgasny Enger which we will discuss below. The Oasis 1 hunter–gatherers utilized an evolved microlithic toolkit, which was sometimes crafted from jasper, and there are occasional occurrences of milling stones, notably from the site of Pigeon Mountain in northwest China [42]. The foragers of this time period were resilient enough to adapt to abrupt climatic changes that occurred during the final warm-moist phase of the Bølling/Allerød, the cold/dry reversal of the Younger Dryas, and finally the rapid warming and increased moisture of the early Holocene, by exploiting spring and wetland areas in the Gobi.
Oasis 2 (8000–5000 cal. BP), is contemporary with the Neolithic period in East Asia, and is characterized by chipped stone artifacts, including projectile points, ground stone axes and adzes, pottery, and sandstone milling implements. It is contemporary with the main episode of the Holocene Climatic Optimum, the wettest period of the Holocene, and sites are mostly located near the pond, wetlands, and associated dune features, indicating the more intensive use of a wider diversity of plants and animals associated with these watery localities [36,43,44,45].
Oasis 3 (5000–3000 cal. BP) marks the transition from full-time foraging to Early Bronze Age herding societies. The artifact assemblages are similar to those of Oasis 2, but new distinctive pottery styles appeared. With the adoption of domestic herd animals, dairying, and cereal crops, new patterns of land use were apparent, with concentrations of sites in upland pasture zones [34,36]. The influx of new herding populations into the region also brought with it new ideologies which were physically manifested by the prevalence of prominent enduring monuments and burial mounds erected on the landscape [35,37].

