Integration and Belonging Through Relationships: Immigrant Youths’ Experiences of Community-Based Mentoring in Norway

Abstract

The integration of immigrant and refugee youth in Norway entails navigating linguistic, cultural, and social challenges that can hinder educational attainment, wellbeing, and future opportunities. Community-based mentoring has emerged as a promising strategy to support immigrant youth in their adaptation processes. This study explores how immigrant youth participants in the Vinn Vinn project experienced and perceived the role of mentoring in their social integration and overall wellbeing in three municipalities. The project, initiated by the Human Rights Academy in collaboration with Save the Children Norway, paired young immigrants (aged 16–23) with volunteer mentors who shared similar cultural and linguistic backgrounds. Drawing on twenty two semi-structured interviews and complemented by targeted observations of programme activities, the findings demonstrate that mentoring facilitated social belonging, improved language and cultural competence, reduced loneliness, and provided both emotional and practical support. Anchored in Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory, the study highlights how mentoring created opportunities for positive interactions across micro- and meso-level systems, bridging individual needs with wider community and institutional structures. The article contributes to the scholarship on immigrant youth integration by showing how culturally responsive, community-based mentoring can complement formal welfare services and enhance wellbeing among young immigrants in Norway.

1. Introduction

Norway has become increasingly diverse over the past decades, with immigrant and refugee youth forming a significant part of this demographic shift. Among these young people are young immigrants who face unique vulnerabilities in their integration to Norwegian society. Prior research has shown that immigrant youth encounter multiple challenges, including disrupted schooling, linguistic barriers, limited social networks, and migration-related stressors (de Wal Pastoor 2015; Norozi and Vik 2024; Raithelhuber 2021; Junghans and Liden 2024). These challenges often intersect with structural inequalities, creating risks of marginalization and affecting both educational outcomes and psychosocial wellbeing (Eide et al. 2018). Integration, therefore, is not only about linguistic acquisition and participation in formal schooling but also about developing a sense of belonging, confidence, and wellbeing in the new society (Rodriguez 2023).

Formal welfare services in Norway are extensive, yet they cannot fully address the relational and cultural dimensions of integration. This gap has encouraged initiatives that build on the strengths of community engagement. Community-based mentoring programmes, which match young immigrants with mentors from similar cultural or linguistic backgrounds, are one such response. Internationally, mentoring has been shown to promote youth development, social capital, and educational motivation (Rhodes and DuBois 2006; Cole and Blythe 2010). However, there is limited research examining the effectiveness of mentoring as a tool for integration and wellbeing in the Norwegian context.

The Vinn Vinn project, launched by the Human Rights Academy (Menneskerettighetsakademiet-MRA) in collaboration with Save the Children Norway (Redd Barna), represents one of the pioneering examples of community-based mentoring for immigrant youth. With financial support from Stiftelsen Dam (2021–2023), the project paired 60 immigrant youth (aged 16–23) with 60 adult mentors who shared their backgrounds and life experiences. The central aim was to strengthen the mental health and wellbeing of young immigrants while enhancing their motivation for education and employment. Importantly, mentors were recruited from immigrant backgrounds themselves, enabling them to serve as cultural and linguistic role models as well as sources of guidance. The project was structured around biweekly meetings, with mentors and mentees coming together once every two weeks to engage in various activities. These included one-on-one sessions focused on building trust, practicing Norwegian language, and offering practical guidance, as well as group activities such as shared meals, cultural outings, library visits, skiing, forest/wood walks, movie nights and indoor games such as billiards. Such activities provided youth participants with opportunities to strengthen their Norwegian language skills, learn about cultural and social norms, and expand their networks. The project’s name, Vinn Vinn (translated as Win-Win), reflects this reciprocal design. For youth, it created opportunities to reduce loneliness, increase confidence, and gain motivation for pursuing education or employment. For mentors, it provided a meaningful way to contribute to society by supporting younger generations with similar migration experiences.

The evaluation data demonstrate that this reciprocal approach fostered mutual learning and reinforced the centrality of community support in integration processes. By focusing on the youth participants’ perspectives, this article highlights how mentoring was experienced as a tool for integration and wellbeing. It considers how participation contributed to social belonging, emotional support, and opportunities for cultural navigation. At the same time, the article situates these individual experiences within Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory, which underscores the role of multiple systems including family, community, and institutions in shaping youth development. This article contributes to the literature in three important ways. First, it provides an empirically grounded account of immigrant youth experiences with community-based mentoring in Norway, a context where such initiatives remain underexamined. Second, by employing Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory, the analysis extends understanding of how mentoring connects the micro-level relationships of everyday life with broader institutional and societal structures. Third, the article highlights the potential of culturally responsive mentoring as a complementary strategy to formal welfare services, offering insights for both policy and practice aimed at improving immigrant youth integration and wellbeing. Against this backdrop, the present article examines immigrant youths’ lived experiences within the Vinn Vinn project. To guide the analysis, the study is structured around the following research question: How do immigrant youth participants experience and perceive the role of community-based mentoring in their social integration and overall wellbeing?

2. Literature Review

2.1. Mentoring as Social Support Programs

Youth mentoring programs, where adult volunteers regularly meet with young people, have a long history of positive outcomes in the literature (Rhodes and Dubois 2006; DuBois and Rhodes 2006; Cole and Blythe 2010; Comart 2023). Mentoring is commonly defined as “a one-on-one relationship between an older, more experienced adult and an unrelated, younger protégé… [where] an adult provides encouragement and guidance aimed at developing the competence and character of the protégé” (Roffman et al. 2003, p. 100). Mentoring encompasses a wide spectrum of activities, which may vary significantly depending on the context in which they are implemented. Roffman et al. (2003) highlight three main elements: setting, which can include schools, youth organizations, or community-based institutions supporting ethnic minorities and refugees; structure, ranging from one-to-one relationships to group mentoring and intergenerational approaches; and goals, which can include psychosocial support, skill development, and fostering social connectedness. Despite these variations, the central aims remain consistent: to strengthen self-esteem, provide guidance, and prepare young people for successful transitions into adulthood. Empirical research consistently shows that effective mentoring improves academic performance, enhances interpersonal relationships, and reduces high-risk behaviours such as substance use or aggression (Oberoi 2016; Alarcón et al. 2021; Raithelhuber 2021; Comart 2023). For immigrant and refugee youth, mentoring also supports language learning, cultural adjustment, and psychological coping. Mentors often serve as “social bridges” connecting youth to opportunities and networks in their host communities, which resonates with Putnam’s (1994) concept of bridging social capital. Culturally sensitive mentorship further supports the development of bicultural identities, which promote wellbeing and resilience (Schwartz et al. 2010; Comart 2023).

