Augustine, De civitate dei
, 18.52–53. The critical edition is Augustine, De civitate Dei
(Augustine 1955, vol. 47–48
), For more information see Bernard McGinn, Visions of the End: Apocalyptic Traditions in the Middle Ages
(McGinn 1979, pp. 26–27
). A significant source for McGinn was Robert A. Markus, Saeculum: History and Society in the Theology of St Augustine
Ibid., 47 n. 49.
By the early fourteenth century, the inquisitorial procedure in Southern France consisted of several formal steps including an inquest, a summons to trial, administration of an oath, and an investigation involving the testimony of anonymous witnesses. This would be followed by a trial with the purpose of eliciting a confession by persuasion or coercion, obtaining public abjuration of the heresy, and pronouncing the sentence. For more information see Irene Bueno, Defining Heresy: Inquisition, Theology, and Papal Policy in the Time of Jacques Fournier
(Bueno 2015, pp. 45–87
There were also Italian Spiritual Franciscans who exhibited many of the same traits and intersect with the French Spirituals; however the differences between the two groups are complicated and nuanced. For more about the Spiritual Franciscans see David Burr, The Spiritual Franciscans
The term “beguin” was used in multiple ways in the early fourteenth century. It could designate any layperson who lived as if he or she was following a religious rule or who led a very pious life marked by chastity, prayer, and fasting. See David Burr, The Spiritual Franciscans
(Burr 2001, pp. 91–94
Gerhoh of Reichersberg, “De quarta vigilia noctis,” (Gerhoh of Reichersberg 1894., pp. 503–25
). Joachim of Fiore, Liber de Concordie Novi ac Veteris Testamenti, Books 1–4
(Joachim of Fiore 1983
). For a study on Rupert of Deutz, who is also known as Robert of Liege, I recommend John Van Engen, Rupert of Deutz
(Van Engen 1983
). The literature on Joachim is vast. Some important studies include: Herbert Grundmann, Studien über Joachim von Fiore
(Grundmann  1966
); Alois Dempf, Sacrum Imperium
); Ernst Benz, Ecclesia Spiritualis
); Morton W. Bloomfield, “Joachim of Flora: A Critical Survey of his Canon, Teaching, