Negotiating Women’s Ritual Authority and Identity in Contemporary Mourning Practices Among the Tsonga: A Decolonial and Genealogical Perspective

Abstract

This article examines how women’s ritual authority and identity are negotiated in contemporary mourning practices among the Tsonga. Although African scholarship has increasingly addressed gender, widowhood, and ritual life, limited attention has been paid to mourning as a gendered space in which women’s authority is simultaneously exercised, regulated, and contested. The article addresses this gap by analysing mourning not as a static cultural residue, but as a dynamic ritual field shaped by kinship, seniority, obligation, memory, and social change. Methodologically, the study adopts a qualitative document analysis of recent scholarly literature, ethnographic studies, and theoretically relevant texts on Tsonga mourning, African ritual practice, kinship, and gender. The analysis is guided by a decolonial perspective, which recentres African epistemologies and lived ritual meanings, and a genealogical perspective, which traces how authority, identity, and obligation are transmitted and reworked across generations. The article argues that Tsonga mourning practices position women as custodians of ritual continuity while also subjecting them to moral discipline and social regulation. Its contribution lies in bringing together African gender studies, ritual studies, genealogy, and decolonial scholarship to show how mourning remains a vital site for the ongoing negotiation of gender, belonging, and cultural authority.

1. Introduction

1.1. Background and Context

Rather than being solely an individual response to bereavement within numerous African cultures, grieving can be described as a communal process in which the bereaved pay respect to their deceased loved one(s), assist in the healing process, and restore relations within the community. According to Thomas (2021), in the South African scenario, bereavement is influenced by the concept of botho/ubunto, whereby care is considered to be everybody’s responsibility. This implies that grief cannot be confined to the personal feelings of the individual involved in the event but includes moral responsibilities and family obligations as well as acknowledging the bereavement before the public. In this particular article, focus is made on Vatsonga or Tsonga-speaking peoples located in Limpopo province of South Africa and not all Tsonga people in Mozambique, Zimbabwe, South Africa, and diasporic urban areas due to differences in terms of the community’s geographical location, dialect, religion, migration history, and exposure to social change.

In respect to Vatsonga deaths in the Limpopo region, the process includes funeral preparations, consultations among family members, mourning attire, behavioral prohibitions, periods of isolation, cleansing processes, church attendance, and finally unveiling of the tombstone. As argued by Hove (2024), burial practices in Collins Chabane Municipality are more influenced by the presence of church, even as traditional meanings continue to prevail. Similarly, Baloyi et al. (2022) reveal that Vatsonga widowhood practices influence women’s physical well-being, social standing, and interactions within their families. The two scholarly works demonstrate that mourning is a series of rituals, through which women are subjected to judgment and control, and are also provided with social and spiritual support. Thus, the present paper views mourning as a dynamic ritual terrain where women are molded in terms of identity and authority, as influenced by family, tradition, seniority, religion, and community expectations.

1.2. Problem Statement

Although there is substantial literature on widowhood, gender and mourning in the African context, there is still little consideration for the role of women when it comes to exercising their ritual authority. According to Khosa-Nkatini (2022), for example, mourning continues to be highly patriarchal in most African communities with women having to fulfill more ritual obligations than their male counterparts. Moreover, as pointed out by Fasanmi and Ayivor (2021), widowhood in the African context is frequently associated with vulnerability, societal condemnation and moral regulation. In this way, existing literature on the issue tends to consider women as mere subjects of such control instead of as individuals who can shape the interpretation of certain rituals and meanings associated with them. It is thus the lack of consideration for the ritual authority of women during the process of mourning that constitutes the problem explored in the current paper.

Nonetheless, there should be attempts to widen the conversation to encompass the deliberations on whether “the Tsonga” follow similar traditions in their mourning practices. As per Mabunda and Ross (2023), mourning practices can control the behavior of widows, making it necessary to reflect on issues of dignity and rights. One illustration where this issue of the mourning practices among the Vatsonga people is seen is as shown in Baloyi et al. (2022). The study illustrates how women being widows affects their welfare and responsibilities at home. From the sources above, the power that women wield must be analyzed in light of their mourning practices. For this reason, the analysis will entail deliberations on ritual power negotiation amongst Limpopo Vatsonga communities.

1.3. Aim and Objectives

This article aims to examine how women’s ritual authority and identity are negotiated in contemporary mourning practices among the Tsonga through a decolonial and genealogical perspective.