2.2. Integration and Wellbeing Among Immigrant Youth

Youth wellbeing is multidimensional, encompassing physical, mental, emotional, cultural, and social dimensions (Norozi 2023). Following the WHO (2024) definition of health as “complete physical, mental, and social well-being,” integration efforts must consider more than language or educational attainment. For immigrant youth, integration is inseparable from social belonging, stable support networks, and mental health. Research highlights the vulnerabilities immigrant youth often carry, particularly unaccompanied minors who may have faced trauma, displacement, and instability (de Wal Pastoor 2015; Raithelhuber 2021; Comart 2023; Junghans and Liden 2024). Post-migration conditions including secure housing, community belonging, and social support play a decisive role in shaping their wellbeing (Eide et al. 2018; Alarcón et al. 2021; Raithelhuber 2021). Mentoring relationships provide critical resilience-building support by offering both emotional encouragement and instrumental guidance (Lakey and Cohen 2000). Green et al. (2008) further show that mentorship from non-family adults such as teachers, counsellors, or volunteers increases school engagement and achievement, while its absence correlates with heightened acculturative stress and poorer outcomes. The concept of acculturation is central in understanding immigrant youth experiences. Berry’s model (Berry 1980, 2006) outlines four strategies: integration (biculturalism), assimilation, separation, and marginalisation. Of these, integration consistently yields the most positive outcomes, enabling youth to retain elements of their heritage while successfully adapting to the host society. Conversely, marginalisation predicts the poorest psychosocial outcomes. Research also stresses the “goodness-of-fit” between migrant orientations and host-society openness: bicultural youth thrive best in contexts where their identities are respected and valued (Schwartz et al. 2010).

2.3. Mentoring in Context: International Examples

Mentoring initiatives for immigrant and refugee youth are increasingly recognised across Europe and internationally as effective tools for fostering integration and wellbeing. In Germany, large-scale mentoring projects pairing refugee youth with volunteers have improved language skills, school participation, and psychosocial adjustment (Jaschke et al. 2022). Similarly, Dutch initiatives have focused on both educational support and bicultural identity development, emphasising the importance of bridging heritage and host cultures. These programmes highlight the dual role of mentoring as both an academic and an emotional support system (Cole and Blythe 2010; Barbaresos et al. 2023). Several well-documented mentoring models provide additional insights. Below are a few illustrative examples of such programs from various international contexts:

• Refugee Youth Mentorship Program: https://www.rescue.org/volunteer/refugee-youth-mentorship-program-virtual (accessed on 17 October 2025).
• Youth Mentoring: https://samaritas.org/New-Americans/Employment-Education/Youth-Mentoring/?gad_source=1&gad_campaignid=797348810&gbraid=0AAAAAD7TcLfRZHPZCTYGyWwqPQlO3H-wY&gclid=Cj0KCQjw0LDBBhCnARIsAMpYlAqsk6RLXzJPmOCv6WAa1sAl7EV2pjbfvBCPm2xHONQQeNwb8--kXSQaAhdPEALw_wcB (accessed on 17 October 2025).
• Refugee Youth Mentor: https://worldrelief.org/western-wa/get-involved/volunteer/refugee-youth-mentor/ (accessed on 17 October 2025).
• Big Brothers Big Sisters: https://www.bbbsaz.org/?gad_source=1&gad_campaignid=22320507494&gbraid=0AAAAABnozzqf86WAO4E6RTRNJQf5Virw-&gclid=Cj0KCQjw0LDBBhCnARIsAMpYlArchLR_SJeWGxU7gMNEfGw3D2PKuEDZBDdPO6yMAA2u9iJ7mm5BKgsaAlMsEALw_wcB (accessed on 17 October 2025).
• Mentor Program: https://weareempower.org/mentorship/?gad_source=1&gad_campaignid=10974586059&gbraid=0AAAAACQ-g9_s4MZ1IH8HBTWjArWdYJoni&gclid=Cj0KCQjw0LDBBhCnARIsAMpYlAr-MDfsePyXHGoKmG4Y0v-t8x-JpYjFrbvhyB1NhZZogsU59U-7OP0aAgwmEALw_wcB (accessed on 17 October 2025).
• New Directions in Mentoring Refugee Youth: https://brycs.org/youth-development/new-directions-in-mentoring-refugee-youth/ (accessed on 17 October 2025).

The Refugee Youth Mentorship Program has been shown to strengthen social connections and resilience among refugee adolescents by matching them with trained adult volunteers who provide both emotional and practical guidance. Similarly, the Youth Mentoring Program offers structured support for young people from migrant and minority backgrounds, with a particular focus on reducing isolation and promoting community belonging. The Refugee Youth Mentor initiative builds on these principles, with an emphasis on helping young refugees navigate schooling, employment, and the psychological challenges of resettlement. The widely recognised Big Brothers Big Sisters Program, although not exclusively targeting immigrant youth, demonstrates the adaptability of mentoring models across diverse cultural contexts. Research on its adaptations shows consistent benefits in terms of improved academic performance, reduced risky behaviour, and enhanced self-esteem (Rhodes and Dubois 2006; Oberoi 2016). Similarly, the Mentor Program in various international contexts has highlighted the importance of long-term, trust-based relationships in supporting vulnerable youth populations. Finally, New Directions in Mentoring Refugee Youth offers a synthesis of lessons learned across multiple initiatives, underscoring the need for culturally responsive, context-specific approaches. It emphasises that successful mentoring programmes for refugee and immigrant youth must combine psychosocial support with opportunities for social participation and institutional navigation. These international examples illustrate both the versatility and the consistency of mentoring as a strategy. While programme structures and contexts vary, their shared emphasis on trust, relational support, and cultural sensitivity has led to positive outcomes across diverse settings. The Vinn Vinn project aligns with these principles while offering a uniquely Norwegian contribution: immigrant-to-immigrant mentoring embedded in a community support framework that explicitly foregrounds wellbeing and social integration.

2.4. Mentoring in the Norwegian and Scandinavian Context

Scandinavian welfare states, including Norway, provide extensive structural support for immigrants. However, research demonstrates that formal assistance cannot fully resolve the social and cultural barriers that young immigrants encounter (Fladstad 2014; de Wal Pastoor 2015; Junghans and Liden 2024; Lidén 2019; Liden 2023). Many immigrant youth in Norway like other Scandinavian countries struggle with loneliness, limited peer networks, and challenges in navigating education and work opportunities (Madsen et al. 2019; Vaage 2014; Rich Madsen et al. 2021, 2016; Rambøll 2016; Ungdata 2024). Community-based initiatives such as Vinn Vinn respond directly to these challenges (Bessaha et al. 2023).