4. Burgasny Enger

Burgasny Enger is a late period hunter–gatherer site dating from the early to mid-Holocene Neolithic period (ca. 10,000–5000 cal. BP). The site is located on a raised late Pleistocene terrace adjacent to what is now an ephemeral drainage bisecting the Burgasny Enger valley in the Ikh Nart Nature Reserve (Figure 2 and Figure 3). Numerous radiocarbon dates show it had a recurrent semi-sedentary occupation history spanning from the late Oasis 1 through to the end of the Oasis 2 periods (Table 1). Later Oasis 3 remains also exist on the other side of the drainage, although our excavations did not recover evidence of structures or features from that later time period [34].
The remains from the earliest occupation of the site are located at the base of this terrace, at the same elevation as the modern-day drainage channel (Stratum 8) [46]. Our excavations encountered one semi-circular structure (Features 19) and one potential structure (Feature 20). Feature 19 is ca.150 cm in diameter, consisting of four large angular stones set on their sides with smaller supporting stones between them (Figure 3 and Figure 4). At the base of these two structures, the surface was lined with a clayey silt and contained patches of charcoal and black charcoal-rich sediment, indicating several small hearths. This early occupation surface contained fragmented bird bones, as well as some chipped stone artifacts. Radiocarbon analysis returned a date of ca. 9732 cal. BP (Feature 19), and ca. 10,001 cal. BP (Feature 20), placing this portion of the site within the beginnings of the Holocene Climatic Optimum, at a time period consistent with the later phase of the Oasis 1 archeological period [23,24].
These two features were subsequently buried by ca. 150 cm of alluvial sediments, beginning at about 6500 BP (Occupation Units 6 and 5). The stream deposits consist of sets of small well-sorted gravels interspersed with fine-grained clayey silts indicating seasonal occurrences of a steady semi-perennial flow. Many of these fine-grained sub-sets contained small burn spots with charcoal, along with additional remains of burned bird bones indicating a recurrence of small ephemeral campsites over time, between ca. 6500–5000 BP. The stream activity continued until about 5000 cal. BP, and more marshy sediments (Occupation Units 4 and 3) were deposited after that time, before cessation of all wetland deposition after ca. 4000 BP. This indicates that hunter–gatherers continued to visit the Burgasny Enger and hunt birds close to the channel throughout the alluvial phases of this site.
The top of the Pleistocene terrace adjacent to the channel (T1) was also occupied by foragers beginning at about 8000 cal BP (Occupation Unit 7). These early remains on the terrace immediately post-date the structure at the base of the Pleistocene terrace. They represent a semi-sedentary settlement that is profoundly unique in the Gobi. The site on the terrace edge contains two residential structures defined by a single circle of stones, forming an interior about 2 m in diameter (Figure 3). There are numerous such circular structures on the slope above our excavation area suggesting the possibility of a larger settlement, but these are undated because the interiors have been eroded out and replaced with fine sands washed in from the surrounding Pleistocene fine sandy sediments. Where the structures are more intact within our excavation trenches, the floors are lined with a coating of an unburnt marl mortar mixture less than 1 cm thick. Such pseudo-plaster is known from contemporary sites in West Asia such as those coating floors and walls at Neolithic Catalhoyuk, Anatolia, ca. 9000–8000 cal BP [47,48]. In situ early Holocene Neolithic sites in the Gobi are rare, making it difficult to compare this tradition of mortar construction with other contemporary sites. However, there are possible parallel mortar types found at Chikhen Agui [40]. Burgasny Enger would overlap with the later occupation horizon of the Chikhen Agui rockshelter.
Unique distinguishing features of Burgasny Enger are three pit ovens that were excavated into the sand of the T1 terrace and lined with a thick layer of white marl mortar. The stratigraphic profile of the ovens indicates that they were constructed by excavating a shallow pit (Figure 5). The builders then coated the base and sides with a marl pseudo plaster, making a large basin. They then placed several flat stones in the basin, presumably holding the food to be cooked. Two rectangular stones were placed upright at the boundary of the basin—perhaps for heat reflection, and long coils of clayey silt rods (ca. 5–10 cm in diameter) were wrapped around the edges, perhaps to seal in the heat. Finally, sediment was piled on the top after the food and fire were in place to begin the cooking process. These oven features display evidence of multiple phases of use and repair, with lenses of burning, replastering, and reburning, perhaps to clean and rebuild the oven with each return to the site (Figure 5b). Again, this parallels one of the hearths at Chikhen Agui which also had layers of charcoal and “burned soil” [39] (p. 54) or calcined earth (“прoслoек угля и прoкаленнoй земли”) [40] (p. 7). At Burgasny Enger, we suggest that these ovens were meant to be significant features at the site because of the care with which they were constructed and maintained—presumably with each seasonal visit. Also, one of the ovens (Feature 4) was covered by a small mound of very large and heavy stones (Feature 3) which protruded above the surface of the terrace, as if to mark the site for easy identification and reuse. Feature 3 sealed charcoal within the oven ‘rake-out’ from the last phase of use of the Feature 4 oven. The date from that rake-out was 7078 cal yrs BP. The date from charcoal within the oven was 8494 cal yrs BP (Table 1).
Another notable characteristic of the BE ovens was their association with multiple burned bird bones. We suggest that the care with which these ovens were constructed indicates their role as special-use features, perhaps for the preparation of meals involving the ritual consumption of birds—primarily marsh or water birds. Evidence that birds were a prominent focus of site activity consists of the fact that bird bones constituted over half of the faunal remains at the site, with mammals only occurring as small fragmented mid-shaft bones (see Table 2). Many of the avian bones from Burgasny Enger lack the epiphyses at the ends of the bones, suggesting that many came from juvenile birds.
Bugasny Enger does not appear to have functioned primarily as a residential site. We base this on several factors. An examination of 45 phytolith samples from oven rake-outs, and ashy deposits from all stratigraphic levels (A. Rosen), showed that the phytoliths represented mostly woody silica aggregates, and there was very little evidence for edible plant remains. Although oven rake-out deposits were present, there were no identifiable middens, and only fragments of unidentifiable mammal bones (S. Pleuger, personal communication). The dearth of plant remains, and the presence of two complete wings from a small passerine songbird in association with an adjacent smear of red ochre point to the site as a possible place for ritual and social integration, rather than activities of daily life [46].
To summarize, some of the prominent features of Burgasny Enger give us insights into its unique place in the Neolithic of the Gobi. These include the circular structures dated, respectively, to ca. 10,000 cal. BP at the base of the T1 terrace, and ca. 9000–7000 cal. BP on the T1 terrace tread, the plastering of floors in the latter two structures on the terrace, the well-built ovens indicating reuse and re-plastering, the later sequences of ephemeral hearths dating from 6000 to 5000 cal BP within the rising channel bed, and the occurrence of numerous bird bones, both burned and unburned within both the well-built ovens and the ephemeral hearths, throughout the period from 10,000 to 5000 cal years BP.

