Representation Matters: An Exploration of the Impact of Afro-Latinx Representation in an L2 Class

Abstract

Several studies emphasize that the limited representation of Afro-Latinx communities in Spanish language curricula affects students’ understanding of the diversity in Spanish-speaking societies. However, research has yet to evaluate the impact of a curricular intervention incorporating an Afro-Latinx module into an L2 Spanish language course. The present study addresses two research questions: (1) what the changes in knowledge after implementing an Afro-Latinx module in an L2 Spanish language course are, and (2) how the module impacts students’ understanding of language variation and diversity in Afro-descendant communities. Guided by Critical Race Theory, Critical Language Awareness, and Raciolinguistics, this mixed methods study analyzed pre- and post-tests alongside journal reflections completed by 50 college students. The findings demonstrated significant improvements in students’ knowledge, indicating a strong association between the intervention and the observed increase in knowledge regarding the representation of Afro-Latinx communities. It also deepened students’ understanding of language variation within Afro-descendant communities and illustrated the role of language in deconstructing social hierarchies and enabling collective memory, resistance, and empowerment.

1. Introduction

Representations play an essential role in the educational curriculum. They encompass the portrayal of cultural identities, images, narratives, and the “knowledge of the world”, found in learning materials used in educational institutions (Risager, 2018). Thus, the content represented or omitted shapes how learners respond to these materials, influencing their perspectives, motivation, critical thinking, and understanding of the world (Canale, 2021). In this regard, Hall (1997) defined representations as an “essential process by which meaning is produced and exchanged between members of a culture” (p. 15). Communities convey societal values, beliefs, and identities through representations. As such, representations, or the lack thereof, are far from neutral. They reflect power and existing hierarchies in society. Whereas what is represented is seen as important or legitimate, what is excluded is deemed unimportant or illegitimate. As Gates (2011) notes, if a group is made invisible, it implies its social presence does not matter to society.

In this regard, representations are crucial in language classes. They directly shape how language learners connect with the target language and culture, their sense of belonging, how they interpret historical occurrences, and their understanding of the social norms and power dynamics in the target societies. Given the essential role of representations in the language learning environment, the absence of Afro-Latinx representation is a significant concern and has been consistently criticized for decades (Alley, 1994; Anya, 2022; Baralt et al., 2022; Busey, 2019; Busey & Cruz, 2015; Davis, 2000; Padilla, 2022; Padilla & Vana, 2022, 2025; Rogers, 2006; Vana & Padilla, 2024). This lack of representation is no coincidence. It is problematic because it is rooted in colonial legacies of anti-Black racism, and “it reflects the historical location of Blackness at the bottom of the racial hierarchy” (Román & Flores, 2010, p. 3). It not only marginalizes the presence of the Afro-Latinx community, but it is also evidence of broader issues with respect to power, social justice, and equity.

Quesada (2020) argues that although all Latinx folks face oppression, not “all Latinos are racially or ethnically oppressed”1 (para 1). This is the case of Afro-Latinx individuals, who face double marginalization for being racially Black and ethnically Latinx. Considering this distinction, this study presents a curricular intervention in the way of an Afro-Latinx module incorporated in an intermediate-level, asynchronous, online Spanish language course. The module presented is designed to increase the visibility of Afro-Latinx individuals and communities in the Spanish language class, addressing a perspective that is typically left out of traditional educational narratives (Padilla & Vana, 2022). Moreover, this intervention is grounded in Critical Race Theory, Critical Language Awareness, and Raciolinguistics, thus offering an interdisciplinary framework for its implementation in a Spanish language class.

The present study is part of a more extensive study focused on improving Afro-Latinx representation in the Spanish language curriculum. The study specifically asks two research questions: (1) What are the changes in knowledge after implementing an Afro-Latinx module in an L2 Spanish language course? (2) How does the Afro-Latinx module impact students’ understanding of language variation and diversity in Afro-descendant communities? In this paper, we use the term Latinx2 because it pushes beyond gender boundaries and is a way of recognizing the diversity of identities within the Latin American diaspora. Although this term is not universally accepted, it aligns with the critical frameworks and signals our commitment to inclusivity.

2. Afro-Latinx Identity: Examining the Fusion of African and Latin American Heritage

The term Afro-Latinx can be conceptually challenging because there is a misconception that “Afro” and “Latinx” represent distinct or mutually exclusive identities; it is assumed that one is either Black or one is Latinx, without considering the various forms of intersecting identities, specifically race and ethnicity (Román & Flores, 2010). This term became popular in the U.S. in the 1990s and is used for individuals of Latin American and African descent. Román and Flores (2010) thus describe Afro-Latinx people as “those Latin@s of visible or self-proclaimed African descent” (p. 4). At its essence, the term emerged as a way to “signal racial, cultural and socioeconomic contradictions within the overly vague idea of Latin@3” (Román & Flores, 2010, p. 2). In this vein, “Afro-Latinx” not only recognizes and reaffirms the existence of these historically marginalized Black Latin Americans but also challenges the popular narrative that Latinx are “people with olive skin tones, dark brown flowy hair, and brown eyes” (García-Louis, 2016, p. 22). It is a form of reaffirmation and self-identification, acknowledging the “historical and continuing linkages among the estimated 180 million people of African descent in the Americas” (Román & Flores, 2010, p. 2). Furthermore, the “x” is used for gender neutrality, a sign of acceptance of everyone, irrespective of their identity. Yet, despite its widespread usage in North America, the term “Afro-Latinx” is not common in Latin America where it is more common to hear moreno/a (dark skin)4, negro/a (black), mulato/a (mulatto), mestizo/a (mestizo) or afrodescendiente (afro-descendant).