By pairing immigrant youth with mentors who share cultural or linguistic backgrounds, Vinn Vinn mobilised lived experience as a resource, allowing participants to build trust-based relationships while acquiring guidance on integration. This model reflects Scandinavian commitments to inclusion but extends them by embedding cultural proximity and peer-like solidarity into mentorship. Comparable approaches have emerged across the Nordic region. In Denmark, mentoring programmes for refugee youth have contributed to reduced drop-out rates and stronger school engagement (Thrysøe et al. 2025). In Sweden, community-based mentorship for unaccompanied minors has been employed to reduce isolation and promote belonging (Moberg Stephenson and Källström 2020; Månsson and Delander 2017). These Scandinavian examples illustrate how mentorship serves as a crucial supplement to institutional structures, addressing the psychosocial and relational needs of immigrant youth.

2.5. Theoretical Framework

This study is guided by Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecological systems theory, which conceptualises human development as shaped by interactions across multiple, nested systems. These include the microsystem (immediate settings such as family, school, peers), the mesosystem (connections between these settings), the exosystem (indirect environments such as policies and institutions), the macrosystem (societal norms and values), and the chronosystem (the temporal and historical dimension). Applied to the Vinn Vinn project, the microsystem is represented by the mentor–mentee relationship, where youth receive language practice, psychosocial support, and guidance in navigating education and work. The mesosystem is activated through mentors’ bridging roles between families, schools, and community institutions, helping to overcome barriers in family-school collaboration (Norozi and Vik 2024). The exosystem includes policies and organisational structures that shape integration experiences, while the macrosystem reflects Norwegian cultural values of equality and solidarity alongside persistent challenges of stereotypes and limited recognition of immigrant diversity (Colomer 2024). Finally, the chronosystem situates mentoring within both individual trajectories (e.g., language acquisition, expanding networks) and broader historical shifts in migration and integration.

3. Methodology

A qualitative research design was employed to capture the complexity of immigrant youths’ experiences in the Vinn Vinn project. Qualitative inquiry is well-suited to examining social programmes as it privileges the emic perspective of the insider’s view allowing participants to narrate their lived realities in their own words (Creswell and Poth 2018; Maxwell 2013; Erickson 1986).

3.1. Sampling and Participants

A purposive sampling strategy was used to recruit participants who were directly involved in the Vinn Vinn programme as mentees. A total of 22 immigrant youth between the ages of 16 and 23 were interviewed. All were first-generation immigrants who had arrived in Norway within the past one to five years and had participated in the programme for a minimum of six months. The sample represented diverse linguistic and cultural backgrounds, including Arabic, Dari, Farsi, Kurdish, Pashto, Russian, Somali, Tigrinya, and Ukrainian. Participants were drawn from three municipalities: Oslo (n = 11), Trondheim (n = 10), and Rælingen (n = 1). Most were students, many of whom were still developing proficiency in Norwegian. To ensure inclusivity, interpreters were engaged for some participants, particularly recent arrivals from Ukraine and two Arabic-speaking youth. Owing to the multilingual proficiency of the researcher, three interviews were conducted directly in Pashto (n = 1) and Dari (n = 2). The remainder were conducted in Norwegian or English. All interviews were subsequently translated into English by the researcher with careful attention to cultural and linguistic nuances (

Table 1. Overview of Youth Participants.

Role	N	Age	Gender	Languages	Municipality
Refugee/immigrant youth (mentees)	22	16–23	Female = 12 Male = 10	Arabic, Dari, Farsi, Kurdish, Pushto, Russian, Somalian, Tigrinya, Ukrainian	Oslo = 11 Trondheim = 10 Rælingen = 1

).

Data were collected through semi-structured interviews lasting approximately 45–60 min. Interview guides explored participants’ initial expectations, challenges, relationships with mentors, and perceived personal changes in confidence, motivation, language acquisition, mental health, and social networks. With participants’ informed consent, all interviews were audio-recorded. To enrich the dataset, participant observations were conducted at programme events, including group meetings, cultural workshops, and the 2024 Christmas closing event. Field notes documented interactional dynamics, non-verbal communication, and the overall atmosphere, serving to contextualise the interview data.

Data were analysed using reflexive thematic analysis (Braun and Clarke 2006; Braun et al. 2022). The process included repeated readings of transcripts, inductive coding, and the development of broader themes grounded in participants’ narratives, reviewing themes, defining and naming themes and finally writing the research. NVivo 15 software supported the organisation of codes and emerging themes. Reflexivity was maintained throughout the analysis (Kvale and Brinkmann 2015, 2022), acknowledging the researcher’s interpretive role. Analytic rigour was strengthened by triangulating interview and observational data, by systematically comparing experiences across youth participants, and by using illustrative quotations to demonstrate variation and commonalities. Preliminary findings were also shared with programme coordinators for feedback, functioning as a form of member checking (Erickson 1986).

3.2. Ethical Considerations

The study adhered to established ethical standards for research with vulnerable populations. Youth participants were fully informed about the purpose of the study, assured of confidentiality, and reminded that participation was voluntary. Written consent was obtained from all participants, with additional interpreter support provided when needed. Pseudonyms are used in reporting to protect participants’ identities. The research protocol was reviewed and approved by the Norwegian Data Protection Services for Research (SIKT; reference number 633850).

3.3. Limitations

While the methodology provided rich and detailed insights, some limitations should be noted. First, the reliance on self-reported data may reflect participants’ perceptions at the time of the interviews and may be influenced by social desirability bias. Second, the use of interpreters in a few interviews might have affected nuances in communication despite careful translation. Third, the sample size (n = 22) limits generalisability, though it aligns with qualitative research standards for depth and contextual understanding.

4. Findings and Discussion

The following section presents the key findings of the study and discusses them in light of Bronfenbrenner’s ecological systems theory and relevant previous research. To ensure confidentiality, youth participants are referred to as mentees alongside the municipality in which they were interviewed (Oslo, Trondheim, or Rælingen). More specific demographic details such as age, gender, and linguistic background have been omitted or generalised, as their inclusion (for instance, “an 18-year-old Pashto-speaking male from Trondheim”) could make individuals identifiable, particularly to programme leaders familiar with participant profiles. The analysis generated six interrelated themes that collectively address the research question: How do immigrant youth participants experience and perceive the role of community-based mentoring in their social integration and overall wellbeing? These themes capture the multi-layered ways in which the Vinn Vinn programme supported youths’ development of social and linguistic competencies, fostered meaningful relationships, and provided guidance in navigating both cultural and institutional contexts. They also illustrate how mentoring served as a protective factor for emotional wellbeing while offering positive and engaging experiences that enhanced participants’ sense of belonging.

The six themes are as follows:

• Language and Social Skills Development
• Building Friendships and Reducing Loneliness
• Cultural Integration and Understanding
• Career and Educational Guidance
• Emotional and Mental Health Support
• Positive Experiences with Activities

The following subsections elaborate on each theme, drawing on participants’ accounts and situating them within the theoretical framework and broader literature.