1.4. Central Argument

In this case, the discussion emerges about the idea that current mourning rituals among Tsonga people cannot be regarded as immutable legacies of the past, but should be viewed as ritual space, where power and gender identities of women are constructed and deconstructed on a continuous basis. Indeed, as suggested by Khosa-Nkatini (2022), the rituals associated with Tsonga people had always been the place of conflicts between two conflicting expectations—indigenous ritual requirements and participation in the Christian community. Similarly, according to the results of Baloyi’s research (Baloyi 2026), such ritual elements like “after-tears” party became one more addition to the set of changes in funeral rites practiced among Vatsonga communities. The evidence is provided by Chekero (2025).

1.5. Research Questions and Article Structure

This article is guided by the following research questions:

• How is women’s ritual authority constituted and recognised in Tsonga mourning practices?
• How do Tsonga mourning practices shape women’s identities and forms of belonging?
• How are women’s ritual roles being reconfigured by contemporary social, religious, and cultural change?

2. Contextual and Conceptual Background

2.1. Tsonga Social and Cultural Context

These labels have been applied cautiously since there is no homogeneity of culture among the Tsonga people within Southern Africa. The study will concentrate on Limpopo regions, mainly where the literature talks about communities such as those in Collins Chabane Municipality, and other areas of semi-urban or rural nature. According to Hove (2024), the funeral rites in Collins Chabane Municipality have their origin in African cultural practice and Christian forms of leadership. Such an approach is necessary because the mourning tradition of Tsonga-speaking individuals in Limpopo Province could be different from the ones in Tsonga-speaking communities in Gauteng, Mozambique, Zimbabwe, or migrant zones. It is also important to note that the Tsonga community in Limpopo places more emphasis on kinship, seniority, family affiliation, dignity of the dead, and community recognition when mourning.

In this regard, mourning involves the organization of a series of practices that could include preparations for the funeral, meetings with the family members, mourning attire, restricted movement, periods of fasting, cleansing requirements, praying, the burying of the dead, and the unveiling of the tombstone. Baloyi et al. (2022) illustrate that the practices associated with Vatsonga widowhood could have an impact on the health status and social relations of these women since there is an expectation about their behavior following the death of their spouses. Such practices do not only carry symbolic meanings but are also structured around who is allowed to speak, teach, comfort, and supervise appropriate conduct. In this context, women are required to grieve publicly while at the same time upholding the dignity of their family. This means that the issue is not simply one of adherence to certain conventions but rather becoming the key players in maintaining the ritual order.

2.2. Mourning Practices as Ritual Space

It is imperative to understand mourning as ritual space rather than a period filled with sadness. According to Thomas (2021), mourning and bereavement in the context of South African township culture take a lot of consideration of the principle of ubuntu, whereby it is expected that support towards bereaved individuals is given by their families and communities. Such a perspective offers an understanding of how the rituals of death extend beyond those involving just the bereaved family. In most cases, death rituals also involve visitors, church members, neighbors, elders, in-laws, and relatives. In terms of Vatsonga mourning rituals, the ritual space might involve activities such as home preparation, mourning attire, cautious speech, limited mobility, cleansing rituals, funerals, and eventually the unveiling of the tombstone. Such rituals allow the family to pay homage to their deceased member while at the same time recognizing their relationships.

Ritual space through mourning also comes with norms of behavior, gender, status, and memory. According to Kgadima and Leburu (2022), disruption of mourning practices among African societies during the COVID-19 pandemic was associated with cultural and emotional pain since families were unable to carry out their usual rituals. It is clear that ritual order holds a lot of significance for many African societies. This matter holds significance in the current article because the role played by women during mourning is usually that of continuity following the disruption caused by death. The woman can cook, console, mentor younger relatives, adhere to mourning norms, support the widow, or make sure that the right things are done according to the expected norms. However, this process can lead to judgment of the woman if she fails to mourn as expected.

2.3. Conceptualising Women’s Ritual Authority

The notion of authority in funeral rites does not solely imply leadership and publicity. As Hellemann and Sipungu (2024) argue, a woman such as an aunt can exercise her authority within the funeral practices by teaching, mediating, moral instruction, and managing cultural information. Women can affect the processes in the rites without actively participating in them. Their authority can encompass supporting the widow, counseling the relatives, directing the behavioral actions in the funeral ceremonies, coordinating the services for the ritual practices, and explaining the significance of the funeral rite. Their authority is acquired due to their status, marital position, age, relationship, and cultural knowledge. It is for this reason that women can wield their authority without having the highest degree of authority of speech at the funerals. Hence, the concept of ritual authority, as explained in the article, implies recognized authority within the guidance, interpretation, maintenance, or regulation of funeral practices.

