1. Introduction
Clean air is essential for healthy living; however, in most parts of the world air is contaminated with many pollutants that adversely affect human health [
1]. While initial attempts to tackle the issue began with the industrialisation process [
2], it was not until the World Health Organization (WHO) published its first air pollution guidelines in 1987 [
3], followed by numerous updates, that the problem gained significant attention. Consequently, Europe established air quality standards according to the 2005 WHO guidelines [
4]. However, they were updated in 2021 with more ambitious goals, followed by a European Commission proposal to revise the Ambient Air Quality Directive [
5]. Indeed, the impact of air pollution on public health is substantial, as highlighted in European Environmental Agency (EEA) reports [
6]. According to their data, in 2021, 97% of urban residents in the EU-27 were exposed to air pollution levels exceeding the recommendation limits [
7], resulting in 253,000 and 52,000 premature deaths attributable to PM
2.5 and NO
2 concentrations, respectively, surpassing WHO guidelines in 2021 [
8].
Given the importance of this issue, it is crucial to investigate whether the pollutants’ distribution is uniform in the population or if distinct levels of exposure characterise different socioeconomic groups. Notably, the unequal distribution of most risk factors in the population [
9], contributing to so-called health inequalities [
10], underscores the importance of determining if this trend extends to the present case. In particular, contrary to North America, a unique pattern does not characterise European cities, each marked by its unique pollution exposure [
11], and the role of different socioeconomic indicators remains to be determined, with European data demonstrating that the power of the association reduces when passing from national to ecological to individual indicators of socioeconomic deprivation [
12].
In this context, this study aims to assess the relationship between two individual indicators of socioeconomic position (SEP) (education and occupational levels) and a selection of air pollutants (NOx, NO2, PM10, and PM2.5) in the Turin and Varese European Prospective Investigation into Cancer and Nutrition sub-cohorts.
3. Results
The cohort comprised 19,842 subjects, 55.9% from the Varese cohort and 44.1% from the Turin cohort. The mean age of the pooled cohort was 50.5 years (51.1 years for Varese and 49.8 years for Turin). Males represented 36.6% of the pooled cohort, with substantial variation between the two cohorts: they were 21.4% of the total in the Varese cohort and the 55.8% of the total in the Turin one. The distribution of the RII tertiles of educational level was similar in the two cohorts, with the lower level of education always being the most common level (38.4% and 34.7% for Varese and Turin, respectively). The distribution of occupation differed between the two cohorts: more than half of the subjects in the Varese cohort (51.5%) had low-skilled employment, whereas more than half of the Turin one (59.0%) had medium-skilled employment. On the contrary, marital status had an almost identical distribution, with 86.8% and 86.1% of people married in Varese and Turin, respectively (
Table 1).
The mean levels of nitrogen molecules (NO
2 and NOx) were consistently higher in the Turin cohort (
p < 0.01), with differences exceeding 20% for NO
2 (43.18 µg/m
3 for Varese and 54.16 µg/m
3 for Turin) and 15% for NOx (85.38 for Varese and 99.55 µg/m
3 for Turin). The mean concentrations of particulate matter, which were available only for the Turin cohort, were 46.51 µg/m
3 and 30.14 µg/m
3 for PM
10 and PM
2.5, respectively (
Table 2).
There was a clear relationship between educational level and occupation (
p < 0.001), with people with higher education levels having more skilled jobs than those with lower education levels (68.5% and 11.7% high-skilled jobs for higher and lower RII tertiles, respectively, when considering the whole cohort) (
Table A1 in
Appendix A). In both cohorts, women were generally less educated than men; however, in the Varese cohort, the difference between low-educated men and women was greater than in the Turin cohort (for males and females, respectively, 31.6% and 40.3% in Varese and 34.0% and 35.7% in Turin, with
p-values < 0.01 in both cases). In general, there was strong evidence that the educational level was not evenly distributed across age groups (
p-values were <0.01 both in Turin and in Varese). In both cohorts, older people were more likely to have a low education, and young age groups to have a medium or high education. The proportion of not married people was higher among those with a high level of education both in Varese (41.5%) and in Turin (36.4%) (
p < 0.01).
Similarly to what was described for the educational level, in both cohorts, older age groups were more likely to be employed in low-skilled sectors, and young age groups in medium-skilled jobs (
p-values were <0.01 both in Turin and in Varese) (
Table A2 in
Appendix A). On average, men had more high-skilled jobs than women (for males and females, respectively, 12.0% and 3.6% in Varese and 7.8% and 4.8% in Turin, with
p-values < 0.01 in both cases). The association between occupational levels and marital status was weak in the Varese cohort (51.1% and 50.4% of low-skilled jobs in Varese for married and unmarried, respectively, with a
p-value of 0.01) and stronger in the Turin one (34.0% and 26.8% of low-skilled jobs in Turin for married and unmarried, respectively, with a
p-value < 0.01).