4.1. Theme 1: Language and Social Skill Development

4.1.1. Findings

A central theme emerging from the interviews with youth participants was the development of both Norwegian language proficiency and social communication skills. The mentees consistently described Vinn Vinn as providing unique and sustained opportunities for naturalistic and meaningful language use in everyday interactions. Unlike formal educational settings, these interactions were embedded in contexts characterised by psychological safety, mutual respect, and cultural awareness, which participants identified as crucial for their willingness to practice and improve. Youth participants also emphasised being able to occasionally use their native language whether Arabic, Dari, Ukranian or others within group settings increased comfort and fostered inclusion. Code-switching between Norwegian and their first languages served both as a learning tool and as a way of maintaining personal identity and belonging. One mentee from Oslo explained, “Before Vinn Vinn, I only spoke Norwegian at school. But here I speak more freely… I am not afraid to say something wrong because everyone helps me.” Similarly, another participant noted that the mentors’ way of correcting mistakes was encouraging rather than intimidating: “The mentors correct us in a nice way, not like teachers. I feel I learn more from this” (Male mentee, Trondheim). The possibility of using multiple languages also emerged as important. A female participant in Trondheim reflected, “Sometimes we speak Arabic to explain something difficult, and then go back to Norwegian. It helps me understand better and also makes me feel more at home.” Such code-switching was described not only as a practical tool for comprehension but also as a source of comfort and belonging, reinforcing the idea that learning was both relational and identity-affirming.

Group activities provided further opportunities for practicing communication skills beyond the classroom. One female mentee from Oslo described this dynamic: “When we do group activities, I learn how to say things the right way. I also learn how to talk to different people, not only my friends.” For others, participation in activities translated into greater self-confidence in everyday situations. A male participant from Trondheim reflected, “I was shy before, but now I can talk more. Even when I go to the shop or meet new people, I speak Norwegian.” Youth also emphasised the role of enjoyment and social connection in language learning. As one participant expressed, “It’s easier to learn when you are having fun. We laugh and talk together, and that’s how I learn new words” (Female mentee, Oslo). Another mentee similarly noted a sense of accomplishment through linguistic progress: “I feel proud when I understand everything in Norwegian. Before, I used to be scared, now I try more” (Male mentee, Oslo).

These testimonies illustrate how language learning was embedded in peer dialogue, cultural exchange, and mentor relationships, enabling both linguistic progress and psychosocial growth.

4.1.2. Discussion

The findings suggest that the Vinn Vinn programme functioned as a linguistic and social incubator, where language acquisition was intertwined with identity development and social integration. The data confirm earlier research emphasising the role of safe and inclusive environments in second language learning (Cummins 2021). The non-authoritative role of mentors and the emphasis on informal dialogue created conditions where mistakes were reinterpreted as opportunities for support, aligning with social learning theories that highlight modelling, feedback, and contextual learning (Vygotsky 1978). An important aspect of participants’ accounts was the use of translanguaging practices, in which youth drew on their full linguistic repertoires to navigate communication. Rather than being a barrier, this was experienced as a resource that facilitated comprehension and belonging. This aligns with Dewilde’s (2022) work, which argues that translanguaging enables immigrant students to negotiate identity and access knowledge in ways that monolingual approaches cannot. When interpreted through Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecological systems theory, these findings illustrate how language and social development were supported across multiple layers. At the microsystem level, the mentor–mentee relationship provided direct and emotionally meaningful contexts for practice. The mesosystem was activated as increased confidence at Vinn Vinn translated into greater participation in school and public life. The programme itself operated as an exosystemic structure, offering institutional and community-based support for learning. At the macrosystem level, Vinn Vinn challenged deficit views of immigrant youth by affirming multilingualism as an asset. Finally, the chronosystem highlights how sustained participation over time enabled gradual but meaningful linguistic and social growth. These results underscore the dual nature of language development in the programme: as both a cognitive and a psychosocial process. Vinn Vinn’s informal and supportive learning environment not only improved Norwegian proficiency but also strengthened youths’ confidence, social skills, and sense of belonging demonstrating the powerful role of mentoring in advancing integration outcomes.

4.2. Theme 2: Building Friendships and Reducing Loneliness

4.2.1. Findings

A deeply significant and recurrent theme emerging from the youth participants’ reflections was the experience of forming authentic friendships and the associated reduction in loneliness and isolation. For many, the Vinn Vinn project represented the first meaningful opportunity to connect with peers and adults outside of formal institutional settings, such as school or integration programmes. The shift from isolation to belonging was described as both emotionally impactful and developmentally critical, particularly for adolescents navigating resettlement in a new country.

Several participants spoke candidly about the sense of exclusion and solitude they felt before joining the programme. One female mentee from Trondheim recalled, “When I came to Norway, I didn’t know anyone. I was always alone at home, especially after school. But at Vinn Vinn, I met people who understand me, and now we hang out even outside the program.” A male participant similarly described his earlier isolation: “It felt like I had no one. I remember one winter I didn’t speak to anyone outside of class for weeks. Then I joined this group, and gradually everything changed. I don’t feel so invisible anymore.” The friendships made within the programme were consistently characterised as deeper and more meaningful than those encountered in school. One mentee noted, “I have friends now. Real friends. Before, people talked to me at school, but it was not real. Here, I feel they care about me” (male mentee, Oslo). Others underlined the importance of mentors, who were described not as distant authority figures but as approachable companions: “The mentors are not just like adults who tell you what to do. They listen to us, they talk to us like friends. It makes you feel like you belong somewhere” (female mentee, Oslo). Another participant added, “Sometimes we just sit and talk for hours, about anything… football, family, life. It helps to know you are not alone with your problems” (male mentee, Trondheim). Youth often emphasised the emotional significance of being recognised and valued. One female mentee expressed this poignantly: “This program gave me something I never had before people who actually miss me when I’m not there.” The friendships that developed also transcended national and cultural differences, as one male participant from Trondheim explained: “Even though we are from different countries, we understand each other. We’ve been through the same things. That connection is special.” For others, these new relationships became gateways to greater confidence in social interaction. A female mentee from Oslo reflected, “I used to be scared to talk to people. But after making one friend here, it became easier. Now I have a group of friends I can count on.” Ultimately, the sense of belonging fostered by Vinn Vinn was often described as home-like. As one male participant from Oslo concluded, “Vinn Vinn is like a second home. It’s not just a project, it’s where I became part of something”. These examplary accounts highlight how friendship formation was not incidental but central to the programme’s impact. The new relationships fostered by Vinn Vinn served as protective factors against loneliness while also providing spaces for emotional safety, identity affirmation, and shared belonging.