3. Examining African Linguistic Influence in Afro-Hispanic Varieties

Africans have been present in Latin America for over 400 years, and their languages undoubtedly left a profound mark on these regions (Lipski, 2005). This mark is evident, for instance, in the phonological patterns, unique syntactic structures, vocabulary, and the speech of Afro-descendant communities in the Americas and the Caribbean (Lipski, 2005; Sessarego, 2013). The existence of two Afro-Iberian creole languages in Latin America stands as evidence of this enduring African influence: Papiamento, spoken on the Dutch Caribbean islands of Aruba, Bonaire, and Curaçao, and Palenquero, spoken in the Colombian village of San Basilio de Palenque (DeGraff, 2001; Lipski, 2005; Sessarego, 2013; Visconte & Sessarego, 2022).

According to Lipski (2005), the earliest evidence of African speech was written by Portuguese writers who portrayed Africans as buffoons, thoughtless performers, or prisoners of their destiny. Their speech was described as lacking verb conjugations, as well as noun and adjective agreements, and was seen as exhibiting simple sentences and several phonological simplifications. Lipski (2005) argues that it has been a common practice to attribute unique vocabulary in regions with a prominent Afro-American heritage to African linguistic substrata, mainly when such words feature nasal consonants. As a result, several words have been incorrectly attributed to African origins. Nonetheless, the following are examples of some of the most widely accepted words according to Lipski (2005): bemba (‘thick-lipped’), malango (‘big banana’), bongó (‘bongo drum’), cuscú (‘hair’), samba (‘samba dance’), and sanaco (‘a fool’) (Cotton & Sharp, 1988, pp. 15, 218–219; Lapesa, 1997, p. 562). Additionally, Lipski (2005) mentions several phonetic features attributed to African influence: the change of intervocalic/d/to [r] and the weakening of syllable-final consonants, especially the final/l/,/ɾ/, and/s/.

In addition to Lipski’s findings, Sessarego (2013) also affirms that the five most reported Afro-Hispanic features are the use of overt subjects that are neither emphatic nor contrastive, verb forms that do not change based on person or number, the absence of gender and number agreement within the determiner phrase, the absence of subject–verb inversion in questions, and the use of nouns without articles. Sessarego (2013) argues that these have been reported in Afro-Hispanic Spanish, such as Afro-Venezuelan Spanish, Afro-Bolivian Spanish, Afro-Peruvian Spanish, Afro-Mexican Spanish, Afro-Panamanian Spanish, Chocó Spanish, and Chota Valley Spanish. In effect, these varieties illustrate the adaptability of language and how African cultural and linguistic elements have survived and passed on distinct grammatical, phonological, and lexical traits through generations.

4. A Critical Examination of Afro-Latinx Representation in Education

The underrepresentation of Black students in World Language programs is a significant concern (Anya, 2022; Austin & Anya, 2024; Murphy & Lee, 2019). Anya (2020) argues that although Black students comprise approximately 12% of the U.S. population, they account for only 4% of those enrolled in World Language courses. This number highlights a significant disparity in educational institutions. Furthermore, this underrepresentation parallels the limited visibility of Afro-Latinx individuals in educational discourse, emphasizing the importance of pushing for inclusivity within educational curricula.

The absence of Afro-Latinx people has been observed across various curricula, including social studies (Busey, 2017; Busey & Cruz, 2015; Novoa, 2007), history (Busey & Coleman-King, 2023; Busey, 2019; Busey & Cruz, 2017), fashion textbooks (Reddy-Best et al., 2018), and World Language teaching (Anya, 2016, 2020; Avilés & Harb, 2023; Baralt et al., 2022; Padilla, 2022; Padilla & Vana, 2022, 2025; Vana & Padilla, 2024). For instance, Busey’s (2019) study examined the treatment of Afro-Latinx individuals and communities in U.S. World History textbooks. The study found that the lived experiences of Afro-Latinx people were confined to two main categories—enslavement and mestizaje—a finding indicative of systemic racism. In this vein, the author argued for the need to go beyond representations of race mixing, racial hierarchies, and enslavement. Similarly, Canale (2016) argues that language textbooks favor some representations of culture while they erase others. These representations require the active negotiation of meaning, sometimes reinforcing, appropriating, or challenging the representations presented. Thus, there is also a need to raise questions about power, racism, and hegemony in the classroom. This is because educational institutions are embedded within broader social structures and are not exempt from the influence and authority of dominant groups. These dominant groups govern curricular decisions such as who gets to be represented in the curriculum, whose voice is omitted, and who is considered a legitimate speaker.

In this vein, Padilla and Vana’s (2022) study on Spanish textbooks used in the second language classroom uncovered the marginalization of Afro-Latinx communities. In these textbooks, not only were Afro-Latinx representations very scarce, but the few representations found were limited to racial stereotypes, tourism, colorism, and collectivization. These results indicate the importance of including Afro-Latinx representation in Spanish language education, even at lower levels where linguistic influences may be considered too advanced to address in detail. It is crucial that students are aware of how Afro-Latinx communities have significantly shaped Latin America, the United States, and the Caribbean. This includes music (such as salsa, samba, son, reggaetón), dance (capoeira, bomba), science, religious practices (such as Santeria and Candomblé), sports, literature, and arts. Afro-Latinx communities have also been an integral part of the formation of cities such as Salvador Bahia in Brazil, Loíza in Puerto Rico, Palenque de San Basilio in Colombia, Colón in Panama, Costa Chica in Mexico, and Blue Fields in Nicaragua, among many others (Román & Flores, 2010). Given these contributions, it is unsurprising that students today seek more authentic and meaningful engagement with these narratives within their educational experiences. In line with this, studies by Marangell and D’Orazzi (2023) and D’Orazzi and Marangell (2025) reveal that students increasingly expect universities to serve as spaces for genuine intercultural growth and collaboration.