5. Faunal Remains at Burgasny Enger

This section is a consolidation of a laboratory report on all faunal remains from the 2022 field season analyzed by Dr. Sarah Pleuger-Dreibrodt (Freelance Zooarchaeologist), field notes on faunal remains collected in the 2023 excavation season prepared by Prof. J. Clarke—our team paleornithologist, and histological analyses on three small bones from the 2023 season conducted by J. Clarke. At the time of writing, only a partial sample of the bones from the 2023 season were sent from Mongolia to our labs at the University of Texas, Austin for further analyses.
Both experts noted that taxonomic identification of faunal remains from the two seasons was hindered by the bad preservation of the bone, the fragmentation into small pieces, and in most cases the lack of epiphyses (the identifiable end of bone shafts). However, both researchers report that due to the small size, thinness of the shafts, and hollow configuration, most bones are consistent with bird taxa (Aves) (Table 2). In the 2022 Season report, Pleuger-Dreibrodt notes that the percentage of bird and likely bird bones constitutes 65.8% of the collection for that season. In addition, most bones were burnt, and bird bones were found in all occupation levels at the site. J. Clarke suggests the lack of any epiphyseal material may indicate that these elements are from neonatal birds that would not be capable of flight. The rough surface texture of some of the bird bones at BE is also typical of fledgling aquatic birds [49]. If this is the case, they would be from juveniles of a larger-size taxon perhaps duck- or chicken-sized. There were no preserved morphologies to further identify these elements. Three bones were selected for histological analyses. Two were determined to be from birds, and one of these was indeed from a juvenile bird (Figure 6). The third bone was possibly rodent.
In addition to the bird bones, partial mammal bones including several with morphology were also present. Most were small, but there were several large fragments of post-cranial remains. In comparison to other sites of this time range in the eastern Gobi, such as Margal [20], Zaraa Uul [19,50], and Tamsagbulag [24,51], there was a conspicuous absence of many large and medium mammal bones that would indicate a more typical hunting camp.
An unusual bone find from the 2023 season was the wings and two cranial fragments of a small, morphologically adult passerine bird, all from the occupation level on top of the marl plaster (Occupation Unit 7) (dated elsewhere to ca, 8000 cal. BP), and adjacent to the find of red ochre. These bones did not appear burnt and were from an individual smaller than those of the many burnt, mid-shaft fragments described above. Parts of both a right and left carpometacarpus, both right and left humerus as well as ulnar, radius and manual phalangeal remains were present in the same area of one quadrant. Morphologically, and in size, all elements are consistent with being from a single individual. Further identification of these remains requires a comparative osteological collection not available in the field. The taxon to which this specimen belongs may inform why and/or how it may have been hunted. An animal of this size would not provide much food value but could have a symbolic, decorative or other use.
The presence of juvenile birds of a size consistent with waterfowl is significant. Currently, Mongolia is located at the convergence of three flyways for migrating birds: (a) the East Asian–Australian, (b) Central Asian, and (c) East African–West Asian. Even today the Mongolian wetlands are important as stopover points and breeding grounds [52]. During the mid-Holocene climatic optimum, there were wetlands and perennial streams in the vicinity of the BE. We suggest that hunters might have consistently targeted the young birds that nested there, as a practice to sustainably exploit these animals over long periods of time. A similar strategy was used by the inhabitants of Lake Mývatn in northern Iceland. Inhabitants of this region exploited waterfowl sustainably for 1100 years by targeting the bird eggs and protecting the adult members of the population [53].