Considering the two nitrogen molecules, the association between the exposures and the outcomes has similar patterns within each cohort, with the more deprived exposed to slightly lower levels of air pollution (
Table 3).
In the Varese cohort, the univariate analysis showed that the mean exposure to NO
2 and NOx was significantly lower among the low-educated than among the highly educated (−1.67 CI 95% [−2.44; −0.90] for NO
2 and −4.23, CI 95% [−6.09; −2.37] for NOx). The association became even stronger when the model was fully adjusted for the confounding factors (−2.34, CI 95% [−3.14; −1.53] for NO
2 and −5.85, CI 95% [−7.80; −3.89] for NOx) (
Figure 1). Looking at the effect of occupation, the univariate analysis showed that the mean exposure among people in both medium and low occupational levels was significantly lower than among those in high-skilled occupations, with a higher effect among medium occupational levels (−4.42, CI 95% [−6.03; −2.81] for NO
2 and −10.33, CI 95% [−14.23; −6.44] for NOx for medium occupational levels). In the fully adjusted models, the point estimate did not change for the low occupational level, but shrank for the medium occupational level (−3.32, CI 95% [−5.06; −1.57] for NO
2 and −7.82, CI 95% [−12.04; −3.60] for NOx for medium occupational levels).
In the Turin cohort, the univariate and multivariate analyses showed that the mean NO2 exposure among people with both medium and low educational levels was lower than the one among the highly educated, and that little confounding effect was present (in the multivariate analysis, −2.19, CI 95% [−2.84; −1.55] and −2.16, CI 95% [−2.80; −1.52] for medium and low levels of education, respectively). A similar pattern was observed for NOx. Besides highlighting the confounding effect of age (mainly among the older), these results reveal that the mean exposure to nitrogen molecules was significantly lower among the medium- and low-educated than among the high-educated counterpart, but without an evident gradient. Regarding the effect of occupation, a gradient according to which a decrease in occupational level corresponds to a decrease in exposure to NO2 and NOx was present in both univariable and multivariable analyses, with little confounding effect and with very similar values between univariate and multivariate analyses (−3.85, CI 95% [−6.38; −1.35] and −4.11, CI 95% [−6.78; −1.45] for NOx for low occupational levels in the univariate and multivariate analyses, respectively).
The analysis of the association between the SEP and mean levels of particulate matters in the Turin cohort revealed that it was very weak to null (
Table 4). Indeed, in the univariable analysis, the beta coefficients for PM
10 showed no association, and only the educational coefficient for PM
2.5, although the coefficients were very small, were significant. In the multivariable analysis, the beta coefficient for PM
10 was associated only among the low-educated (−0.27, 95% CI [−0.49; −0.04]), whereas all beta coefficients for PM
2.5 exposure were significant, although with very small values (−0.15, CI 95% [−0.24; −0.06] and −0.16, CI 95% [−0.25; −0.06] for medium and low levels of education, respectively) (
Figure 2).
4. Discussion
This study aimed to investigate the relationship between individual socioeconomic position, measured through educational or occupational level, and exposure to air pollution (NO2, NOx, PM10, and PM2.5) in the Turin and Varese EPIC cohorts. In the period 2008–2011, low-educated people and people with low-skilled jobs experienced slightly lower exposures to nitrogen molecule air pollution; no significant socioeconomic differences in particulate matter exposure were found in Turin.
As reported in a recent systematic review, the evidence on social inequalities in exposure to air pollution in Europe is mixed with an inconsistent pattern of association [
12]. Indeed, published findings from different European cities return a motley picture in which the gradient can be direct, indirect, or not present at all. On the one hand, Paris [
34], Vienna [
35], Dortmund [
36], Barcelona [
37], Oslo [
38], and other cities in the Netherlands [
39] and England (including the city of London) [
39] were characterised by a gradient according to which the more deprived areas were those with the highest air pollution. On the other hand, Rotterdam [
39] and Bristol [
39], along with Brussels [
40], were not characterised by any gradient. In Rome, instead, an indirect gradient existed, according to which more affluent people experienced higher levels of air pollution compared to their low socioeconomic counterparts [
41,
42]. Finally, in Helsinki, Finland, the relationship between SEP and air pollution followed a U-shaped curve, with people in the highest and lowest socioeconomic positions exposed to higher air pollution levels and people in the middle with lower air pollution exposure [
43]. From this collection of evidence, it emerges that there is not a common pattern [
11]; instead, differences in the relationship between air pollution and deprivation across areas exist [
44]. It can be argued that this relationship is rather shaped by the environmental, demographic, social, and geographic characteristics of the cities (i.e., where the more affluent sections of the population live) and by the urban policies on traffic and mobility. Indeed, whilst particulate matter comes from a number of possible sources [
17] and exhibits a widespread prevalence, nitrogen molecules are associated with combustion sources and exhausts from vehicular traffic [
17]. As a result, the combination of the social geography and the urban mobility strategies of a city may play a crucial role in defining the form and the direction of the relationship between SEP and exposure to air pollution.