Beyond curricular materials, other studies have focused on the perspectives of Afro-Latinx students in various educational institutions (García-Louis & Cortes, 2020; Haywood, 2017; Salas Pujols, 2022), as well as within the larger community (Hordge-Freeman & Loblack, 2021; Nolasco, 2020). The findings of these studies reveal a similar tendency towards marginalization. For instance, Haywood’s (2017) study centered on the experiences of Afro-Latinx student undergraduates at historically White institutions. The findings of this study point to the issue of colorism, as the students interviewed described Latinx spaces as one of the “most violent spaces”. Haywood (2017) advocates the necessity of collaboration and dialogue between Latinx and Black student groups, emphasizing that individuals who experience discrimination can also perpetuate discrimination against others perceived to occupy even more marginalized racial positions. Moreover, García-Louis and Cortes (2020) explored how students navigated Black and Hispanic identities, focusing on behaviors that communicate a unique connection to Afro-Latinidad. The researchers found that students countered these anti-Black notions and exercised agency in creating third spaces or identities where they felt accepted.

The findings of the aforementioned studies concerning Afro-Latinx individuals and communities reinforce three predominant themes. First, Afro-Latinx individuals and communities are consistently marginalized within the educational environment. Second, this marginalization is systemically institutionalized across all aspects of society. Third, a curricular intervention is essential for meaningful change to occur, beginning within educational institutions, as they are the primary environments where future generations are shaped and educated. In this vein, the intermediate Spanish class serves as the ideal class for this intervention as it fulfils the language requirement for most students, and as such targets a diverse student body.

5. Theoretical Frameworks in the Present Study

We approach this study by drawing on three theoretical perspectives: Critical Race Theory, Critical Language Awareness, and Raciolinguistics.

Critical Race Theory (CRT), credited to Crenshaw (1991), offers a solid conceptual framework for understanding how race is intertwined with the interlocking systems of power, privilege, and other aspects of society. Race is a social construct that is formed to oppress marginalized groups. Racism is deeply institutionalized. It permeates various societal structures, including the educational system, judicial system, religious institutions, and other foundational sectors. Minority groups encounter these systemic inequities daily (Crenshaw, 1991; Delgado & Stefancic, 2023).

Additionally, the concept of intersectionality is consistent with CRT (Crenshaw, 1991). This theory argues that race intersects with structures of oppression to produce varying outcomes. As a result, it is impossible to understand these social categories (e.g., age, sex, social status, and education) in isolation. In addition, CRT argues the need for counter-storytelling to contradict the narrative, change it, and give agency to the oppressed (Delgado & Stefancic, 2017). Thus, the once silenced and ignored voices are given their due recognition. Also, CRT allows the underlying ideologies of racism that posit one race as superior to another to be dismantled and counteracted in the classroom.

Furthermore, in concert with our framing, we approach this study through the lens of Critical Language Awareness. Like CRT, CLA is also an anti-racist framework and pedagogy as it is a tool used to dismantle systemic racism. CLA is “an understanding of how language functions in the maintenance of societal power relations” (Leeman, 2014, p. 277). In other words, language is not simply about linguistic structures. Instead, language is a social practice that can reflect and perpetuate power relations, and CLA aims to question these power relations. Leeman and Serafini (2016) argue that CLA is particularly beneficial in the language class as it has the ability “to incorporate critical considerations of the sociopolitics of language and multilingualism in addition to discussions of aesthetic and cultural parameters” (p. 65). Thus, instead of centering on superficial aspects of language and culture, CLA aims to go deeper, asking profound questions, such as whose voice matters in society, who is silenced, and who is represented. Although this approach is important for all learners, it is vital for marginalized groups as it empowers them, exposes linguistic hierarchies, counters internalized inferiority, and provides people with the tools to advocate for themselves. As such, CLA examines how language and linguistic variation intersect with issues of power, identity, and social justice. It is important because it challenges educators to prioritize and support the needs of marginalized learners (Beaudrie, 2023; Holguín Mendoza, 2018; Leeman, 2005, 2012, 2014, 2018; Loza & Beaudrie, 2021; Quan, 2020).

Finally, we approach this study carefully, through the conceptual framework of Raciolinguistics, which examines how language and race influence each other and the factors contributing to the creation of linguistic hierarchies (Alim, 2016). According to Flores and Rosa (2015), the primary aim of Raciolinguistics is understanding what it means to speak as a racialized subject in the contemporary U.S. It means recognizing that race is crucial in every aspect of one’s life.

Thus, the racialization of language has implications for social dynamics, especially for marginalized groups: stereotyping, cultural erasure, power imbalances, language profiling, and exclusions. Additionally, educational institutions contribute significantly to institutional racism, which systematically excludes Black individuals from equitable participation within academic settings. For this reason, educators need to go beyond appropriateness-based approaches to include examinations of the underlying ideologies behind these approaches (Rosa & Flores, 2017).

6. Methods

6.1. Institutional Context

The current study was conducted during the Fall semester of 2024 in the southern region of the United States. The university where the study was conducted has a student body of approximately 18,000, comprising undergraduate, graduate, and doctoral students. The language department offers comprehensive majors and minors in Spanish, French, German, and Arabic. It equips students with language skills and a deeper understanding of the cultural, historical, and social contexts associated with these languages.

The Spanish department, the largest among the languages, has approximately 200 students as majors and 100 as minors. It also offers a range of courses, including Introductory and Intermediate Spanish, Advanced Spanish, and a minor in Spanish Healthcare Translation and Interpretation. The curriculum intervention described in this study was developed for two three-credit asynchronous (online) Intermediate Spanish classes taught by one of the researchers. As with other intermediate Spanish courses within the department, this class aimed to enhance students’ vocabulary and grammatical skills to enable effective oral and written communication. However, this course distinguished itself by via the focused integration of Afro-Latinx culture and heritage. The course introduced students to Afro-Latinx communities’ rich histories, cultural practices, and societal contributions through a careful blend of lectures, readings, and interactive activities.

