1. Introduction
Several studies in social sciences have examined how migrant populations use digital media and social media [
1,
2]. For adult migrants, they can ease access to information, provide emotional support, and help maintain transnational networks [
3]. According to the IOM [
4], migrants are people who “move away from their habitual place of residence, within a country or across an international border, temporarily or permanently, and for a variety of reasons.” The literature describes social media as tools that play a meaningful role in migrants’ integration, communication, and identity-building processes. Through these platforms, people access practical information about the host country, keep ties with their home networks, and share cultural elements. The literature highlights diverse forms of digital engagement among migrants, reflecting different patterns of use and attitudes towards technology [
5]. Social media thus also become spaces for self-representation and self-narration. At the same time, the use of social platforms also entails potentially significant risks, such as the spread of misinformation, hate speech, and polarization, all of which can negatively affect both inclusion and the public perception of migration [
6,
7].
In this context, digital and linguistic skills are essential, as proficiency in the host country’s language, English, and access to technology often determine individuals’ ability to understand and produce digital content. Within the social sciences, given the widespread use of social media and Instagram as tools for communication and expression on a global scale, new research strands and dedicated methodologies have emerged to investigate the educational potential of these digital environments. Instagram, owing to its rich set of features, has become a subject of study for its educational affordances [
8,
9,
10].
Instagram is a mobile-first social networking platform, launched in 2010 and owned by Meta since 2012, designed for sharing photo and video content. It integrates public and private profiles, an algorithmic feed, hashtags and geotags for indexing and content discovery, and offers various formats and functions (Posts, Stories, Live, Direct), as well as analytical tools for professional accounts. One of its most prominent sections is Reels: short vertical multi-clip videos that can be customized through a wide array of integrated tools (filters, effects, speed variations, audio synchronization). These features include editable auto-generated subtitles and support automatic translation of captions and comments, thus enhancing accessibility and enabling multilingual engagement with audiovisual content [
11].
Reels can be published or reposted (that is, re-shared from another user’s content) on one’s profile, feed, or Stories, increasing overall visibility. Their reach is also shaped by platform algorithms, which generate phenomena such as the echo chamber effect, whereby users are presented with content aligned with their likes, opinions, and interests, or those of their close contacts [
12]. This effect, together with other mechanisms, reinforces stereotyped and polarized representations of migrants and migration [
13].
2. Methodology
The researchers first assessed the feasibility of a systematic search for studies on language learning among migrants through Instagram. A specific search string was used in the SCOPUS database, targeting titles, abstracts, and keywords: Instagram AND learning AND immigrant OR migrant OR refugee OR asylum seeker, and restricting the time span to the past six years (2020–2025; 2020 marks Instagram’s introduction of three significant features: Reels, reposting, and interactive maps).
This initial search retrieved 29 articles. Applying exclusion criteria (research article; focus on migrant populations; use of Instagram; language learning) resulted in only one relevant study. In parallel, the research team adopted a narrative review approach. Additional searches were conducted on Google Scholar using the previously mentioned keywords combined with terms such as language, social media, and informal learning, yielding more inclusive results consistent with the complexity of the topic [
14]. In total, six further articles were included, resulting in a final corpus of seven contributions.
3. Results
The systematic search identified the study conducted by Li et al. [
15]. The aim was to understand the different modes of parental involvement among migrant parents in supporting their children’s learning of Chinese (as a heritage language) during the lockdown period in England. The research adopted an ethnographic approach, a qualitative method in which the principles of ethnography are applied to the study of social and cultural interactions in digital contexts [
16]. Data collection included an analysis of parents’ Instagram posts focused on Chinese language lesson content. In this context, Instagram emerges as an educational channel used to disseminate playful activities-such as board games-designed specifically for learning Chinese characters related to cardinal points and basic directions.
Instagram also proves to be a tool for political expression and agency, as shown in the study by Benedix and Hedžet [
17]. Their research explores how young migrants in Europe use Instagram for self-representation as a way to claim a space for political recognition. To achieve this, specific hashtags are employed in posts to foster an inclusive language around their identities. The case of the “Voicify” movement is particularly significant: through Instagram and X, young migrants share posts and reels documenting their participation in inclusion initiatives, offering a visual counter-narrative to mainstream media representations. An innovative example of creative and political linguistic practice is the use of hashtags such as #partofthesolution instead of #migrants.