6. Burgasny Enger Valley as a Persistent Place

The site of Burgasny Enger is geographically located at the node of two intersecting linear valleys running perpendicular to one another, and as such formed a natural crossing point of trails running north–south and east–west. Holguin and Sternberg [54] pointed out the importance of these linear valleys for movement through the drylands of the Gobi. Valleys such as Burgasny Enger also host springs, an essential resource for travelers across this landscape. In the early through mid-Holocene, the valley would have been dotted with wetlands and a seasonally flowing stream, again an important focal point for foragers traveling across the drier rangeland of the interfluves. Burgasny Enger was a significant point on the landscape that might have served as a seasonal gathering place associated with the former adjacent wetlands. The primary season for occupation was most likely in the summer months. The presence of juvenile avian bones at BE suggests a summer occupation coinciding with the annual return of migrating birds. Also, the site is located in an open-air location in the middle of a windswept valley, rather than a point on the landscape that would have been more protected, such as at the base of the cliff faces where modern-day pastoral winter camps shelter from the harsh winter storms.
As mentioned above, although we only found well-preserved huts on the edge of the first terrace (T1) tread, and below the later stream sediments (Figure 4), there were a number of circular stone features visible on the surface adjacent to our excavation area. The original in situ sediment of these structures had been eroded out in antiquity, so we could not date them, but it is likely that they represent the remains of a larger population of occupants than we found within our excavation trenches. This suggests the site was occupied by more than one family group over the course of deep time. Archaeological features such as carefully constructed and refurbished ovens, plastered floors, predominance of bird bones, and lack of evidence of edible plants, together suggest that the site does not represent a normal residential campsite, but rather point to a possible focus on the ritual consumption of birds. The longevity of seasonal occupation over the course of thousands of years, suggests the importance of this site as a “persistent place” with a continuous history that extends into deep time. The recurrent visits by foragers only ended at the start of the late Holocene, with drying climate, disappearance of perennial streams and wetlands, and the introduction of herding lifeways and new cosmologies at the beginning of the Early Bronze Age, ca. 3500 cal. BP.
As a Persistent Place during the early and middle Holocene, we suggest that BE would have been the focus of many return visits by a number of small groups coming together to reaffirm their cultural values, ceremonies, belief systems, and identity, as well as practical concerns such as finding partners for younger members of the community, communicating ecological information about distributions of resources across the landscape, and sharing of food. These types of gatherings are reminiscent of North American Powwows and modern Mongolian Naadam celebrations. They take place during the summer months when food is abundant, and resources are available for large numbers of people to gather. They are extremely important for the perpetuation of traditional ecological knowledge and inducting new initiates into matters of privileged knowledge [12,13,14]. Summer months also would have been the time when migrating birds were present in the locality, nesting and rejuvenating their flight feathers in preparation for the next migration season in the fall [55]. They could have been easily captured in nets, and juvenile birds could be collected from nesting locations.
The significance of migrating water birds seems paramount to the interpretation of Burgasny Enger. This would have had economic, ecological, and symbolic importance for the hunter–gatherer groups that repeatedly assembled in this valley over the course of ca. 5000 years. But we also know that among traditional societies the interaction with the natural world and transmission of Traditional Ecological Knowledge constitutes a heritage of both pragmatic experiences as well as intangible cosmological beliefs that are embedded within accounts of folklore [10]. If we examine bird-lore from the region of NE Asia, there is one predominant tradition that stands out which has deep temporal roots across northern and southern Asia as well as North America. This is the “Diving Bird Myth” (DBM), more commonly known as the “Earth-Diver Myth” (EDM) [22]). The central importance of waterbirds, geographical range, and longevity of this story suggest the possibility that it might have played a role in the cosmology of hunter–gatherer groups who gathered at Burgasny Enger.

7. The Potential Significance of the ‘Earth Diver Myth’ for Burgasny Enger

Folklore specialists have highlighted the Earth-Diver Myth as one of the most important, enduring and widespread traditions of eastern Eurasia and North America [22,56]. It shares detailed components with cultures as far east as Finland, and as far south as India, although it never diffused into China. Interestingly, it also spans across North America as far as the East Coast. Significantly for our interpretations, in North America this common myth never penetrated south of the US/Mexico border, stopping close to the northern boundary of the Sonoran and Chihuahuan Deserts. Folklore specialists maintain that the elaborate details of this story preclude independent centers of origin, and they accept that the occurrence of the myth on both hemispheres speaks to the antiquity of this story, which reaches back into the Palaeolithic period at least as far as ca. 10,000 years ago [57].
The story tells of the origin of the terrestrial world as a home for the earliest humans. The basic outline begins with a watery earth completely covered by a vast ocean. The first creatures, sometimes ducks, sometimes humans—needed to settle on dry land, either for nest-building or in the case of humans for the making of villages. A variety of kindly creatures (ducks, geese or loons in the Siberian versions) attempted to help by diving deep into the depths to reach the sediment at the bottom of the watery place. Most did not succeed due to the great depth of the water. In the end, only one creature accomplished this task. In many versions, especially in North America, it is the physically weakest of the animals but often one that has supernatural abilities. This creature (sometimes a bird, turtle, or salamander in N. American versions) arrived back to the surface with a mouthful of earth from which an island was formed and subsequently continued to grow into the continents. Often the kindly creature dies after this effort—making a much-appreciated sacrifice.
In North America and South Asia, the exact animal species that made this sacrifice varies, but in Siberia both the initial animals who tried and failed, as well as the successful animals are almost always water birds. Many such stories contrast the more locally occurring loon with the migrating ducks or geese. Often the loons are the first to try and fail, but the duck or goose succeeds. As migrating birds, they are imbued with supernatural powers because of their ability to traverse from north to south, along the metaphorical length of the “tree of life” whose roots in the south penetrate the underworld, with its trunk in the middle world of mortals, and its branches and leaves in the celestial world of supernatural beings [22,56].
Today this myth is most prevalent among folklore traditions in the far north of Eurasia and the far south. However, it is largely absent across the steppe zones of Central Asia. In historic and modern-day Mongolia, bird stories and traditions are more related to Buddhist and other world religious mythologies. However, folklorists maintain that the Earth-Diver was once a pan Eurasian tradition that had to exist within the Central Asian steppe lands as well as the north and south. This would include the northern Gobi as well—within the range of Burgasny Enger. One argument used to support this assertion claims that without pathways across Central Asia, the connection between the two separate regions (the far north and far south) would be unlikely, and the other argument is the striking similarity between the South Asian and some of the North American versions. Variations in the Earth Diver Myth are classified by the different types of animals involved. There are interesting parallels made between the similarities of multiple animal types from both South Asia and North America (either birds, salamanders, turtles, crayfish, etc.), with Siberia as a more unique example of only birds as actors [21,22,58].
An additional argument for pre-herding hunter–gatherer folklore traditions that potentially spanned across the northern to southern reaches of Central Asia, lies in the similarities of Terminal Pleistocene to mid-Holocene material culture. We see this in the microblade technologies that are typical of lithic assemblages beginning ca. 25,000 BP, from this vast region extending from north China, throughout Mongolia, across Siberia, Korea, and into the northwestern portions of North America [38]. It is also evident in the wide range of cord-marked and punctate pottery extending from Siberia south into northern China.