Women’s ritual authority is, however, not without its limitations. According to Mshayisa et al. (2024), African families often associate their care duties with spirituality, obligation, and family responsibilities. This implies that whereas women may have a lot of moral authority from their caring duties, this power should also be viewed as an obligation instead of leadership. In the rituals for mourning, elderly females may maintain family dignity, while widows must be submissive to rituals. Women’s ritual authority becomes both a power and an obligation since while women may maintain knowledge about the rituals, at the same time, their actions are evaluated using these rituals. Consequently, it is suggested that women’s ritual authority is determined by action, family endorsement, age and obligation.

2.4. Conceptualising Identity in Mourning Rituals

The identity of a person during the process of mourning does not exist before the actual process of mourning takes place; it is created during the process of mourning. For example, according to Mabunda and Ross (2023), there are cases whereby the identities of black South African widows are shaped in mourning due to the expectations about how they dress, how they behave, and how respectful and controlled they should be while interacting with others. These expectations that shape identities during the process of mourning make people moral agents whose grief is expressed in a manner acceptable in society. In the Vatsonga environment, the identities during mourning can be shaped by such actions as wearing mourning clothes, walking slowly, being monitored by the family, and getting cleaned. The process of mourning creates the identity of the deceased woman with respect to her in-laws, children, religion, and society.

However, mourning identity may also be contested. As per Shoko and Matlabe-Danke (2024), the young widows perceive mourning practices as spaces where their voice, honor, fear, and social pressures intersect. It is pertinent to note that not all women grieve similarly. Factors such as age, marital status, parenthood, poverty, religious connections, and in-law connections contribute to the treatment a particular woman receives during her mourning process. Whereas some women receive respect for their roles as custodians of family history, others have to deal with the stringent rules placed upon them during the mourning process. Hence, according to the article, mourning identity is both relational and negotiated. The widow could be viewed as a mother, widow, daughter-in-law, elder, caregiver, ritual leader, amongst other identities, but there is always death.

3. Literature Review

3.1. Gender and Ritual in African Scholarship

Contemporary African literature indicates that women’s engagement with rituals is not limited to either oppression or empowerment. According to Hellemann and Sipungu (2024), women within African traditional rituals may assume roles of moral and intellectual gatekeepers that possess knowledge regarding ritualistic behavior. This source is relevant due to the fact that women within rituals may exercise their influence on ritual life through guiding, teaching, and mediation processes. As far as mourning practices are concerned, this framework helps understand the importance of women’s advisory role in relation to widows. On the other hand, ritual acknowledgment does not necessarily imply women’s freedom as women may be respected in the process of maintaining customs but have to comply with rigid restrictions concerning their bodily, verbal, and behavioral actions. Thus, the ritual identity of women should be interpreted as complex, since it involves both authority and discipline.

In literature on widowhood, it has been observed that rituals can also put pressure on individuals in a way that is gendered. According to Khosa-Nkatini (2022), it is a common observation among many African societies that rituals related to mourning tend to be difficult for women rather than men because of purifying rituals, along with expectations of the appropriate behavior of women after losing their partners. Ekwueme (2025) also argues that some religious rituals tend to justify acts of violence against women if ritual authority cannot be challenged. However, it must be noted that while such observations have merit, they should not be taken out of context in this paper since not all African mourning rituals are under consideration here.

The literature also indicates that the nature of power needs rethinking within a ritual context. Being visible doesn’t equate to being powerful, while being invisible doesn’t imply lack of strength either. According to Ndlovu (2024), widows can resist dispossession and social regulation even from restricted roles. The example allows us to elaborate on the notion of women’s ritual power as it encompasses different types of influence that are subtle and relational in nature. The widow might refrain from speaking during the funeral ceremony, but still exercise her influence in terms of her kinship role, seniority, culture-related knowledge or moral authority. Consequently, in this article, power is no longer confined to public leadership. Rather, it embraces such elements as interpreting meaning of rituals, regulating behavior, preserving memory, and managing belonging. This framework enables the conversation to shift from the binary view of women either as powerless victims or fully fledged cultural agents.

3.2. Mourning, Kinship, and Social Reproduction

The connection between mourning and kinship exists as a result of death, which necessitates a restatement of the terms of the relationship, obligation, and belonging. According to Berry (2021), death may force families to reconsider issues such as inheritance, property, legitimacy, and membership in the family. Even though Berry does not conduct research on the Vatsonga community, his article provides a useful comparison because it illustrates how death may bring into question certain issues in the family. Some of the same issues will likely be brought out during Vatsonga mourning through the issue of the widow’s place in the family, obligations of the in-laws, welfare of the children, and family legacy. Therefore, mourning rituals not only honor the dead but organize the living. Women’s involvement in mourning is extremely important for this reason.