This hypothesis is useful in explaining the results of our study. Indeed, both in Turin (see
Figure A1 in
Appendix A) and in the province of Varese, Italy’s sixth most densely populated province [
45], with a polycentric structure, lacking a singular metropolis but featuring several sizable towns, the wealthier portions of the population (higher-educated and high-skilled employees) tend to live within the central districts—those with the highest level of traffic and therefore concentration of nitrogen molecules.
Although this spatial pattern could not be formally quantified within the scope of our study, previous research on the socioeconomic geography of Turin has shown that the majority of central neighbourhoods are inhabited by highly educated and affluent populations (see
Figure A1 in
Appendix A). This lends support to our qualitative interpretation that wealthier individuals may be more exposed to pollutants such as NO
2 due to their concentration in traffic-heavy city centres. We acknowledge, however, that exceptions to this general pattern exist. In Turin, for example, some neighbourhoods immediately north of the historic centre are among the most socioeconomically deprived in the city, whereas affluent areas like the hillside district are located farther from the centre and are typically less exposed to vehicular pollution. Similarly, in the province of Varese, while the wealthier population segments are generally concentrated in central urban areas, several high-income municipalities lie outside the main urban cores.
Despite these exceptions, our results and interpretation are consistent with those described in the Turin children of the NINFEA cohort (an Italian web-based multi-purpose mother–child cohort based on questionnaires): even in this case, where SEP at childbirth was measured through the Equivalised Household Income Indicator, low–medium SEP children were less likely to be exposed to air pollution than the higher-SEP ones [
46].
To lend support to the hypothesis that social geography and urban mobility interact in defining the relationship between SEP and exposure to air pollution, we collected information about major sources of air pollution and protective measures in the cities for which evidence on the relationship under study was available (
Table 5). We collected data on city area, underground network length, underground network length per km square, cars per 1000 inhabitants in the city region, population, population density, and underground network length per 1000 city inhabitants. We grouped cities according to the type of association between deprivation and exposure to air pollution reported in the literature: direct proportionality, inverse proportionality, no relationship, and unique relationship. Although we did not find an evident correlation for any of the indicators, the underground kilometres relative to the city’s area and the number of cars per 1000 inhabitants in the region deserve a comment. The cities where the people in a lower SEP appeared to experience lower air pollution exposures (Turin and Rome) had a lower value for the first indicator and higher figures for the second compared to the cities where people in a lower SEP experienced higher air pollution levels. One possible interpretation is that a limited underground network coverage may lead to greater car dependence, which could contribute to widespread traffic congestion throughout the city, above all in central or affluent districts where higher-SEP individuals often reside. Conversely, in cities with more extensive public transport infrastructure, higher-SEP individuals may benefit more from protective urban planning, while lower-SEP populations may reside closer to pollution sources (e.g., high-traffic corridors). In approaching these data, it is important to bear in mind that the data reported are relative to the beginning of the year 2024; therefore, a perfect alignment with the studies’ times is not possible.
In the interpretation of the results of our study, in light of the current evidence, it is also important to mention that the relationship between SEP and exposure to air pollution could also change with respect to the use of different SEP indicators or the consideration of different city areas. For example, in Rome, the direction of the relationship has been demonstrated to reveal an opposite gradient (resulting in less affluent and less educated people being exposed to higher air pollution) if only the inner city centre is considered [
42]. Another example of this variability due to the use of different SEP indicators (none of which, taken individually, consider all existing confounding variables [
47]) was the situation described in Denmark, where the individual high level of education was associated with a higher level of air pollution, while neighbourhood socioeconomic indicators were not associated with air pollution [
48]. Even in London, small-area markers of deprivation were associated with an increase in air pollution, but the association was reversed in central London and for SEP markers relating to education [
49]. In addition, European data demonstrated that the power of the association reduced when passing from national to ecological to individual indicators of socioeconomic deprivation [
12]. Therefore, our minimal gradient obtained using individual indicators was coherent.