8. Climate Change, Herding Economies and New Cosmologies

In the Gobi, the landscape of the middle Holocene was characterized by ponds, wetlands and perennial streams in both the broad basins and the linear valleys which connected these basins [33,59,60]. These watery spaces were an integral part of the economy of mobile hunter–gatherers who crossed the landscape and focused on hunting both large and small game attracted to these water sources [19,36]. Neolithic period foragers were also dependent upon this mosaic of resource-rich microenvironments. These watery places were undoubtedly the seasonal home of numerous migrating birds, just as they are in the sparse remains of many fewer and smaller wetland areas in the Gobi today. In this paper, we suggest that the wetland birds were significantly more abundant during the early and middle Holocene, and that they were key actors in the mythologies of foragers throughout the steppe lands of Central Asia, connecting with the folklore traditions of both Siberia and South Asia. This tradition, as we know it today from Siberia and N. America, is tightly woven into the lore of watery landscapes as well as bearing embedded traditional ecological knowledge that is transferred through generations from ancestral to descendant communities. It is possible then that the holders of these traditions were conversant with the widespread Earth-Diver Myth and its Siberian version of the Diving-Bird Myth, at the same time as its dispersal into North America at least during the early Holocene, and perhaps even earlier [22,56].
We know from numerous palaeoenvironmental studies that from the outset of the late Holocene, beginning around 5000 BP, desiccation led to the eventual disappearance of most of these small lakes, perennial streams and marshlands within the large basins and along the lateral valleys of the Gobi, resulting in a landscape that is today described as a dryland desert steppe [33]. As this climatic deterioration set in around 4000 BP across the Central Asian steppe zone, it coincided with the disappearance of full-time forager societies and the appearance of peoples with economies primarily based on sheep, goat, cattle, and horse herding. This new economic orientation radiated across the Central Asian steppes—moving from west to east. These societies brought new traditions to the region as seen from the associated archaeological features of prominent burial mounds, new types of residential sites, and new images in rock art [15,35,37,61].
We suggest here that different cosmologies and traditions accompanied this new economic orientation, along with new “ways of knowing” the ecology of this much-altered late Holocene landscape [62]. The drylands of the late Holocene Gobi Desert no longer accommodated the efficacy of a Diving-Bird Myth, or likewise an Earth Diver myth which was so dependent upon a watery-world inception. A suitable parallel to this might be the fact that in the ca. 10,000 years of the existence of the EDM in North America, the tradition never penetrated the desert regions south of the US/Mexico border lands [22]. Perhaps desert landscapes have their own unique spirituality, and the EDM resonated more with populations that had greater access to watery landscapes.