In regard to the kinship care model, it is important for one to point out that women have an important role in this relationship paradox existing between the two aspects. Mshayisa et al. (2024) argue that, “kinship care is spiritually, culturally, and generationally based.” This is articulated in the mourning practices by caring for the bereaved, raising children, making the house ready, directing younger members of the family, and respecting the elderly. Being the main actors in mourning practices, women can be considered as the spiritual custodians of ritual practices. This brings up a very interesting theoretical dilemma. Labor does not necessarily translate into power, but the ritual labor that women carry out may still have an impact on family memory, belonging, and relational ties.

It should be noted that literature demonstrates how mourning is linked to inclusivity and exclusivity. As per Nnabuihe (2023), funeral rituals may become mechanisms of identification and belonging not only on private but also on public levels. It becomes crucial when referring to mourning since it will be decided who is invited to the funeral and is considered a member of family, who gets an opportunity to speak at the ceremony, who is expected to take the leading position, and who will have to keep quiet by mourning rituals. In Vatsonga communities, it is all about the widow, her husband’s relatives, married daughters, maternal relatives, and other community members. It means that the place occupied by women in the society may depend on the closeness to their deceased relatives and family hierarchy.

3.3. Women, Symbolic Power, and Cultural Authority

The symbolic power of women during ritual activities is likely to emerge from their role as custodians of cultural knowledge and proper conduct teachers. As stated by Hellemann and Sipungu (2024), aunties may find themselves empowered in African rituals due to their advisory, educational, mediating, and interpreting roles. This theoretical notion explains the possible ways through which empowerment of women becomes evident even when men wield dominating powers in the context of rituals. In the event of funeral ceremonies, women hold the power to advise widows, educate children, arrange ritual sites, interpret appropriate dress codes, control visitors, and conduct families on proper displays of respect. Even though symbolic power is mostly informal, it can determine the nature of rituals carried out. Based on the above information, symbolic power should thus be understood as the ability to shape conduct, meaning, and culture.

It is necessary that the glorification of symbolic power not be encouraged. With respect to this, Matlabe-Danke (2024) observes that the practice of cultural widowhood has the capacity of bringing about questions relating to cultural rights, constitutional rights, and women’s dignity. This can be attributed to the fact that ritual power may not only be seen as an avenue of preserving identity but also as a mechanism that can promote discrimination. The women would be required to follow the mourning rituals, while the men would not be affected in any way. The elderly women could be involved in enforcing the ritualistic practices owing to the fact that they are custodians of tradition. Nevertheless, it does not imply that they are oppressed. Rather, it suggests that the women are involved in power structures that provide them with a level of power yet reinforce gender discipline.

Further comparative evidence from African scholarship suggests that the role that women play in the kinship structure can be quite fluid, but still hierarchical. As Jaji (2025) claims, the role women occupy in the Shona kinship structure depends on relationships, status, and context. This research is not Tsonga-specific, however, which makes it valuable for understanding the role of kinship in women’s lives. During the course of the Vatsonga rituals associated with mourning, the role of the woman can be determined by her widowhood, motherhood, being an aunt, an elder, a daughter-in-law, a Christian, or an elder in the family. Women in such rituals do not have equal access to ritual power; some of them can instruct, whereas others can be instructed. Some can judge, while others have to be judged.

3.4. Colonial, Christian, and Urban Transformations

The death rituals of Africans have been shaped by the process of colonization, Christianization, migration, urbanization, and the development of new forms of organizing societies. According to Baloyi (2024), Christianization has greatly influenced the contemporary African funeral rituals in South Africa without taking away the significance of indigenous rituals. This has been vital to the present article because it is possible for Vatsonga funeral rituals of mourning performed in Limpopo to be conducted in accordance with both the church and indigenous cultures. In this case, the burial rituals would include prayers, sermon, hymns, and other Christian practices while still conducting oneself according to the family members’ roles, mourning clothes, ritual purity, respect for ancestors or culture.

Hove (2024) offers a more specific example related to the Limpopo region through illustrating the role played by the church in burial ceremonies within the Collins Chabane Municipality. Such an illustration reinforces the arguments presented in the article since Collins Chabane Municipality provides a significant local context in which one can understand the shifts in funeral authority in Vatsonga societies. Although the church is likely to take control of the major elements of the funeral ceremony, both women and family elders continue to play their respective roles in relation to household-based and kin-based mourning processes. In other words, there is a complex structure of power relations in which the church controls the communal mourning process while women have an authoritative role within the household.