The study by Cascone and Bonini [
18] draws on ethnographic research carried out in 2020 in three reception centers for migrants in Southern Italy (Sicily) to investigate practices of connection and disconnection from smartphones and social media. The authors first identify differences in smartphone and social media usage between migrants and asylum seekers. Interviews reveal that Instagram is part of the everyday social media ecosystem for participants, although its use varies depending on geographical origin. Among migrants who are not asylum seekers, Instagram Stories and posts are more commonly used as forms of self-narration, whereas asylum seekers tend not to use the platform for this purpose. A plausible explanation is that asylum seekers often come from high-risk contexts and, fearing for the safety of relatives in their countries of origin, manage their online presence with greater caution. Moreover, migrants frequently create multiple profiles to experiment with new identities and escape cultural or familial pressures, while asylum seekers may do so to avoid surveillance or censorship by authorities in their homeland.
From a linguistic perspective, a crucial element is not only having access to a smartphone but also being able to use its automatic translation functions, which participants describe as “life-saving” tools for asking for help and obtaining information in the host country’s language.
Several studies, including those by Almohesh et al. [
19], Ebadi et al. [
20], and Jamil et al. [
21], examine Instagram as a tool for learning a foreign language (L2), particularly English, among non-native speakers. Instagram Reels are used as supplementary materials for online lessons, especially for learning English grammar. These studies report positive results in grammar acquisition thanks to the audiovisual affordances of micro-format videos. The interactive features of Instagram also appear to increase student engagement while reducing anxiety and stress related to making linguistic errors. Furthermore, Instagram’s multicultural digital environment provides significant support for learning different varieties of English slang and linguistic nuances across the world.
Another study that adopts Instagram as a learning and sharing space between teachers and students in an extra-curricular context is that of Tarigan et al. [
22]. The findings show that sharing reels and other types of content enhances students’ pronunciation and writing skills, increases collaborative participation, and strengthens overall motivation to learn.
4. Discussion and Conclusions
The aim of this narrative review was to highlight contributions from different disciplines on the use of Instagram’s features as tools for second-language (L2) learning among migrant populations. The analysis reveals, albeit with some limitations, a lack of literature specifically addressing this theme: existing studies tend to focus either on English L2 learning or on migrants’ social media practices, without consistently examining linguistic dimensions.
Across the reviewed contributions, social media emerge as complex ecosystems in which Instagram, in particular, serves not only as a resource for exercising and strengthening linguistic competences but also as a space for self-representation and social connection. The observed digital practices respond to multiple needs: communicative, relational, affective, and educational. From this perspective, language learning mediated by social media can be understood as part of a broader mechanism in which technology supports processes of inclusion and well-being.
This review presents certain limitations that may guide future research. For example, the search string and selected keywords may not fully capture all relevant contributions. Future studies could adopt a more targeted methodology in order to provide a richer account of the diverse research approaches reflecting the complexity of the topic. This work lays the groundwork for further empirical investigations aimed at exploring the actual potential of Reels as visual micro-formats for linguistic and cultural learning.
It appears necessary to expand research on L2 acquisition through Instagram by examining the platform’s newest features, such as dual subtitles, automatic translation tools, and, more recently, virtual assistants that allow users to customize content consumption and receive support in language production.
Author Contributions
Conceptualization, F.P.D. and C.S.; methodology, F.P.D. and C.S. and S.T. and L.S.A.; investigation, F.P.D. and C.S.; writing—original draft preparation, F.P.D. and C.S.; writing—review and editing, F.P.D. and C.S. and S.T. and L.S.A.; supervision, S.T. and L.S.A. All authors have read and agreed to the published version of the manuscript.
Funding
This research received no external funding.
Institutional Review Board Statement
This study doesn’t involve human participants. Ethical approval was not required.
Informed Consent Statement
This study does not involve human participants. Informed consent is not applicable.
Data Availability Statement
No new data were created or analyzed in this study.
Conflicts of Interest
The authors declare that they have no conflict of interest.
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