The contemporary evolution of scientific thought and research is increasingly characterized by efforts to investigate and address problems whose origins extend over long historical periods, often spanning several decades. Among these problems, regional inequalities at multiple spatial and social levels occupy a central position (
Petrakos et al., 2023;
Rontos et al., 2023;
Toth & Nagy, 2023;
Schenone et al., 2025). These disparities have become progressively more pronounced due to the persistent unequal distribution of wealth and the uneven access to technology and knowledge—conditions shaped by the productive structures and social relations of the modern capitalist system and the processes of globalization. It is further noted that economic inequalities are closely intertwined with social inequalities, which continue to sustain recurring crises of longer duration than in the past, especially where levels of social cohesion and social capital are comparatively weaker (
Rontos et al., 2022).
Economic development is therefore not solely associated with an increase in production. Rather, it is linked to the sustainability of development trajectories, the integration of social development into the broader concept of progress, the preservation of natural resources, and the equitable distribution of developmental benefits. It also requires balancing urban and rural development, maintaining a resilient workforce and a well-functioning local labor market, and safeguarding agricultural production to ensure food security—particularly in disadvantaged regions affected by resource scarcity or geopolitical instability.
Demographic trends are also unfavorable, especially in the Western world. Indeed, in many Western countries demographic developments have become increasingly unfavorable, undermining dynamic economic growth and, in the long term, the viability of affected societies. The inability of countries such as Greece, along with many other European countries, to stabilize and increase their population size and raise fertility levels over recent decades has resulted in depopulation, persistently low birth rates, and accelerated population aging. Without the inflow of migrants and refugees from third countries, the extent of both the quantitative and qualitative demographic decline would be even greater. Under these conditions, demographic policy has often proven inadequate, fragmented, and short-sighted.
The interdependence between demographic and economic development is particularly evident at the regional and local levels, where inequalities between advantaged and disadvantaged areas become most visible. The roots of demographic decline are primarily socio-economic, and a shrinking or aging population cannot serve as a foundation for sustained development.
The evolution of demographic components—fertility, mortality, and migration—is closely linked to broader social and economic structures, as captured in the widely applied demographic transition model. According to this model, birth and death rates decline gradually through a series of five phases as living standards rise, health conditions improve, and social norms regarding gender roles, marriage, and family size undergo significant changes.
A decline in births within a given geographical area may occur either because the number of individuals of reproductive age diminishes or because fertility levels decline among those who remain. For instance, the large-scale post-war migration from Greece to overseas destinations and Western Europe significantly reduced the size of reproductive-age cohorts; between 1961 and 1977, 1,044,753 permanent and 1,075,007 temporary migrants—largely young adults—left the country (
Rontos et al., 2024a). From the perspective of fertility, a major structural cause of decline is the transition from rural, agrarian societies to industrial and urbanized ones. This transition transformed the role of the traditional family, reducing the social and religious pressures—especially on women—to marry early and have multiple children. As a result, modern demographic patterns emerged, characterized by declining marriage and birth rates, rising divorce rates, and increased migration from less developed to more developed countries.
Secondary factors associated with industrial and post-industrial societies further constrain fertility. These include the changing roles of women, extended participation of young adults in education, the near-universal integration of women into the labor market, and the rise in individualism and consumerism, which discourage the assumption of long-term familial obligations at younger ages. Recent labor market instability, which limits young people’s access to stable and secure employment, constitutes an additional barrier to marriage and childbearing. The postponement of childbearing into one’s thirties also creates biological constraints. In contexts where family and fertility policies are insufficient, inconsistent, or poorly targeted, demographic problems persist and intensify (
Reynolds & Mansfield, 1999;
Oinonen, 2004;
Rontos et al., 2024b).
The continued deterioration of demographic conditions gradually leads to social regression and economic stagnation as workforce renewal becomes increasingly difficult; social insurance systems face structural challenges; and public infrastructures such as education and health services are underutilized, increasing per capita costs. Local resources, particularly in rural and remote areas, are abandoned; returns on investment decline; technological capabilities weaken; and national defense capacities may be reduced. Over the long term, opportunities for innovation, technological advancement, and the introduction of new ideas diminish as these processes depend heavily on the presence and dynamism of younger generations. The negative interaction between demographic decline and economic underdevelopment operates cumulatively and cyclically.
Against this broader backdrop, the present reprint aims to illuminate the interdependence between demographic evolution and regional development across diverse geographic contexts. The included articles employ contemporary demographic analysis alongside methods from regional science to examine demographic challenges and economic prospects in the regions studied. Their objective is to inform policy interventions capable of addressing local needs and enhancing societal well-being.
Specifically, the contributions examine the need for a transition from traditional economic development models to frameworks emphasizing socio-environmental sustainability; analyze the population structure of Greece at the local level and the corresponding need for policies to reduce inequalities; investigate regional labor force disparities in West Virginia, USA; assess the impact of demographic change on the sectoral structure of economic activity in Greece; explore the relationship between regional accessibility and population change in Italian communities; analyze the connections between urban sprawl and economic development in the Athens Metropolitan Area; present a regional input–output analysis of Thailand’s tourism system influenced by COVID-19; and examine the threat of water scarcity to food security in the Euphrates–Tigris River Basin in the Middle East.
The thematic diversity and geographical breadth of these studies—spanning both developed and less developed regions—offer representative examples of the demographic and economic challenges confronting contemporary societies. They also provide policy models and proposals that may be applicable not only to the regions examined but also to other areas experiencing similar problems.