In addition, transformations in the processes of urbanization and migrations have also influenced the practices of mourning within the African societies. The work of Chekero (2025), for instance, reveals that the formation of virtual burial societies among African migrants in Cape Town has provided new platforms for social connections and fulfilling obligations regarding funerals. This particular example is unrelated to the practices of mourning among the Vatsonga in Limpo-Po; however, it provides valuable information regarding the participation of people in funeral ceremonies not only physically but also virtually. Therefore, it means that relatives can provide financial support, attend meeting sessions, and take part in organizing funeral proceedings even if they are located far from home. All these aspects may influence the role of women during rituals as they are not geographically confined to the village or homestead in performing tasks related to caring, coordination, and socializing. Yet, the primary concern always remains unchanged: family members must respect the deceased and unite while alive.

Generation gaps could be explained through the lens of transformation in the context of mourning. On one hand, youth may be puzzled about the necessity to have certain mourning rituals, while on the other hand, the elderly consider mourning in terms of reverence and tradition. In the words of Shoko and Matlabe-Danke (2024), the idea of widowhood among a young widow could be considered a collision between culture and integrity. It is important to highlight that this assertion brings into focus the relevance of recognizing the changing aspects of ritual authority, which became negotiable rather than authoritative. The controversies concerning mourning rituals within the community of Vatsonga could range from the widow’s clothing, duration of mourning, cleansing, churches, traditionality, etc. Nevertheless, it appears irrelevant to claim that the analysis of generation gaps could undermine the relevance of the chosen topic.

3.5. Gap in the Literature

The literature reviewed highlights three distinct yet disconnected areas of debate. Firstly, research concerning Vatsonga widowhood reveals how mourning traditions influence women’s health, mobility, dressing, domestic responsibilities, and sociocultural status in contexts of Limpopo Baloyi et al. (2022). Secondly, research into the subject of African widowhood more broadly indicates how mourning traditions govern women by virtue of their expected respectability, chastity, submissiveness, and familial commitment (Fasanmi and Ayivor 2021). Finally, decolonial and genealogical scholarship illuminates how gender identity, kinship, and power are constituted historically, socially, and culturally (Kim 2024). Yet, these fields of inquiry have not been synthesised into an understanding of how women’s ritual authority is constituted, acknowledged, and constrained in contemporary Vatsonga mourning traditions. Thus, the gap does not lie in a dearth of literature surrounding the topic, but rather the scant scholarly focus on women’s negotiated ritual authority in specific mourning ceremonies.

4. Theoretical and Methodological Framework

4.1. Decolonial Perspective

Decolonial approach must be incorporated in regard to the given piece because the piece is on mourning rituals and processes which carry some meanings in the African context. As indicated by Shange (2025), African knowledge systems may be misunderstood in terms of its interpretation under a non-indigenous academic context. In addition to this, Juanena (2022) further clarifies that colonial methods of classifying African identity diluted indigenous interpretation making the African culture only labels. Opportunities presented by this piece in incorporating a decolonial approach include not interpreting the practices in an indiscriminate way among the whole Tsonga community but concentrating on the specific group of Vatsonga belonging to the Tsonga speaking people in Limpopo. Consequently, mourning practices like widow dressing, seclusion, family guidance, cleansing, and Christian burial are viewed as meaningful social activities. Advantage in this case in employing a decolonial approach is that meaning remains within its original context.

Furthermore, through the decoloniality perspective, it is possible to explain women’s position in the ritual context in such a way that they are not seen either as oppressed individuals or as empowered members of their culture. The former aspect has been explained by Khosa-Nkatini (2022) when she stated that in African societies, mourning can be transformed into a patriarchal act if women have more responsibilities compared to men regarding the performance of ritual acts. In addition, according to Baloyi et al. (2022), the Vatsonga widowhood rituals may affect the psychological condition of women as well as their relationships within families. Consequently, the rituals may empower as well as restrict the individuals’ actions. Through the decoloni-al perspective, the research aims at exploring how women’s empowerment is achieved with the participation of restrictions imposed on their bodies.

4.2. Genealogical Perspective

In the present article, the concept of genealogy not only refers to the biological connection but also includes the process of transferring status, obligations, memories, and authority from generation to generation. Kim (2024) claims that kinship is to be considered through relations as individuals create their identity through family connections, social expectations, and the past. Similarly, Berry (2021) demonstrates that even death can raise issues related to heritage, identity and legitimacy within families. This theory will be important to the analysis of Vatsonga mourning since death implies not only the passing away of an individual but also rearrangement of links between widows, in-laws, children, and the community members. During such ceremonies, women might be required to preserve memories, honour family, and respect the deceased person.