6.2. Participants

Fifty students (n = 50) from two intermediate online classes taught by the same researcher participated in the study. Overall, 60% of students identified as female, 78% were aged 18–25, 62% reported their race as White, and 38% identified as Hispanic/Latinx.

Additional demographics are reported in

Table 1. Demographic information (n = 50).

Sociodemographics			n (%)
Gender
	Male		18 (36)
	Female		30 (60)
	Non-binary		1 (2)
	Other		1 (2)
Age
	18–25		39 (78)
	26–30		5 (10)
	31–34		2 (4)
	35 or older		4 (8)
Ethnicity
	Hispanic or Latinx		19 (38)
	Non-Hispanic or Non-Latinx		31 (62)
Race
	American Indian or Native American		1 (2)
	Asian American or Pacific Islander		0 (0)
	Black or African American		8 (16)
	Multiracial		7 (14)
	White/Caucasian		31 (62)
	Other		3 (6)
Student Classification
	Freshman (1st year)		0 (0)
	Sophomore (2nd year)		4 (8)
	Junior (3rd year)		18 (36)
	Senior (4th year)		28 (56)
	Other		0 (0)
Heritage Student5
	Yes		15 (30)
	No		35 (70)
Taking Spanish as a
	Major		1 (2)
	Minor		4 (8)
	A language requirement		42 (84)
	Other		3 (6)
Abbreviations: %: Percent

below.

6.3. Description of Afro-Latinx Modules

This study’s curricular intervention consisted of five instructional modules, incorporated into a 16-week asynchronous (online) course. The first week of the course was designated for administering a pre-test, with the post-test taking place during the last final weeks of the course. Afro-Latinx modules were designed to address gaps identified in prior research and increase the representation and visibility of Afro-Latinx people. These modules were structured around essential thematic areas: Combatting Erasure, A Historical Struggle, Language Variation and Diversity among Afro-Latinx Communities, Afro-Latinx Contributions, and Creating Visibility for Afro-Descendent Communities. Every week, students engaged in approximately an hour to an hour and a half of work on the Afro-Latinx module. Each module involved a combination of video content, assigned readings, and student participation in discussions centered on Afro-Latinx cultural practices. After each module, students were required to engage in guided intercultural reflection activities. Following the completion of the tenth week, students undertook a post-test.

Module 1 focused on the erasure of Afro-Latinx people. According to Irvine and Gal (2000), erasure “renders some persons or activities (or sociolinguistic phenomena) invisible” (p. 38). Thus, the module not only brought to light the systemic injustices perpetrated in the erasure of Afro-Latinx people but also provided an understanding of how the structured convergence that exists within systems of power leads to the oppression of Afro-Latinx people in the U.S. and Latin America (Crenshaw, 1991). Moreover, in this module, students learned about Afro-Latinx identity and its significance in the U.S. With the foundation provided by module 1, module 2 centered on the history of Afro-Latinx people in Latin America, the Caribbean, and the U.S. In this module, students were presented with historical factors such as the Transatlantic slave trade, colonialism, independence, and post-colonialism and how these events have shaped the Afro-Latinx experience in the U.S., Caribbean, and Latin America.

Module 3 emphasized language variation and diversity among Afro-descendant communities. This module introduced students to linguistic diversity within Afro-descendant communities, including using African-derived languages, pidgins, and creole languages. In this module, it was essential to highlight how language standardization and racialization had privileged majority groups at the expense of minority or racialized subjects (Flores & Rosa, 2015). Module 4 focused on Afro-Latinx contributions to the U.S., Latin America, and the Caribbean, as well as on how to reinforce the voices of Afro-Latinx individuals and communities. Thus, students focused on the past and contemporary contributions of Afro-Latinx people to Latin America, the Caribbean, and the U.S. Module 5 also focused on Afro-Latinx contributions, using counter-storytelling as a way for Afro-Latinx communities to reclaim power and reshape the narrative.

Table 2. Afro-Latinx modules.

Theme	Topics
Combatting erasure	Afro-Latinx identity and its significance in the U.S. The intersection of race and identity as it relates to Afro-Latinx communities in the U.S.
2. A historical struggle	The Transatlantic slave trade. Afro-Latinx presence in Latin America. Afro-Latinx communities in the United States, including migration patterns and settlement.
3. Language variation and diversity among Afro-descendant communities	Analysis of linguistic diversity within Afro-descendant communities, including the use of African-derived languages, pidgins, and creole languages.
4. Afro-Latinx contributions	Contributions of Afro-Latinx people who have greatly impacted U.S. history: Afro-Latinx writers, poets, and artists in the United States.
5. Counter-storytelling and amplifying Afro-Latinx voices	Exploration of racialized language ideologies in Spanish-speaking America, including stereotypes and biases against Afro-descendant communities. Discussion of ways to continue advocating for visibility and empowerment for Afro-descendant communities beyond the classroom.

Adapted from Padilla (forthcoming).

below provides a summary of the Afro-Latinx modules.

6.4. Study Instruments

The methodological design was informed by our theoretical frameworks—CRT, CLA, and Raciolinguistics—as these frameworks depict how race interacts with social factors such as language, status, and age. In order to assess students’ knowledge development, we used two sources of data: pre- and post-test questionnaires and journal reflections. The pre- and post-test questionnaires were divided into three sections: part 1 (a knowledge test), part 2 (a section on visibility and representation), and part 3 (a demographic information section). In the present study, we focus solely on the knowledge test section portion of the pre- and post-test. This section incorporated 10 multiple-choice items and true-or-false statements from the modules, which were designed to reflect our framework, including CRT, CLA, and Raciolinguistics. The knowledge test challenged students’ awareness of racial exclusion, Afro-Latinx history, invisibility, contributions, and language ideologies. Examples of the questions asked in the knowledge test included: Afro-Latinx identity is based on physical appearances (true/false); Which of the following countries has the largest population of people of African descent in Latin America? (Cuba, Panama, Argentina, Brazil); Afro-Latinx religious practices, such as Santería and Candomblé, blend African traditions with Catholicism (true/false). The contributions of Afro-Latinx individuals are often overlooked in mainstream Latin American history (true/false). During the pre-test and post-test, students were instructed to complete the questionnaire without referencing external material. These tests were designed to provide statistical data on students’ knowledge progression and to provide a quantitative measure of conceptual understanding before and after implementing the Afro-Latinx module.