9. Final Remarks

In this paper we explore the potential transmission of Traditional Ecological Knowledge held by ancient hunter–gatherer societies in the Gobi Desert of Mongolia. TEK plays an important role in promoting group identity, subsistence resilience in challenging environments, and aids adaptation during times of climate change. Much of this information is handed down through generations by the act of storytelling during community gatherings. We illustrate this by our findings at the site of Burgasny Enger, located in the Ikh Nartiin Chuluu Nature Reserve in southern Mongolia.
The occupation of the site occurred during the warm–wet phases of the early to middle Holocene and existed in a landscape of streams and wetlands which subsequently disappeared at the beginning of the late Holocene. The site is distinctive in its evidence for recurring seasonal occupations over the course of some 5000 years from ca. 10,000–5000 cal. BP, highlighting its function as a “persistent place”. The finds and features within the site also demonstrate the unique role of the location as a focal point for the hunting and consumption of aquatic birds, among other avians, and the construction of large elaborate oven features indicating many occasions of use, replastering, and preservation by burial under large stones after the seasonal occupation.
We suggest that the primary function of the site may be related to summer gatherings of family or tribal groups for consumption of birds, rituals, exchanging information, initiations and sharing of stories and folklore. Specifically, we suggest the retelling of the Diving Bird Myth (also known as the Earth Diver Myth), a creation story beginning with a watery earth and the formation of the first dry land, that features a heroic animal which is often a waterbird. This story not only dates back to paleolithic times, but is also known across Northern Eurasia, South Asia, and North America.
With the onset of a drying climate, the wetlands disappeared, and the site of Burgasny Enger was abandoned, yielding to populations of herders who maintained different economies, lifeways and worldviews. New ways of understanding the natural world replaced the former traditional ecologies that were previously centered around the exploitation of wetlands and associated cosmologies.
Here we highlight the value of Traditional Ecological Knowledge (TEK) in sustainable resource management of waterbird populations, showing that hunter–gatherers of the Gobi successfully hunted birds throughout episodes of shifting climates over millennia from the early to middle Holocene. It is possible that this was achieved by targeting juvenile water and shore birds, as well as the transferal of embedded knowledge of bird habits and bird lore within their world-building stories. Granted, it is a difficult task to use a “Two-eyed seeing” approach to archeological remains that stretch far into the distant past, especially when folklore traditions have been ruptured. However, this does not mean archeologists should abandon these efforts. Every region and site have unique challenges, but with careful collection of paleoenvironmental data, “ecofacts,” and the recognition that there is ecological information embedded in folklore and belief systems that extend through millennia, perhaps we can revive some of this ancient traditional knowledge.
As the modern world faces global challenges such as biodiversity loss, climate change, and ecological degradation, recognizing and integrating the intangible heritage of deep-time ecological knowledge of traditional societies alongside Western scientific methods can offer innovative solutions. For example, many Indigenous practices emphasize sustainable foodways, seasonal resource management, and biodiversity conservation—all of which align with current environmental goals. The cultural transmission of ecological knowledge through storytelling, rituals, and gatherings presents an opportunity to rethink environmental education. By incorporating Indigenous perspectives into conservation efforts, policymakers can foster more resilient strategies rooted in long-term ecological wisdom rather than short-term exploitation.

Author Contributions

Conceptualization, A.M.R.; methodology, A.M.R., J.C., J.E. and J.F.; field research, A.M.R., J.C., J.E., J.F., D.S. and T.Y.; formal analysis, A.M.R. and J.C.; investigation, A.M.R., J.C., J.E. and J.F.; data curation, D.S. and T.Y.; writing—original draft preparation, A.M.R.; writing—review and editing, A.M.R. and J.C.; project administration, A.M.R. and T.Y.; funding acquisition, A.M.R. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.

Funding

This research was funded by the National Science Foundation (Project No.: 184212 “Wetlands to Desertification. Human Social-Ecological Dynamics in the Mongolian Gobi Desert”) to A.M.R. The APC was funded by the Vanderpoel Fund for Research and Publication at the University of Texas at Austin.

Data Availability Statement

All data and supporting results are stored in the Rosen Environmental Archaeology Laboratory, Department of Anthropology, and with with A.M.R. at the University of Texas, Austin.

Acknowledgments

Many thanks to Joan Schneider whose vision led to the initiation of this excavation project. We gratefully acknowledge Sarah Pleuger-Dreibrodt who provided us with analyses of all the fauna from the 2022 Season at Burgasny Enger. We also warmly thank Lynn Rhodes who worked tirelessly as a liaison between the sister parks of Anza Borrego, CA and Ikh Nart, Mongolia to facilitate our camp life and research opportunities. Nolan Chapman, Dicken Everet, Susan Gilliland, Ailiemara Kernan, Elizabeth (Betsy) Pain, Turbat Rentsendorj, Jessica Valdes and Casey Vann contributed hours of field and laboratory work. We also acknowledge the other tireless and dedicated volunteers who came to work with us under difficult conditions in the field and lab, and the efforts by the teams at Nomadic Journeys who kept us safe, comfortable, and well-fed during our time in their field camp at Ikh Nart Rocks. We thank the anonymous reviewers who helped to greatly improve the manuscript.

Conflicts of Interest

The authors declare no conflict of interest.