Grief rituals are ideal subjects for a genealogy study because they involve lineage, memory, duty, and social recognition. As Nnabuihe (2023) demonstrates, funerary rituals create boundaries of affiliation by highlighting some connections and obscuring other relationships. Rammutla (2025) further states that within Black South African households, the practice of grieving entails cultural norms which bind mourners to their role within the family structure and social hierarchy. From the perspective of Vatsonga society, grief rituals would then mean that women’s identity in a time of mourning would be contingent upon whether she is a widow, mother, daughter-in-law, aunt, elder, or member of the church. Each role involves different degrees of power and responsibility. Thus, the article considers the ritual identity of women as socially constructed rather than biologically inherent, avoiding the fallacy of assuming their power and authority.

4.3. Integrating Decoloniality and Genealogy

The relationship between decoloniality and genealogy arises because each one of them fills the gap existing in the academic literature. Decoloniality helps to ensure that the analysis of Vatsonga mourning rituals is not done from an outside perspective alone while genealogy helps explain the ways in which authority and identity get passed on through kinship, memory, and social locations. Shange (2025) asserts that the African scholarship should be based on embodied practice, ethics of responsibility, and cultural learning processes. Further, Kim (2024) clarifies that kinship is a dynamic process in the sense that people renegotiate their social location within their kin groups and families. Consequently, a marriage of decoloniality and genealogy helps to show that the mourning process is always changing and that it is through it that the women learn and teach about authority. Decoloniality and genealogy become important in understanding mourning practices because they do not regard mourning as a fixed practice.

Furthermore, the presence of such elements will ensure that the redundancy of the argument is minimized through integrating the issue of rituals, identity, and power into one analysis. The research conducted by Baloyi et al. (2022) that shows how the ritualization of widows in Vatsonga affects the social and health status of women validates the argument on the implications of rituals. As per Hove (2024), the participation of churches in Collins Chabane Municipality causes changes in the burial ritual but without affecting indigenous culture. From these examples, it is clear that the agency of women results from both continuity and change. For instance, widows may observe the required dressing codes and at the same time, the older women understand what it means to dress in a particular manner when performing the ritual. While church members manage the process of burials, the women take care of the household rituals as well as the mourning process.

4.4. Research Design: Qualitative Document Analysis

Methodology used in this paper is qualitative document analysis, because in this case there is no need to gather field data since the study will conduct its analysis using the available literature on the matter. Rammutla (2025) illustrates how systematic analysis of literature can reveal patterns in mourning rituals among Black South African families. Shange (2025) is also a proponent of African-based qualitative research that considers issues of culture, ethics, embodiment, and indigenousness. In this particular case, document analysis allows comparing documentation on the Vatsonga and the existing literature on widowhood, kinship, and rituals in Africa. Qualitative analysis will be more appropriate for interpretative research rather than statistical. The goal of this paper is to identify what is written, indicated, or neglected in scholarly literature regarding ritual power and female identity.

Secondary data sources have been used in this article alone. Secondary data consists of peer-reviewed articles, book chapters and theoretical/analytical works that discuss such topics as widowhood among the Vatsonga people, African funerals, kinship relations, gender roles, decolonisation and authority of rituals. None of the interviews, observations, focus group discussion reports or fieldnotes were produced in writing this article. This is an important fact to keep in mind since the conclusions drawn here are based on the interpretation of the secondary literature, not testimonies of Limpopo province Vatsonga women. The weakness in the approach has been admitted, but the methodology remains valid in the sense that the article can be seen as a compilation of existing literature as well as an analysis of the conceptual loopholes in this body of work.

4.5. Data Sources, Selection, and Analytical Procedure

Articles written between 2021 and 2025 were taken into consideration in conducting the research, while preference was given to articles which address issues discussed in this paper, such as Vatsonga widows, Limpopo funeral rituals, African mourning process, ritual roles of women, kinship, and decolo-niality. Baloyi et al.’s (2022) article is essential in shedding light on the specific culture of the Vatsonga people that affects widows and other significant people in this regard. At the same time, Hove’s (2024) paper, concerning the ritual aspect of funeral process in Collins Chabane Municipality, was also crucial because of its particular relevancy to this paper’s case of Limpopo. Other general African and South African papers were also considered if they provided useful information regarding widows and regulation of mourning process, among other issues.

The sources have been analyzed through close reading and thematic comparison in which themes such as women’s ritual authority, mourning discipline, kinship ties, identity formation, the effect of Christianity, continuity, contestation, and social change were highlighted. The application of Mabunda and Ross (2023) was crucial in understanding how the mourning rituals controlled the appearance, movement, and behavior of the widows. For the interpretation of women’s ritual authority as guidance, education, mediation, and moral knowledge without being political, I have employed the findings of Hellemann and Sipungu (2024). Afterward, the sources were subjected to thematic analysis based on the key themes of women’s authority and identity in mourning rites. The sources were classified into the category of the Vatsonga sources and the African comparative sources. This classification is important for this article as it will help us keep the discussion within the context of Limpopo province while using academic sources.