For the knowledge test, a pass mark of 7/10 was established as the standard baseline level of knowledge before the intervention. This pass mark aligns with widely accepted educational benchmarks, which consider a score of 7/10 as an indication of foundational comprehension in many academic assessments (Sanders, 2019). This pass mark was compared to the post-intervention results to measure learning progress. By setting this pass mark, we established a clear baseline to measure changes in knowledge post-intervention, thus enabling an objective comparison of learning progress and ensuring that any increases observed in post-test scores could be confidently associated with the curricular intervention we implemented.

Concerning the journals, students completed journal reflections guided by specific prompts at the beginning and end of each module. This corresponded with week 2, week 4, week 6, and week 10. These reflections had guiding prompts to help them evaluate their prior knowledge at the outset of the module, assess the knowledge gained by its conclusion, and articulate the progression of their learning. Additionally, students were asked to reflect on personal connections between the module content and their lived experiences. This reflective practice was implemented to establish a connection between knowledge assessment and journal reflection, allowing students to critically engage with their learning process by linking cognitive gains to personal insights, experiences, and critical awareness (please see Appendix A). Furthermore, in line with our framework, students were given opportunities to critically reflect on their learning progression and recognize the power language carries as more than a linguistic tool. Students were also provided opportunities to apply theoretical concepts, center experiential knowledge, share counter narratives, and question linguistic norms, which are often presented as normative or as the acceptable standard.

In examining the qualitative results, we analyzed the journal reflections to identify recurring themes and patterns in the data. We used a deductive thematic approach; thus, we went through the data repeatedly to become familiar with it, generated initial codes, categorized these codes based on similarities, and labeled critical information based on the emerging themes. This was important because, in line with our framework, the patterns in our data are manifestations of broad ideological dynamics, which are governed by who has power in society. Combining pre- and post-tests with journal reflections thus provided both quantitative and qualitative insights into learning progression. To ensure inter-rater reliability, we coded independently and then met frequently to compare our results, agreeing on the coding and the analysis.

7. Results

We present the results from our data analysis, organized according to each research question.

7.1. Research Question 1—What Are the Changes in Knowledge After Implementing an Afro-Latinx Module in an L2 Spanish Language Course?

To assess changes in knowledge before and after the curricular intervention, we employed quantitative methods (pre- and post-knowledge tests) and qualitative methods (journal reflections). The pre-and post-intervention knowledge tests were used to measure changes in students’ knowledge about Afro-Latinx identities and sociolinguistic realities. We assessed increases in the number of students who obtained the pass mark for both pre-test and post-test questions. We also examined if the observed mean differences in student raw scores between the pre-test and the post-test were statistically significant. We begin by discussing the results of the pass mark assessments.

7.1.1. Pass Mark Assessment

In the pre-test, 36 students (72%) passed with a mark of 7/10 or higher, while 14 students (28%) did not meet the pass mark and scored 6/10 or lower. However, following the intervention, the post-test results showed a marked improvement, with 48 students (96%) scoring 7/10 or higher and only 2 (4%) failing with a score of 6/10 or lower. Given that the study’s focus was on measuring knowledge gains within a repeated measures design, where we assessed a dichotomous variable with pass and fail categories, we used McNemar’s test to determine if the observed improvements in knowledge were statistically significant. The McNemar’s chi-square test demonstrated that the differences in the pre- and post-test results were significant, as it yielded a chi-square value of 8.64 (df = 1) and p-value of 0.003 (alpha 0.05). This statistically significant result supports the conclusion that there is an association between the intervention and the observed increase in pass marks for students. Results are presented in

Table 3. Pass mark analysis n = 50.

	Pass (7–10)	Fail (0–6)
Pre-test	36 (72%)	14 (28%)
Post-test	48 (96%)	2 (4%)
McNemar X2 = 8.64 (df = 1), p = 0.003

below.

7.1.2. Raw Score Assessment

The results from the pre-test (M = 7.5, SD = 1.4) and post-test (M = 8.6, SD = 1.2) indicate that students’ knowledge about Afro-Latinx identity increased following the intervention, t (49) = 4.19, p < 0.001. Results are presented in

Table 4. Raw score analysis.

	M	SD
Pre-test	7.5	1.4
Post-test	8.6	1.2
t (49) = 4.19, p < 0.001

M = mean; SD = standard deviation.

below.

The statistical significance observed corroborates the findings of the McNemar’s test and suggests that the increase in students’ knowledge following the intervention was not due to random chance but rather to the effectiveness of the intervention.

Additionally, to further assess the magnitude of the effect, Cohen’s d was calculated to estimate the effect size. The effect size was d = 0.84, indicating a large effect size. Thus, the intervention not only led to a statistically significant increase in knowledge but also had a meaningful impact on students’ learning outcomes.

7.1.3. Supporting Qualitative Evidence—Student Journal Reflections

The journal reflections provided qualitative data to further explain the changes in students’ knowledge before and after the intervention. Interestingly, students’ journal reflections showed a growing awareness of their limited knowledge of Afro-Latinx people before starting the Afro-Latinx module and their knowledge gained after the intervention. This self-awareness was met with confusion, shock, and, in some cases, embarrassment. The following examples are presented to illustrate this point:

(1)

“I knew nothing about Afro-Latino identity when I first started this class. I am a bit embarrassed. Realizing after watching the videos and articles that there is so much more to the identity. It also took me some rereading to understand how unnoticed this identity was to pretty much the whole world. I have a family friend who is Dominican and just assumed he was Black/Mexican mix rather than being Dominican, or Afro-Latino and that it was technically one race” (Student 1, female).