4.2.2. Discussion

The findings underscore the pivotal role of friendship and social belonging in immigrant youths’ wellbeing and integration. Previous research has shown that adolescents experiencing migration or displacement often suffer from both objective isolation (limited social contacts) and subjective loneliness (feelings of exclusion) (Suárez-Orozco et al. 2010). The testimonies from Vinn Vinn participants confirm that deliberate opportunities for connection can transform these vulnerabilities into resilience. Friendship formation in adolescence is not only socially beneficial but also developmentally essential, serving as a context for identity exploration, emotional regulation, and social learning (Alarcón et al. 2021). For immigrant youth, these processes are especially critical as they navigate cross-cultural adaptation and the loss of social ties from their countries of origin (Kia-Keating and Ellis 2007). The findings with the earlier research underscoring a dimension often overlooked in previous research on migration and loneliness namely, the critical role of the broader social context in which individuals are situated (Rich Madsen et al. 2021). The Vinn Vinn project provided a “third space” outside formal institutions, where relationships could emerge organically and without the pressures often associated with school or integration services. The role of mentors was equally important. By interacting as allies rather than authority figures, mentors embodied the principles of relational mentoring (Rhodes and DuBois 2008), enabling trust, reciprocity, and openness. Youth highlighted that mentors listened, respected their experiences, and treated them as equals, qualities that encouraged emotional safety and reduced barriers to connection.

Through Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecological systems theory, these dynamics can be interpreted across multiple levels. At the microsystem level, the direct interactions between peers and mentors provided immediate emotional support. The mesosystem facilitated the transfer of friendships into other life domains, such as school or neighbourhood contexts, reinforcing belonging. At the exosystem level, Vinn Vinn compensated for the lack of broader social ties by offering a consistent and structured relational space. The macrosystem context of Norwegian integration policy, with its emphasis on language and self-sufficiency, often neglects the emotional needs of immigrant youth; Vinn Vinn challenges this gap by prioritising community and connection. Finally, the chronosystem highlights how continuity over time allowed trust and authentic friendships to deepen. Overall, the project exemplifies how intentional social design can mitigate isolation and foster belonging among immigrant youth. The friendships developed through Vinn Vinn were characterised by depth, continuity, and reciprocity, qualities strongly linked in earlier studies to protection against depression, anxiety, and withdrawal (Alarcón et al. 2021; Barbaresos et al. 2023; Cole and Blythe 2010). By embedding friendship and emotional support into its structure, Vinn Vinn moved beyond being a mentoring intervention; it became a relational sanctuary where immigrant youth could rediscover connection, belonging, and hope.

4.3. Theme 3: Cultural Integration and Understanding

4.3.1. Findings

A prominent outcome reported by youth participants in the Vinn Vinn project was a deepened understanding of Norwegian culture, norms, and systems. Many arrived in Norway with limited knowledge of the country’s social values, institutional expectations, and everyday practices. Through a combination of structured activities, informal exchanges, and community-based engagement, participants described moving from confusion and uncertainty to clarity and confidence in navigating Norwegian society. One mentee reflected:

Before I joined the program, I didn’t really understand how Norwegians think. I thought they didn’t want to talk to me. But through Vinn Vinn, I understood that it’s just a different way of being friendly… more quiet and private. That helped me not take it personally anymore.

(male mentee, Trondheim)

This illustrates how initial misunderstandings of cultural differences often created barriers to confidence, which were gradually reduced with mentor support. Participants also noted how Vinn Vinn clarified expectations within Norwegian schools and work environments. For example:

In my country, we don’t talk to teachers or ask questions. I was scared to speak in class here. But in Vinn Vinn, we talked a lot about schools, and mentors said here, asking questions shows you’re interested and it’s okay to disagree. That was very new to me. That changed how I feel about school.

(female mentee, Oslo)

Others highlighted shifts in their understanding of gender roles and social interaction “I never thought boys and girls could be just friends. But here, I see that they talk and work together in a respectful way. That was new to me, and I think it’s good.” (male mentee, Oslo).

Practical knowledge sharing was equally important, particularly concerning employment and everyday systems:

They [the mentors] told us how to apply for jobs, how to write a CV, and what employers look for in Norway. I thought it was only about good grades, but they explained it’s also about being active and showing motivation. (male mentee, Trondheim).

In addition to learning about Norwegian culture, participants emphasised opportunities for mutual cultural exchange. Rather than a one-sided process of assimilation, they experienced inclusion through celebrating and sharing their own traditions: “We celebrated different holidays and talked about our traditions. I talked about Eid, and others talked about Christmas. It made me feel included.” (female mentee, Trondheim),

“I could talk about Ramadan and people listened. I explained why we fast, and others shared about their festivals. It felt nice… like both cultures matter.” (female mentee, Oslo). A female mentee from Trondheim stated, “Sometimes we cook food from our countries and share. That made me feel proud.” The ability to express heritage culture alongside learning about Norwegian norms fostered belonging and cultural pride. This was also linked to identity development and personal agency, as one participant explained: “In my culture, I was not used to making my own decisions. But here, I learned that I can choose what I want to do in the future. That is powerful.” (Female mentee, Rælingen). Others stressed the significance of practical social knowledge that eased daily life: “Before, I didn’t know how to say hello or when to shake hands. It seems small, but it was stressful. After doing this in Vinn Vinn, it became easier.” (female mentee, Trondheim). A male mentee from Oslo said “The mentors explained things like being on time, how to act in meetings, and why Norwegians love nature. I didn’t learn this in school. It helps me to understand people better.”

The findings show that Vinn Vinn provided both practical cultural skills and a reciprocal, inclusive space for cultural learning and identity negotiation.

4.3.2. Discussion

The findings demonstrate that Vinn Vinn significantly contributed to immigrant youths’ cultural integration and intercultural competence. Participants’ reflections confirm earlier research showing that integration involves not only functional adaptation but also identity negotiation and belonging (Suárez-Orozco et al. 2010; Berry 1980, 2006). Rather than pushing assimilation, the programme facilitated what Berry (2006) calls the integration strategy, where immigrant youth retain elements of their heritage while actively engaging with the host culture. The emphasis on mutual exchange where participants’ cultural traditions were shared and validated aligns with Yuval-Davis’ (2006) conceptualisation of belonging as a process of both recognition and participation. By celebrating Eid, Ramadan, and other traditions, Vinn Vinn created a bidirectional model of integration that empowered youth to see their identities as assets rather than barriers. At the same time, practical learning around schools, employment, and everyday interactions reflects the importance of cultural capital for successful participation in Norwegian society. As participants explained, small but crucial insights such as norms around questioning teachers or job application practices directly improved their confidence and ability to engage. These findings align with previous studies highlighting the gaps in formal schooling regarding integration knowledge, and the vital role of informal mentoring in filling these gaps (Barbaresos et al. 2023; Comart 2023).