5. Analysis and Discussion

5.1. Mourning as a Gendered Ritual Space

The act of mourning by the Vatsonga communities located in Limpopo could be viewed as a gendered space as far as women’s behavior could be one of the manifestations of respect for the family. In an article published by Baloyi et al. (2022), it is demonstrated that Vatsonga widowhood practices influence how women relate with their surroundings after the death of their spouses. This may involve putting on mourning clothes, restraining oneself from movement, practicing regulated speaking, submitting to the family’s direction, undergoing cleansing expectations, and presenting oneself as a respectful widow. It is clear that such behaviors are not just expressions of grief by the woman. They are also ways by which her loyalty, dignity, and affiliation are assessed. It could be said, therefore, that mourning is a space wherein women’s bodies, emotions, and behaviors are exposed to the public eye.

The language of mourning is hence communicated through clothing, body language, silence, caregiving, and behavior in the public domain. In this sense, as suggested by Mabunda and Ross (2023), it can be argued that black women in South Africa who become widows are most likely to engage in the act of mourning in relation to the prescribed manner in which they are expected to wear clothes and move about. Additionally, as pointed out by Hove (2024), burial rituals in Collins Chabane Municipality have also been found to incorporate the church ritual, hence introducing a religious and cultural dimension to mourning within the Collins Chabane Municipality. To this end, within the Vatsonga culture, it is hence likely that the practice of wearing black clothes, behaving silently, restricting mobility, and involvement in funeral or post-funeral rituals and other activities would denote the dignity and mournfulness of the woman.

5.2. Women as Custodians of Ritual Continuity

Women play a key role in rituals because of their everyday labor which helps make the practice of mourning socially relevant. As Baloyi et al. (2022) have demonstrated, the ritual practices of widowhood among the Vatsonga population include various aspects influencing the life of women as well as people around them. Hence, besides mourning, women can perform the roles of organizing, counseling, caring for others, and interpreting mourning behavior. An older woman could advise the widow on how to behave, help with guests, monitor the preparation of food, care for children and preserve the dignity of the deceased household. Such types of labor can be considered ordinary household labor, yet this does not prevent them from becoming rituals. The author’s standpoint is that women’s ritual labor cannot be seen just as a service. It becomes one of the means of mourning preservation and transmission.

Nevertheless, women’s custodianship role also involves conflict. According to Hellemann and Sipungu (2024), women might have power during African rituals through their knowledge, teaching, and mediation. As per Mshayisa et al. (2024), caring for the kin in South Africa is linked to spiritual beliefs and family accountability. Although all these general studies do not concern Vat-songa only, they assist in explaining how women’s ritual power can be relational and informal. During the funeral ceremonies, the woman could exert power since she knows what should be done, yet her power could be seen as an obligation rather than a position of power. This is why women’s custodianship role can be empowering yet demanding. Women maintain ritual knowledge and practices, yet they must implement traditions that affect other women.

5.3. Negotiating Authority, Legitimacy, and Belonging

Women’s power when the mourning process is occurring does not rely solely on the fact that women are female. Instead, ritual power among women relies on the woman’s place in the family line, her seniority, her church standing, and her familiarity with custom. According to Hellemann and Sipungu (2024), women do not necessarily have to be in positions of title in order to wield power; women can use ritual power by way of teaching, gatekeeping, and mediation. In this case, concerning the custom of Vatsonga mourning, older women such as aunties and mothers-in-law are able to teach widows and young females about customs at both the funeral ceremony and afterwards. Whether or not these women have any power is contingent on how much they are perceived as custodians of custom.

Similarly, the act of mourning can assist in negotiating belonging in regards to the issues pertaining to the right of access to the dead individual. As per Ndlovu (2024), there have been instances whereby a widow has managed to dispute the dispossession issue and protect herself even when facing a patriarchal society. Additionally, according to Jaji (2025), in relation to the kinship among the Shonas, the position of the woman during this period is quite flexible depending on various factors such as status, networking, and social acceptability. These are the other two comparative texts which need not necessarily be related to the Vatsonga community. However, they definitely highlight the flexibility of the power held by the woman during the funeral rites. This is due to the fact that whether the woman remains part of the family or not depends on how she behaves and the kind of connections she has.