(2)

“Before this class, I assumed that Afro-Latino identity was just that, they were Afro-Latino. I did not know of any of their history or cultural practices that differed from their African or Spanish descent. Just as I did not know of the similarities to their descendants’ culture that they fused into their own culture. In a sense, my perception has changed, it has started to expand” (Student 2, male).

(3)

“Since I could not answer the majority of these questions confidently before class, it’s safe to say a good amount of the population, even college-educated, is unaware of Afro-Latin@ culture” (Student 3, female).

(4)

“In the video I watched in the last lesson, it talked about how the slaves coming from Africa brought their culture, religion, music, and dances with them. You can see how much African culture is actually in Latin America today, that it is in my family’s culture, and I did not even realize it. It really is a beautiful thing to see them embrace themselves in their roots despite the history that it comes from” (Student 4, male).

The above examples show instances of students expressing surprise at their limited initial knowledge, recognizing their shift in understanding, and developing a new perspective. Students’ ability to recognize their growth and knowledge following the intervention reinforces the measurable improvements observed in post-test outcomes.

7.2. Research Question 2—How Does the Afro-Latinx Module Impact Students’ Understanding of Language Variation and Diversity in Afro-Descendant Communities?

We identified three recurring themes from the evaluation of the qualitative data from the journals: (1) deconstruction of language hierarchies; (2) language as a vessel for collective memories; (3) and language as a tool for resistance and empowerment.

7.2.1. Theme 1: Deconstruction of Social Hierarchies

We found that due to the Afro-Latinx module, students became aware that language is not a neutral medium. Instead, it is based on the ideals of dominant groups in society and is used as a tool for discrimination. Thus, students were equipped with analytical tools to critically examine assumptions regarding the perceived hierarchy of languages and the privileges associated with certain linguistic forms. With a more critical understanding, they could now deconstruct existing language hierarchies. The following examples illustrate this theme:

(5)

“I realized I had assumptions shaped by stereotypes that labeled these languages as “informal” or “slang” without appreciating their linguistic richness or structure. This course offered an opportunity to deepen my understanding of the social, historical, and political dimensions that influence language within Afro-descendant communities” (Student 5, female).

(6)

“I noticed that Spanish is sometimes considered “simpler” or “less formal” than English or other European languages, an idea I now recognize as rooted in biases and a lack of understanding about its linguistic complexity. Additionally, I was aware of stereotypes suggesting that Spanish is spoken only in Latin America and Spain, overlooking Afro-descendant communities and Indigenous groups who speak Spanish in unique and culturally significant ways” (Student 6, female).

(7)

“The exploration of Afro-Latin@ languages and dialects, such as Palenquero and Garifuna, revealed the deep-rooted history and cultural significance behind these variations. I now appreciate how language can reflect social hierarchies and histories, prompting me to rethink the narratives I’ve encountered in media and education regarding Spanish speakers” (Student 7, male).

In example (5), we find an acknowledgement of an evolving understanding and perspective as a result of the Afro-Latinx module. As Student 5 noted, this assumption is a common societal bias. However, due to their new understanding, they now see language as more than a grammatical system; it is shaped by history, power, and resistance.

Also, in example (6), we see a critical observation of Spanish being tied to “informal”, “simpler”, and “less formal” discourse and marginalization in society. In example (7), the student described this deconstruction of social hierarchies by reflecting on their learning about Palenquero and Garifuna. Overall, students consistently demonstrated a profound awareness of the power of language to deconstruct language hierarchies in society after the intervention.

7.2.2. Theme 2: Language as a Vessel for Collective Memories

Another theme we identified is language as a vessel for collective memories. As a result of the module, students developed an appreciation for the power of language to express the history and heritage of the community and ensure intergenerational transmission. This was possible because of students’ understanding of linguistic practices in Afro-Latinx communities. This is evident in, for instance, the responses to the following question: “Afro-descendant communities in Latin America typically speak only Spanish or Portuguese and have lost their African language roots.” In responses to this question, we find a considerable shift in the responses after the intervention, as evident in

Table 5. “Afro-descendant communities in Latin America typically speak only Spanish or Portuguese and have lost their African language roots”.

	True	False
Pre-test	40 (80%)	11 (20%)
Post-test	12 (22%)	39 (78%)

below.

In the pre-test, most students (80%) believed the statement “Afro-descendant communities in Latin America typically speak only Spanish or Portuguese and have lost their African language roots” to be true, while only 20% considered this false. However, there was a significant reversal in the post-test: only 22% continued to hold the statement as true, and 78% recognized it as false. The differences between the pre- and post-test suggest that participants’ understanding of Afro-descendant linguistic varieties improved after the intervention. Before the intervention, most participants may have assumed that African language roots were entirely lost, and these were reflected in their responses. However, by the post-test, many students became aware that African linguistic influences persist, even if these African languages are not directly spoken. This shift indicates a deeper awareness of the subtle ways African heritage is retained in Latin American Spanish and Portuguese varieties. The following examples illustrate this theme:

(8)

“I learned how language preserves their [Afro descendant] culture.” (Student 8, female).

(9)

“I think the very preservation of these Afro-Latin@ languages resonated with me the most, especially Palenquero. The story about the youth eager to carry on the tradition of their ancestors was moving, and they are not fully indigenous; I can draw striking similarities to the Navajo, Cree, and other native languages in the US. Their recognition from UNESCO was impressive and relieving, as it meant this aspect of Afro-Latin@ culture survives for at least another generation while others may be dying off” (Student 9, male).

(10)

“The presence of African linguistic influences in various Spanish dialects, particularly in the Caribbean and parts of Latin America, illustrates how languages evolve and adapt over time. This fusion can enhance understanding of the historical connections and contributions of Afro-descendants to the broader cultural landscape” (Student 10, female).