Viewed through Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecological systems theory, cultural learning in Vinn Vinn spanned multiple levels. The microsystem of mentor–mentee interactions allowed for personalised guidance and correction of misunderstandings. The mesosystem was engaged as youths transferred cultural insights from Vinn Vinn into school, peer groups, and work contexts. At the exosystem level, the programme provided access to institutional knowledge about education and the labour market, domains which strongly shaped opportunities but were otherwise difficult to navigate. The macrosystem was addressed through dialogue on gender roles, traditions, and cultural values, allowing youth to situate themselves more coherently within Norwegian society. Finally, the chronosystem emphasises how such intercultural learning, repeated and reinforced over time, transformed participants’ sense of agency and belonging. Vinn Vinn enabled cultural integration as a reciprocal and empowering process, where immigrant youth simultaneously acquired Norwegian cultural competence and retained pride in their heritage identities. This dual orientation promoted both social cohesion and personal empowerment, demonstrating the value of mentoring as a cultural bridge in diverse societies.

4.4. Theme 4: Career and Educational Guidance

4.4.1. Findings

A strongly emphasised theme among the youth participants was the transformative role of career and educational guidance within the Vinn Vinn project. Many entered the programme with limited knowledge of the Norwegian education system, vocational opportunities, or employment pathways. This lack of familiarity often left them uncertain about how to plan for their futures. Through structured and informal support, mentors helped bridge this gap, offering both practical tools and emotional encouragement that enabled participants to articulate clearer academic and career goals. One mentee explained: “Before Vinn Vinn, I didn’t even know how to finish high school in Norway or what to do after that. The mentors explained everything step by step. Now I have a plan. I want to study at university, and I know how to do it.” (female mentee, Trondheim). Others emphasised the significance of practical skills development: “I learned how to write a CV and what to say in a job interview. No one ever taught me that before. My mentor even practiced with me. It gave me so much confidence.” (Male mentee, Oslo). Participants highlighted that mentors also instilled belief in their potential, which was crucial for building academic self-confidence. For example a female mentee, Rælingen, “I never thought university was for someone like me. But my mentor told me I could do it, and we talked about how to apply and get help with Norwegian. Now I’m studying!”. In addition to clarifying existing opportunities, mentors expanded youths’ awareness of possible futures: “We had a discussion about different jobs in Norway. I learned about being an electrician or working in IT. I like computers, but I didn’t know how to study that here. It opened my eyes.” (male mentee, Oslo). Another female mentee, from Trondheim explained, “One of the best parts was when a mentor told me about adult education programs. I thought it was too late for me, but now I know I can still study. I already registered.”

Youth also reflected on the importance of setting realistic but ambitious goals, shaped by mentors’ tailored guidance. A male mentee from Trondheim stated, “My mentor said I can start with a short vocational program and then maybe do more later. That made me feel it’s okay to take small steps.” Also a female mentee from Trondheim alluded “I wanted to work in a shop because it seemed easy. But after talking with my mentor, I’m thinking about social work. I like helping people.”

Another recurring point was that immigrant parents often lacked the knowledge to guide their children in the Norwegian system: “My parents don’t know how the system works here. They want me to study but can’t help with the details. It was really helpful to have someone from outside who knows how things go.” (male mentee, Oslo).

Several participants particularly valued mentors with immigrant backgrounds, as their personal stories provided both practical insights and inspiration: “It was inspiring when my mentor told me how she studied here and worked hard to get where she is now. That gave me hope. I thought, if she can do it, maybe I can too.” (female mentee, Oslo).

Youth also emphasised the significance of consistency and reliability in guidance. A female mentee from Oslo mentioned “What made the biggest difference was that my mentor stayed with me for a long time. I could always ask questions. That support made me believe in myself.”

These reflections highlight how Vinn Vinn not only provided concrete educational and vocational knowledge but also strengthened participants’ motivation, self-efficacy, and sense of agency in planning their futures.

4.4.2. Discussion

The findings reveal that career and educational guidance was a cornerstone of the Vinn Vinn programme’s impact on immigrant youth. Participants’ accounts echo earlier studies showing that many immigrant families lack the institutional knowledge necessary to support children in navigating complex educational and labour market structures (Midtbøen and Rogstad 2012). Vinn Vinn effectively addressed this gap by offering tailored, accessible, and culturally sensitive mentoring. By clarifying practical pathways such as high school completion, university admission, and vocational training mentors provided participants with what Bourdieu (1984) would term cultural capital, enabling them to make informed and strategic decisions. This aligns with earlier research that emphasises the importance of culturally responsive and developmentally appropriate support for immigrant youth integration (Green et al. 2008; Oberoi 2016; Holm 2018).

Equally significant was the emotional validation mentors offered, which strengthened youths’ self-belief and motivation. As Bandura and Wessels (1997) argues, self-efficacy is cultivated through encouragement, role models, and mastery experiences. The mentors’ personal stories, especially when they shared immigrant backgrounds, functioned as both role modelling and motivational tools, illustrating that educational and professional success was achievable. From the perspective of Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecological systems theory, the findings can be understood across multiple levels. At the microsystem level, mentors provided immediate, consistent, and individualised guidance, often filling gaps left by schools or families. At the exosystem level, Vinn Vinn acted as a bridge between youth and larger institutions, such as labour offices, adult education programmes, and higher education systems. At the macrosystem level, the programme countered systemic barriers such as low expectations and stereotypes about immigrant youth by affirming their capabilities and ambitions. Finally, the chronosystem highlights the long-term significance of sustained mentor relationships, which allowed youths to build confidence over time. Importantly, the youth testimonies show that Vinn Vinn avoided a one-size-fits-all model, instead tailoring guidance to participants’ strengths, interests, and contexts. This flexibility aligns with findings from Roffman et al. (2003) and Raithelhuber (2021), who argue that participant-centred approaches are essential in integration programmes. The combination of practical career guidance, emotional encouragement, and culturally sensitive mentoring positioned the programme as a vital supplement to existing institutional structures. By empowering participants to envision broader possibilities and take incremental steps toward their goals, Vinn Vinn exemplifies how community-based mentoring can play a decisive role in promoting long-term integration, agency, and wellbeing.

4.5. Theme 5: Emotional and Mental Health Support

4.5.1. Findings

A significant theme identified in the study was the crucial role of Vinn Vinn in providing emotional and mental health support for immigrant youth. Many participants described that, through mentorship and structured conversations, they found a safe and non-judgmental space to share personal challenges, receive encouragement, and build trusting relationships with mentors and peers. This support reduced anxiety and fostered a greater sense of hope for the future. As one participant explained “Before joining Vinn Vinn, I kept everything inside. I had no one to talk to about my fears and worries. My mentor listened without judgment, and for the first time, I felt heard and understood.” (female mentee, Trondheim). Several participants reported that the project helped them manage feelings of stress and anxiety, especially in relation to school: one male participant from Oslo mentioned “I used to feel anxious all the time, especially in school. Talking to my mentor helped me understand that it’s okay to feel this way and that I’m not alone.”