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Figure 1. Map of Mongolia indicating the location of the Burgasny Enger site.
Figure 1. Map of Mongolia indicating the location of the Burgasny Enger site.
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Figure 2. Landscape context of the Burgasny Enger site.
Figure 2. Landscape context of the Burgasny Enger site.
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Figure 3. Overview of the Burgasny Enger excavations from the 2022 and 2023 seasons. Dashed lines are the walls of semi-circular structures; solid lines outline ovens; dotted lines indicate bins. (A) Feature 19 structure (9732 cal yrs BP), (B) Feature 20 structure (10,001 cal yrs BP), (C) Feature 4 oven (8494 cal yrs BP), (D) Feature 7 oven (6294 cal yrs BP).
Figure 3. Overview of the Burgasny Enger excavations from the 2022 and 2023 seasons. Dashed lines are the walls of semi-circular structures; solid lines outline ovens; dotted lines indicate bins. (A) Feature 19 structure (9732 cal yrs BP), (B) Feature 20 structure (10,001 cal yrs BP), (C) Feature 4 oven (8494 cal yrs BP), (D) Feature 7 oven (6294 cal yrs BP).
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Figure 4. (a) The earliest structures at Burgasny Enger ((a): Feature 19, (b): Feature 20). Numbers 1–6 refer to site occupation units.
Figure 4. (a) The earliest structures at Burgasny Enger ((a): Feature 19, (b): Feature 20). Numbers 1–6 refer to site occupation units.
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Figure 5. Photos of Feature 4 oven. (a), looking west, showing burn levels, flat rock to place food, and two upright stones for heat reflection. (b), looking east, showing multiple burning and replastering episodes, forming a basin for cooking.
Figure 5. Photos of Feature 4 oven. (a), looking west, showing burn levels, flat rock to place food, and two upright stones for heat reflection. (b), looking east, showing multiple burning and replastering episodes, forming a basin for cooking.
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Figure 6. Selected samples of bird bones from Burgasny Enger, (A) burned bone shaft, (B) bone shaft with coarse surface typical of juvenile birds, (C) Sample #307 used for histological thin-section analysis, (D) thin-section of #307 showing a thin cortex, woven highly vascular bone as well as lack of an external fundamental system (EFS), and secondary osteons consistent with a juvenile avian.
Figure 6. Selected samples of bird bones from Burgasny Enger, (A) burned bone shaft, (B) bone shaft with coarse surface typical of juvenile birds, (C) Sample #307 used for histological thin-section analysis, (D) thin-section of #307 showing a thin cortex, woven highly vascular bone as well as lack of an external fundamental system (EFS), and secondary osteons consistent with a juvenile avian.
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Table 1. Burgasny Enger Radiocarbon Dates.
Table 1. Burgasny Enger Radiocarbon Dates.
Burgasny Enger Radiocarbon Dates
ICA Lab #Sample IDMaterialRadiocarbon AgeCalibrated Age yrs BPAve Cal yrs BPContext
14C-8655BE-23-09Organic Sediment3880 ± 30 BP4233–44144324N30/E10 Quad B; 43 cm bd;
14C-8665BE-23-29Organic Sediment4080 ± 30 BP4513–46494581N30/E16 Quad A; 30 cm bd; Upper fill of Feature 7 Oven
14C-9980BE-22-7Organic Sediment4250 ± 40 BP4796–48744835N35/E16 Quad D; 78 cm bd
14C-8656BE-23-10Organic Sediment4860 ± 30 BP5575–56085592N34/E8 Quad C; 19 cm bd; Burned Sediment
14C-8658BE-23-18Organic Sediment4890 ± 30 BP5582–56625622N32/E10 Quad A; 20 cm bd
14C-7523BE-22-9Charcoal5040 ± 40 BP5705–59025804N35/E16 Quad D; 98 cm bd Unit 5d
14C-8659BE-23-19Organic Sediment5080 ± 30 BP5745–58345790N34/E10 Quad C; 24 cm bd
14C-8660BE-23-22Charcoal5100 ± 30 BP5748–58295789N35/E19 Quad B; Unit 5B; 79 cm bd