In example (8), we find a reflection on this deeper understanding of how language can act as a vessel for collective memories in the student’s connection of language to culture. In Student 9’s view, the preservation of Palenquero bore similarities to languages such as Navajo, Cree, and other native languages in the U.S. To another student, these languages served as a reminder of the adaptability of language (10). Thus, students found African influences in the Spanish language as a manifestation of Afro-descendant contributions that continue to evolve and adapt over time. The medium that made this possible was language.

7.2.3. Theme 3: Language as a Tool for Resistance and Empowerment

Finally, the theme of language as a tool for resistance and empowerment was recurring throughout the data. Through the Afro-Latinx community, students saw how language was used to resist assimilation into the dominant society, assert identity, challenge narratives, and reclaim power. The following examples illustrate this theme:

(11)

“One aspect that resonated the most with me is the way Afro-descendant communities have maintained their linguistic identities despite centuries of marginalization. The resilience shown through the preservation of African influences in Spanish, as well as the creation of new dialects and forms of communication, really struck me. It speaks to the strength and adaptability of these communities, as language becomes a tool not only for communication but also for preserving history, culture, and identity” (Student 11, female).

(12)

“It was eye-opening to see how Afro-descendant communities use language as a way to maintain their connection to their roots, despite the pressures of assimilation”(Student 12, female).

(13)

“The people in Belize tried so hard to keep their language and history alive. All too often we see the ugly side of history take away the most beautiful and important aspects of peoples’ culture” (Student 13, male).

In the above, we see students reflecting on language’s ability to maintain its users’ cultural and linguistic identities despite years of marginalization. Furthermore, we found that several of these students made meaningful connections between the course material and their own racial and linguistic identities. For instance, some Spanish heritage learners and African American students reflected on their own journeys with language as sites of resistance, a medium to bridge cultural gaps and affirm identity.

The following examples are provided to illustrate this point:

(14)

“In my community, as an African-American woman if you are too light, you are sexualized, if you are too dark, you are sexualized, if you are not too light you are criticized, if you are not too dark, you are criticized. What I have noticed from the videos we have watched is that is the same thing in Afro-Latin culture. It’s a terrible stigma yes, but I see no way for us to get away from it into today’s society.” (Student 14, female).

(15)

“The culture is similar to African Americans. The music, rhythm, food, and being African descendants. The music has great rhythm and use similar instruments as us. The food that is made uses the same main ingredient and similar spices. Overall, being African descendants, they seem to have similar struggles that us African Americans had and still have today. That’s what resonated with me about the Afro-Latino community.” (Student 15, male).

(16)

“What resonated with me the most was probably how a lot of Afro-Latinos who don’t speak Spanish get teased a lot. I had friends and cousins get called “no sabo” kids6 because they weren’t taught how to speak it. It was disheartening to see that, and it only fosters more disconnect from their culture.” (Student 16, male).

(17)

“I think reading and listening about how they struggled to identify with both cultures. It is because I struggle with the same thing, my mom is White, and my dad is Hispanic. You don’t feel like you belong with one side, because maybe you don’t speak Spanish or because of your skin color. It made me feel a deeper appreciation for this study because it is helping me feel, to identify, with my cultures.” (Student 17, female).

In example (14), we find an African American female student connecting Afro-Latinx experiences to her own experiences in the African American community, re-echoing their shared struggles and challenges. In example (15), we find an African American student drawing parallels to music, rhythm, and food. In examples (16) and (17), we find Spanish heritage students resonating with Afro-Latinx communities, particularly as regards not fitting in either side of their cultures and struggling with belongingness. Collectively, students viewed languages as more than a communication tool; by the end of the Afro-Latinx module, they viewed language as a tool for resistance and empowerment, not just in the Afro-Latinx community, but also in their own societies as well.

8. Discussion

The findings of this study make a compelling case for the transformative impact of representation in the language classroom, as demonstrated through the implementation of the Afro-Latinx module. CRT provided the lens to understand how the invisibility of Afro-Latinx identity in Spanish curricula was a product of the broader society. As students were continuously exposed to the module, their reflections showed the increased recognition of critical consciousness and the identification of stereotypes or monolithic views of Afro-Latinx identity. Raciolinguistics allowed the analysis of how language ideologies intersect with marginalized identities and how this negatively affects Afro-Latinx communities. CLA provided a platform to develop this critical consciousness and dismantle preconceived ideologies. Our frameworks thus played a dual role in shaping our curriculum as well as offering tools for evaluating students learning progression. Thus, the results show significant improvements in students’ knowledge in the Spanish classroom and expanded students’ understanding of language variation and diversity in Afro-descendant communities. With the implementation of the module, most students—96% (48 students)—showed significant improvements, underscoring the module’s effectiveness in the Spanish classroom. Unfortunately, 4% (2 students) of students did not meet the pass mark of the intervention after the post-test. There are several potential reasons, however, for the failure of the two students: different learning styles, entrenched ideologies, and varying levels of engagement in the online class.

Furthermore, the present study’s findings indicate that students engage positively with profound and complex content. Previous studies have demonstrated that language textbooks, especially second-language books, often prioritize superficial topics, indicating a desire to avoid offending students’ sensibilities and to appeal to the broadest possible audience (Padilla & Vana, 2019, 2022; Vana & Padilla, 2024). However, this approach to developing language textbooks may limit the depth and diversity of cultural content, potentially overlooking critical themes related to social issues, identity, and inclusivity, as well as alienating marginalized students. In this regard, the Afro-Latinx module successfully incorporated complex social and cultural issues such as intersectionality, identity formation, assimilation, colonial histories and their legacies, language, and power dynamics to encourage critical thinking and understanding of diverse perspectives. Thus, a more comprehensive approach to cultural topics can produce meaningful learning without necessarily alienating the audience.