Many noted that mentors not only listened but also encouraged them to believe in their own potential. One participant said “When I was feeling down, my mentor reminded me of my strengths and encouraged me to keep going. That support meant everything to me.” (female mentee, Oslo). In addition to reducing stress, Vinn Vinn provided a space for building connections and belonging: “I used to feel like I didn’t belong anywhere. But through Vinn Vinn, I met people who understood me, and I started to feel like I was part of something.” (male mentee, Oslo). Hearing mentors share their own struggles was also perceived as empowering. As a female mentee from Oslo stated “It was comforting when my mentor shared her own struggles and how she dealt with them. It made me feel less alone and more hopeful.” Participants also learned new coping strategies. One participant shared “I learned ways to manage my stress, like talking about my feelings and taking time for myself for example going for a walk and doing exercise etc. These are things I didn’t know before.” (male mentee, Trondheim).

For many, mainstream institutions such as schools and formal health services were seen as too formal or inaccessible. In contrast, Vinn Vinn’s personalised, relational approach allowed for exploratory conversations and consistent follow-up. This was particularly important given that some participants’ families did not talk about emotional issues. A female participant from Oslo implied “My parents don’t talk about feelings, and I didn’t know how to express what I was going through. Vinn Vinn gave me the words and the space to do that.” In some cases, the project’s support was life-changing, even facilitating access to professional help. A male participant from Trondheim said, “I was struggling with depression and didn’t see a future for myself. But my mentor believed in me and helped me find professional help. Now, I’m in a better place.”

Overall, the findings reveal that Vinn Vinn provided a critical emotional support system that was both culturally sensitive and practically effective. Through listening, encouragement, role modelling, and guidance, mentors helped participants better understand their emotions, develop coping strategies, and build confidence in their futures.

4.5.2. Discussion

The findings underscore the importance of relational and community-based emotional support in fostering immigrant youths’ wellbeing. They resonate with earlier research showing that supportive non-parental relationships can buffer the stressors of migration and adaptation (Suárez-Orozco et al. 2010). For many participants, mentors filled a gap left by both family and formal institutions, offering accessible and personalised care that youth could trust. This highlights the unique position of Vinn Vinn as an intermediary between immigrant youth and formal systems of education, health, and social services. Echoing Cole and Blythe (2010) and Barbaresos et al. (2023), the programme functioned as a supplementary network that compensated for families’ limited institutional knowledge and the cultural stigma around seeking help. Mentors’ willingness to share personal struggles and strategies aligns with Bandura and Wessels’s (1997) social learning theory, which stresses the role of modelling in developing self-efficacy. By witnessing mentors’ resilience and coping, youth internalised both practical skills and a sense of hope.

From the perspective of Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecological systems theory, the findings reflect multiple interacting levels. At the microsystem, mentors provided safe, supportive relationships where youth could articulate emotions. The mesosystem was activated as these emotional skills were transferred to school and peer contexts. The exosystem role of Vinn Vinn was clear in helping youth connect to institutions such as mental health services that otherwise felt inaccessible. The macrosystem was reflected in challenging cultural taboos around discussing emotions. Finally, the chronosystem illustrates how consistent, long-term support allowed for significant shifts in emotional wellbeing and developmental trajectories, particularly in cases where participants moved from isolation to seeking professional care. The emotional and mental health support offered by Vinn Vinn was not an incidental by-product but a central outcome of the programme. By creating a culturally sensitive and trusting environment, the project provided youth with both emotional scaffolding and practical coping skills, enabling them to navigate stressors with resilience (Renata and Eva 2023). This demonstrates the critical role of community-based mentoring in promoting immigrant youths’ psychosocial wellbeing and long-term integration.

4.6. Theme 6: Positive Experiences with Activities

4.6.1. Findings

A central theme in the youth participants’ accounts was the significance of shared activities within Vinn Vinn. These encounters were not merely recreational but functioned as essential arenas for language practice, building friendships, emotional relief, and cultural integration. Activities ranged widely, combining leisure, cultural exploration, and everyday social interactions.

To illustrate,

Table 2. Overview of Mentor–Mentee Activities and Their Reported Benefits.

Category	Examples of Activities	Purpose/Impact Reported by Youth
Outdoor & Leisure	Nature walks, skiing, swimming, hiking, football, bowling, billiards	Fun, relaxation, stress relief, building confidence through new experiences
Cultural & Social	Shared dinners (including at mentors’ homes), cooking together, cultural outings, cafés	Building friendships, cross-cultural exchange, creating family-like atmospheres
Educational & Practical	Library visits, homework support, CV writing, job search, informal discussions about school and careers	Education and career guidance, practicing Norwegian, receiving guidance
Community & Group	Movie nights, game nights, group planning meetings	Strengthening social networks, sense of belonging, collective decision making

below provides an overview of the activities most frequently described by participants:

Participants repeatedly highlighted that these activities offered a new dimension of belonging compared to their previous daily routines of “school and home.” For instance a male participant from Oslo reflected “Before joining Vinn Vinn, I never went anywhere. It was school and then home…but when we went on that walk in the forest, with snow and everyone laughing, I felt like… I belong here.” Another participant shared “Going to the mentor’s house for dinner was something special. I had never been invited like that before. We all cooked together, shared food, talked and laughed. It reminded me of my home country and made me feel part of a family again.” (female mentee, Trondheim). Talking about nature of activities, a female mentee from Oslo stated “The best memory I have from the project was the skiing trip. It was my first time ever. I fell many times, but we laughed so much. It was not about skiing, it was about trying something new together”.

Beyond leisure, participants described activities as therapeutic and empowering, offering safe spaces for conversations and companionship. For example a male mentee from Trondheim mentioned “Sometimes we sat in a café and just talked about nothing and everything. It helped me forget my worries. It helped me to breathe again.”

4.6.2. Organisation and Financing of Activities

A key strength of the project was the participatory organisation of activities. Group meetings often included collective discussions where mentees proposed and decided on activities together, fostering a sense of agency and ownership. Transparency in financial matters further reinforced trust: youth were informed about the project’s budget and how funds were allocated for activities. As one participant from Trondheim explained, “They told us about the money and asked what we wanted to spend it on. That made me feel respected, like my opinion mattered.” This collaborative model ensured that activities were not only enjoyable but also meaningful, empowering, and tailored to the participants’ interests and needs.