5.4. Mourning and the Construction of Female Identity

It is important to note that mourning identity is not simply an expression of women’s identities, but is also a way of shaping them. As noted by Matlabe-Danke (2024), the act of grieving could affect the way that a woman experiences her identity within the context of culture and constitution. For instance, the widow identity within the Vatsonga communities can be constructed through the wearing of clothes, behavior, limited movement outside the household, being accompanied at all times and involvement in cleansing activities. All these actions serve to express sorrow, but also create the image of the kind of woman that is required. She may come across as a loyal, submissive and morally upright person when she follows the required mourning activities. However, failure to follow these activities could raise questions about her behavior.

Women in mourning will depend on their age and the power structure within the family. According to Shoko and Matlabe-Danke (2024), young widows may see widowhood as an area of fear, silence, and oppression. From the research conducted by Mabunda and Ross (2023), rituals of mourning may be viewed as continuity and dishonor based on their performance. The information will be useful to understand how women behave when mourning. This is because women do not play the same role in the process of mourning. For instance, the elderly woman will give directions, but the younger widow will comply with the orders. It means that the mother-in-law can dictate terms in the process, but the daughter-in-law should obey the mother-in-law’s directions.

5.5. Continuity, Contestation, and Contemporary Change

In today’s world, change has not caused the disappearance of mourning practices; rather, it has changed the way these practices are organized and interpreted. For instance, according to Baloyi (2024), there have been changes in the burial rites of post-colonial Africans in South Africa even though the older traditions still hold some importance. For example, as highlighted by Hove (2024), the church buildings have become important during funerals in the Collins Chabane Municipality in Limpopo Province. This is significant for the mourning process in Vatsonga because ritual power may have been distributed among the clergies, elderly family members, widows, and other female elders. During a funeral, one can pray, sing hymns, and preach, but the mourning process of dressing, the family’s mourning, purification, and memorial will take place at home. Hence, it can be seen from the above information that Christianity has not taken away the ritual powers of women; rather, it has only changed the places of its expression.

Mourning too has been influenced by migration, urbanisation and technology. According to Chekero (2025), the formation of virtual burial societies among migrant Africans in Cape Town enables members to perform their funeral obligations despite living miles away from home. While this case does not specifically focus on Vatsonga culture, it will be relevant in helping understand ways of performing funerals outside the village, home or immediate family. For instance, current Vatsonga women could face situations where their family members are spread in other parts such as Gauteng, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and even cities in South Africa but they must perform their mourning responsibilities within the Limpopo Province. These roles will include coordinating members, providing emotional support, collecting money, communicating between the families and guiding rituals. The author sees such changes as part of cultural adaptation, but not cultural death.

6. Conclusions

6.1. Summary of the Argument

With this in mind, the article emphasizes that mourning among the Vatsonga or Tsonga speaking community in the Limpopo Province entails the process whereby women’s power and role are continually negotiated through the rituals of the mourning process. As such, Baloyi et al. (2022) emphasize that mourning among Vatsonga widows affects the health and social experiences of women; hence, mourning rituals are not only symbols but also have practical implications on the society under discussion. Moreover, Mabunda and Ross (2023) demonstrate that mourning rituals might also dictate the manner in which women dress or act within such mourning events. From here, the article shows that women are not merely participants in mourning rituals, but they are also advisers, providers of guidance, and interpreters of the rituals. However, their ritual authority is dictated by factors such as age, kinship, marital status, religion and family recognition. The most important point in the article is that women’s ritual authority is negotiated rather than possessed.

6.2. Theoretical Contribution

The importance of the article for gender theories is based on the fact that the involvement of women in ritual processes cannot be defined as oppression or empowerment in many cases. Hellemann and Sipungu (2024) emphasize the fact that the position of females can be considered powerful within the framework of ritual roles such as instruction, mediation, and cultural heritage. It is possible to say that, according to Khosa-Nkatini (2022), even a patriarchal society can use mourning as a ritual when females have more responsibilities in this respect. In terms of decolonial and genealogical theories, the African meaning of mourning is discussed using kinship and intergenerational relations.

6.3. Final Closing Insight

Finally, there should be an acknowledgement that mourning is one of the key processes in which such categories as gender, power, belonging and memory get embodied during family interaction on a daily basis. According to Rammutla (2025), the process of mourning in the context of Black South African families remains culturally meaningful when it comes to matters of accountability, respect and perpetuation. On the other hand, Hove (2024) shows that even when it comes to situations in which churches impact the burial procedure, cultural meaning remains meaningful. In terms of the Vatsonga culture, this means that women not only pass mourning practices down from culture, but they also interpret, support and even criticize them. This type of power can appear in forms of mentoring, caring, ritual knowledge, psychological comfort and mediation among family members. Hence, the conclusion drawn by the article is that mourning activities practiced by women should be considered proactive and negotiable. Culture lives not due to its stability, but its constant transformation.