Like the present study, Avilés and Harb’s (2023) study introduced a three-week module on Afro-Latinx history in a Spanish heritage course, using archives to highlight Afro-Latinidad’s roots. They found that students valued learning history above grammar, connecting it to real issues and addressing internalized racism. The intervention helped increase students’ historical knowledge regarding social issues such as racial discrimination and internalized racism. Similarly, in Beaudrie et al.’s (2021) study, after the curricular intervention, Spanish heritage students became appreciative of language diversity and bilingual varieties. Likewise, in the present study, the module enhanced students’ appreciation for the linguistic variation within Afro-descendant communities, recognizing it was a rich reflection of Afro-Latinx identity and historical perseverance.

Indeed, we see a clear trajectory. At the beginning of the module, the results indicate that students presumed that African language roots were entirely lost in these communities. Specifically, at the start of the module, 80% of students believed that Afro-descendant communities in Latin America had completely lost their African language roots, while 20% believed this statement to be false. By the end of the module, there was a significant shift in perceptions: 22% of students still believed the statement to be true, while 78% had come to recognize the ongoing presence of African language influences and deemed the statement false. This suggests that the targeted intervention challenged common misconceptions and created an awareness of diversity within the Spanish-speaking world. As Student 5 mentioned, “This course offered an opportunity to deepen my understanding of the social, historical, and political dimensions that influence language within Afro-descendant communities”—(Student 5, female). In effect, the intervention provides evidence of the power of curriculum; by ensuring meaningful representation of Afro-Latinx individuals and communities in the Spanish curriculum, educators can ensure critical reflection, diversity, and inclusivity.

In this vein, applying critical approaches in the language classroom is essential. Critical approaches such as CRT, CLA, and Raciolinguistics bring the marginalization faced by several groups in society to the forefront. Students realize that racism, for instance, is a source of economic disparities, health barriers, political marginalization, and unfair justice systems (Crenshaw et al., 1995). For this reason, it is vital that educators “clearly understand the history of racism and race relations and its influence on culture and society today” (Davila, 2011, p. 41). Additionally, with CLA, educators can highlight linguistic diversity, as evident in this intervention, and validate the linguistic heritage of not only Afro-Latinx speakers but also that of all marginalized varieties (Beaudrie, 2023; Holguín Mendoza, 2018; Leeman, 2005, 2012, 2014, 2018; Loza & Beaudrie, 2021; Quan, 2020; among many others). From a Raciolinguistics perspective, students are made aware that there is a “conflat[ion of] certain racialized bodies with linguistic deficiency unrelated to any objective linguistic practices” (Flores & Rosa, 2015, p. 150). Thus, grounded in any curriculum, these complementary perspectives ensure adequate representation, especially of minority and racialized groups. They provide the tools for educators to dismantle bias and stereotypes propagated within the dominant society. As evident in the case of the present study, implementing the Afro-Latinx module led to significant knowledge gains and expanded students’ understanding of language variation and diversity. Thus, to promote long-term systemic change, it is recommended that the developed module be formally adapted and made available as part of instructional materials for Spanish language programs. Such efforts are important to encourage a more inclusive and accurate curriculum for future generations.

One notable limitation of the study is the absence of a control group, which restricts the ability to draw direct comparisons between students who received the Afro-Latinx-focused intervention and those who did not. Without a non-intervention group for reference, it becomes more challenging to attribute observed changes in students’ knowledge solely to the Afro-Latinx module. While the pre- and post-assessment design provides insight into shifts over time, future research would benefit from a controlled experimental design to strengthen causal claims regarding the efficacy of the intervention. Nonetheless, the results still provide valuable insights into the Afro-Latinx module’s impact on students’ knowledge.

Future research may also conduct this research in the Spanish heritage language class or among different student study populations or class formats (such as in-person classes), and even different content classes (e.g., History classes, Health classes, etc.). Moreover, incorporating technology like digital media or virtual interactions might also offer interesting results. Furthermore, given that this study was conducted in the south of the U.S., regional factors—including political dynamics, such as Diversity, Equity, and Inclusion (DEI) restrictions, geographic characteristics of the student population, and national factors like the November 2024 elections—may have potentially influenced the outcomes. These contextual elements could shape students’ perceptions, engagement levels, and receptivity to Afro-Latinx content. These influences highight the need for further research in diverse locations to assess the broader applicability of Afro-Latinx-focused curricular interventions across different educational institutions.

In this vein, the present study’s findings have implications for several groups in society: curriculum developers, policymakers, educators, administrators, and various stakeholders. For policymakers, these results provide insights concerning tools and frameworks that can successfully align educational policies with the broader goal of diversity and inclusion. We provide empirical evidence for curriculum developers that students succeed when the curriculum goes beyond superficial content. Indeed, students want to engage in deeper content and reflection. As mentioned by a student “it was eye-opening to see how Afro-descendant communities use language as a way to maintain their connection to their roots, despite the pressures of assimilation”(Student 12, female). For educators, this is evidence of the need for inclusive pedagogy and cultural competency in the classroom. For Afro-Latinx students, this representation is a validation of their identity. This study is pushing for their representation and inclusion in the educational curricula.

9. Conclusions

The present study was a mixed methods study with two main goals: (1) to examine the changes in knowledge after implementing an Afro-Latinx module in an L2 Spanish language course and (2) to determine how the module impacts students’ understanding of language variation and diversity in Afro-descendant communities. The theoretical frameworks that guided the study were CRT, CLA, and Raciolinguistics. The data came from the analysis of pre- and post-tests, alongside journal reflections. The findings indicated significant improvements in students’ knowledge, indicating a strong association between the intervention and the observed increase in knowledge. The module also deepened students’ knowledge of language variation and diversity in Spanish-speaking countries. With these results, the present study affirms that the representation of Afro-Latinx individuals and communities matters in the Spanish language classroom.