14C-7525BE-22-16Charcoal5270 ± 40 BP5933–61226028N35/E16 Quad D; Possibly Unit 4?; Point 1
14C-8661BE-23-24Charcoal5420 ± 30 BP6188–62926240N35/E19 Quad B; Unit 5B; 85 cm bd
14C-8664BE-23-28Organic Sediment5490 ± 30 BP6269–63186294N30/E16 Quad A; SU 7B?; 31 cm bd; Feature 7 Oven Fill
14C-9981BE-23-35Organic Sediment5610 ± 40 BP6303–64546379N35/E19 Quad A; 99 cm bd; SU 6 Floodplain facies
14C-7527BE-22-18Charcoal5710 ± 40 BP6402–65706486N35/E16 Quad A; SU 5; 105 cm bd
14C-8673BE-23-56Charcoal5860 ± 30 BP6617–67476682N35/E19 Quad C; Sediment from Feature 18 (Hearths); SU 5B; 85-90 cm bd
14C-8668BE-23-34Charcoal5980 ± 30 BP6733–69006817N35/E19 Quad A & C; 119 cm bd Pt 2
14C-7529BE-22-11Organic Sediment6210 ± 50 BP6977–71797078N32/E12 Quad C; Feature 3; Above F. 4 oven; charred sediment
14C-8654BE-23-08Organic Sediment6570 ± 40 BP7424–75167470N30/E8 Quad D; 26 cm bd; Living surface SU 7B
14C-8670BE-23-50Organic Sediment7680 ± 40 BP8391–85458391N35/E19 Quad C; 137 cm bd; Black smear on ‘floor’
14C-7530BE-22-12Organic Sediment7700 ± 50 BP8430–85578494N32/E12 Quad C; 40 cm bd; Feature 4 Oven
14C-8667BE-23-31Organic Sediment8080 ± 40 BP8972–91279050N35/E19 Quad A; SU 6; 110 cm bd
14C-8666BE-23-30Organic Sediment8410 ± 40 BP9400–95299465N35/E19 Quad D; SU 6; 122 cm bd
14C-8669BE-23-38Organic Sediment8530 ± 40 BP9475–95459510N35/E19 Quad A; 129 cm bd; charcoal in bone concentration embedded in soft marl piece- 3 are likely bird bone
14C-8671BE-23-51Organic Sediment8630 ± 40 BP9534–96839609N35/E19 Quad D; 147 cm bd; large pocket of black material from surface near Feature 19 Stone ring
14C-8672BE-23-53Organic Sediment8770 ± 40 BP9555–99099732N35/E19 Quad C; 142 cm bd; SU 6;
14C-7522BE-22-8Charcoal8950 ± 50 BP9907–10,09510,001N35/E16 Quad B/D; 103 cm bd SU 6/8; Feature 20
Table 2. Faunal Remains from Burgasny Enger; (a) Faunal Remains from the 2022 Season; (b) Faunal Remains from the 2023 Season.
Table 2. Faunal Remains from Burgasny Enger; (a) Faunal Remains from the 2022 Season; (b) Faunal Remains from the 2023 Season.
(a)
TaxonNISP%NISP
Aves (Falco sp. (?))10.4
Aves indet.12846.5
Aves?5218.9
Mammalia indet.155.5
Caprine/Antilopini10.4
indeterminate7828.4
Total275100.0
(b)
TaxonNISP%NISP
Aves indet.2 *-
Aves ?59-
Mammalia indet.25-
Rodentia?10-
indeterminate30 **-
Total--
* 20 bones from two wings of a passerine songbird counted as 1 individual. ** Field counts did not include the small indeterminate bones. This number is an estimate until we receive the 2023 faunal collection for analysis.
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Rosen, A.M.; Clarke, J.; Eighmey, J.; Farquhar, J.; Sarantuya, D.; Yadmaa, T. Neolithic Bird Folk of the Mongolian Gobi Desert: Climate Change, Ecological Knowledge and Intangible Heritage in an Ancient Persistent Place. Heritage 2025, 8, 433. https://doi.org/10.3390/heritage8100433

AMA Style

Rosen AM, Clarke J, Eighmey J, Farquhar J, Sarantuya D, Yadmaa T. Neolithic Bird Folk of the Mongolian Gobi Desert: Climate Change, Ecological Knowledge and Intangible Heritage in an Ancient Persistent Place. Heritage. 2025; 8(10):433. https://doi.org/10.3390/heritage8100433

Chicago/Turabian Style

Rosen, Arlene M., Julia Clarke, James Eighmey, Jennifer Farquhar, Dalantai Sarantuya, and Tserendagva Yadmaa. 2025. "Neolithic Bird Folk of the Mongolian Gobi Desert: Climate Change, Ecological Knowledge and Intangible Heritage in an Ancient Persistent Place" Heritage 8, no. 10: 433. https://doi.org/10.3390/heritage8100433

APA Style

Rosen, A. M., Clarke, J., Eighmey, J., Farquhar, J., Sarantuya, D., & Yadmaa, T. (2025). Neolithic Bird Folk of the Mongolian Gobi Desert: Climate Change, Ecological Knowledge and Intangible Heritage in an Ancient Persistent Place. Heritage, 8(10), 433. https://doi.org/10.3390/heritage8100433

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