4.6.3. Discussion

The findings highlight how activities within Vinn Vinn acted as multifunctional developmental arenas. Far from being peripheral, they promoted language development, cultural learning, friendship, and emotional wellbeing. This aligns with earlier research emphasising the role of structured leisure and cultural activities in adolescent development (Larson et al. 2006; Mahoney et al. 2006). Activities like hiking, skiing, and shared meals fostered bonding and belonging, echoing Suárez-Orozco et al. (2010), while informal café visits and cultural outings created safe, low-pressure contexts for practicing Norwegian and developing social confidence (Alarcón et al. 2021). From Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecological systems theory, activities can be seen as interactions across multiple systems. At the microsystem level, they provided meaningful mentor–mentee and peer engagement. At the mesosystem, they linked school, family, and community life. The macrosystem dimension was evident in access to Norwegian cultural practices, while the chronosystem shows how repeated participation over time built resilience and continuity of support. The organisation and financing of activities further deepened their impact. By involving youth in decision making and maintaining financial transparency, the project empowered participants and nurtured trust. This participatory approach reflected principles of inclusive youth work, ensuring that activities were not simply provided for youth but developed with them. This participatory ethos not only strengthened engagement but also functioned as a practical exercise in democratic involvement, reflecting broader values of inclusion and empowerment in youth work. This contrasts with more traditional top-down mentoring programmes and highlights the importance of co-creation with youth in integration initiatives. The activities in Vinn Vinn were foundational to its success, serving as sites of joy, empowerment, and integration. They not only enhanced immigrant youths’ social and emotional wellbeing but also gave them agency and ownership in shaping their own integration experiences.

4.7. Integrative Discussion

The findings of this study demonstrate that the Vinn Vinn community-based mentoring programme provided immigrant youth with a comprehensive network of support that went far beyond the traditional scope of mentoring. By engaging in activities and relationships that touched on language learning, friendship, cultural integration, educational and career guidance, emotional support, and shared experiences, participants experienced mentoring as a holistic developmental intervention. Taken together, the six themes illustrate that mentoring in this context was not limited to targeted assistance in a single domain but instead addressed multiple, interrelated aspects of wellbeing and integration. Language and social skill development, for example, were fostered not only through formal practice but also through participation in activities such as café visits or group outings. Friendships and reduced loneliness were achieved alongside cultural understanding, showing how social and cultural dimensions were intertwined. Similarly, career and educational guidance was not delivered in isolation but reinforced by emotional and mental health support, which gave participants the confidence and resilience to pursue their goals. Finally, positive experiences with activities tied all themes together by providing a concrete arena where language, friendship, cultural learning, and emotional wellbeing could be enacted and reinforced.

The study highlights the holistic potential of community-based mentoring for immigrant youth. Rather than functioning as a supplement to school or social services, Vinn Vinn created a unique environment where multiple developmental needs could be addressed simultaneously. This echoes research emphasising the importance of integrated support systems for young immigrants (Suárez-Orozco et al. 2010). By working across personal, social, cultural, and educational domains, the programme exemplifies how mentoring can serve as a bridge between individual needs and systemic structures. Across all themes, the relational dimension of mentoring was foundational. Youth consistently described feeling seen, heard, and respected by mentors. This trust allowed them to open up about emotional struggles, seek guidance, and take part in new cultural and social activities. The relational emphasis resonates with prior findings that trust and belonging are central to immigrant youth integration (Barbaresos et al. 2023). Importantly, these relationships provided a counterweight to the marginalisation and exclusion many participants had previously experienced in school and society.

Bronfenbrenner’s (1979) ecological systems theory offers a useful framework for understanding the layered impact of Vinn Vinn. At the microsystem level, mentors provided direct, supportive relationships, while group activities facilitated peer connections. At the mesosystem level, Vinn Vinn linked youth to schools, families, and local communities through shared events and support for education. The exosystem was engaged as mentors guided youth towards external resources, including professional mental health services, while the macrosystem was activated through the promotion of cultural understanding and access to Norwegian practices. Finally, at the chronosystem level, the programme’s consistency over time allowed for trust, resilience, and personal growth to take root. This ecological perspective shows that Vinn Vinn did not merely intervene in isolated areas but influenced the whole developmental ecology of participants.

In addition to the positive experiences reported by participants, the findings also highlight areas where the mentoring programme could be further strengthened from the perspective of immigrant youth. A recurring concern related to the uneven distribution of language-specific support. In both Trondheim and Oslo, youth who relied on Pashto- or Somali-speaking mentors described periods of interrupted engagement when such mentors were unavailable. Participants in Trondheim also pointed to scheduling challenges, noting that activities were sometimes cancelled or difficult to arrange because the availability of mentors and mentees did not align. As when they were free, mentors or peers were not, and, when mentors were available, youth often had school or work obligations. By contrast, Oslo groups had reduced this problem by scheduling activities for the entire semester in advance. Although this strategy did not fully eliminate conflicts, it was experienced as easing the challenge and ensuring greater predictability. A final point raised by youth was the lack of opportunities to remain connected to Vinn Vinn after completing the programme. Several participants wished to continue as part of the community, whether by attending major events or taking on new roles such as peer mentors or youth ambassadors. For them, leaving the programme was experienced as a rupture in meaningful social ties. Addressing these areas by ensuring consistent linguistic support, improving scheduling structures, and creating pathways for alumni engagement could enhance both the inclusivity and sustainability of Vinn Vinn, extending the benefits of community-based mentoring beyond the immediate programme cycle. The findings have several broader implications. First, they suggest that community-based mentoring can complement schools and social services by providing spaces where immigrant youth can address both practical integration challenges and psychosocial wellbeing. Second, the holistic and participatory design of Vinn Vinn provides a model for how mentoring initiatives can move beyond academic or career guidance to support the whole person. Finally, the results emphasise the importance of recognising immigrant youths’ voices and agency in shaping their own pathways to integration.

5. Conclusions

This study explored how immigrant youth in Norway experienced and perceived the role of community-based mentoring in their social integration and overall wellbeing through participation in the Vinn Vinn project. The findings show that mentoring provided far more than targeted support in education or language acquisition; it created a holistic framework of belonging, trust, and empowerment. Across six interconnected themes: language and social skills, friendship and reduced loneliness, cultural integration, educational and career guidance, emotional wellbeing, and positive shared activities, the programme functioned as a comprehensive arena where multiple developmental needs could be addressed simultaneously. The originality of this study lies in its documentation of mentoring as a multidimensional and participatory practice within a Scandinavian context. While international research has highlighted the value of mentoring for immigrant youth, this study contributes new insights by showing how youth involvement in activity planning, financial transparency, and cultural exchange practices can strengthen both engagement and outcomes. By grounding mentoring in everyday social life and cultural experiences, the Vinn Vinn model demonstrates how integration can be facilitated in ways that are both practical and emotionally sustaining.

Future research could further examine the long-term impact of such programmes on immigrant youths’ educational and career trajectories, as well as compare different mentoring models across cultural and national contexts. Additionally, studies integrating both mentee and mentor perspectives could provide a deeper understanding of the mutual benefits and challenges inherent in mentoring relationships. In conclusion, the Vinn Vinn programme illustrates how community-based mentoring, when designed as participatory and holistic, can offer immigrant youth a pathway not only into Norwegian society but also into a stronger sense of self, resilience, and wellbeing.