Although the relationship between SEP and exposure to air pollution can show a pattern of reduced exposure among the socioeconomically disadvantaged strata of the population, other factors need to be taken into account when assessing the ultimate impact of air pollution on health. Indeed, besides the differences in exposure, the differences in susceptibility and vulnerability to air pollution play a crucial role in influencing health outcomes [
12,
50]. Demonstrating the importance of this second pathway, in Barcelona, the risk of dying due to environmental hazards in a very affluent neighbourhood was about 30% lower than in a very deprived one [
37], and in the northwestern coastal region of England, the declaration of an Air Quality Management Area led to a larger decrease in hospitalisation rates in more compared to less deprived neighbourhoods [
51]. Also, in Italy, increased exposure to particulate matter led to a more significant decrease in birth weight among children with less educated mothers than more educated ones [
52], and one standard deviation increase in particulate matter exposure had a stronger effect in increasing hospitalisation among low-educated compared to more educated people [
53]. Therefore, even though there was a minimal trend in favour of the more deprived for nitrogen molecules and similar exposure for particulate matter in our study areas, it is possible that these exposures contributed to health inequalities.
Therefore, considering this, policies aiming at reducing air pollution must look at health equity since the results could be counterintuitive. For example, in Paris, different scenarios of extension of the low-emission zone contributed to increased inequalities in preventable deaths and in new cases of three major chronic diseases [
54]. Still, on the other hand, the positive example of the Athens reduction in air pollution led to greater mortality reduction among the more deprived, determining a reduction in health inequalities [
55], as was also the case in the Scania province of Sweden [
56]. Therefore, air pollution reduction must be carried out with equity in mind, considering that there is also no equity in emissions [
57].
Limitations and Strengths
This study suffered from a limitation because, despite being analysed as a cross-sectional study, air pollution level measurements were conducted in a period that was more than ten years later than the date of recruitment of the two cohorts: indeed, recruitment took place between 1993 and 1998, but measurements were conducted in the 2008–2010 and 2009–2011 periods. To consider them valid measures, two hypotheses should be true: that in those years, the reduction in air pollution occurred at the same rate in all parts of the city, and that in those years, recruited people remained at the same address. Both hypotheses could be considered valid: the first one, because neither in Turin nor in Varese has any specific policy to reduce air pollution in precise areas been implemented, and the second one, because recruited individuals were aged more than 35 years at enrolment, so they probably had already started a family, which may reduce the likelihood of further movement.
Another limitation of this study is its conclusions’ generalisation to the present: indeed, in the years between study recruitment and air pollution measurements, people with a higher SEP owned more powerful and more polluting cars, accounting for higher transport-related emissions [
58]. This relationship is still being determined nowadays, with high income and high education now being positive determinants of owning low-emission cars [
59,
60], but also with data from London [
61] and Paris [
57] describing a situation in which the top emitters are people with the highest socioeconomic status. In addition, one must also consider the recent distribution of low-carbon heating systems, which favours the least deprived [
62].
Moreover, as for most environmental studies, air pollution has been estimated at the residential addresses of the individuals in the cohort. This limitation was, in reality, a double one, since it considered only outdoor air pollution (but people spend the majority of their time indoors), and since people spent a lot of time in places other than home (for example, at work or at school). However, this limitation has been demonstrated to exerts little to no influence on the estimation of air pollution exposures in papers investigating this phenomenon [
63,
64].
Another limitation of this study was the way air pollutants were estimated: indeed, the developed LUR models were based only on 20 measurement sites for particulate matter and on 40 measurement sites for nitrogen molecules. Even if a strict rule for a minimum number of sites does not exist, a higher number of sites allows for a reduction in the risk of overfitting [
23]. In addition, measurements were restricted in time (2008–2010 and 2009–2011), but previous sampling campaigns shared this limitation [
23]. Furthermore, territory characteristics were collected in each city from current data, but the datasets might have been somewhat older [
20,
23].
Additionally, the cohort of Turin was composed of residents in high-population-density areas, the highest of which was the municipality of Turin itself, with a value of 6709.9 people per km
2 in 2011 [
65] (the first general census after our period of measurements). On the other hand, the province of Varese was characterised by very different territories, with a medium population density of 727.7 people per km
2 in 2011 [
66]. This could have been a problem since a higher population density could lead to higher air pollution levels [
67]; however, this problem was addressed during analysis by stratifying results per cohort.
Another limitation of this study was that participants in the EPIC study volunteered, which may introduce biases if the selection process was associated with both SEP and air pollution. Indeed, people with a higher socioeconomic status are generally more likely to participate in such studies [
68], creating a potential bias if our study cohorts were not geographically balanced: if a greater number of high- or low-educated people from specific areas participated, results could have been influenced. To limit possible distortions due to this, only relative measures were considered.
However, the voluntary enrolment allowed us to gather individual socio-demographic data, which is the main strength of this study. Indeed, two different SEP indicators were used, and the fact that the conclusions are rather similar gives strength to our findings.
Moreover, it also allowed us to estimate air pollution exposure at the address of each cohort member. Through this level of granularity, we achieved remarkable precision in our measurements, strengthening the reliability and accuracy of our data.
The final strength of this study lay in the high numerosity of its sample: the nearly 20,000 people considered enhanced the study’s statistical power, increasing the likelihood of detecting even minimal differences between groups.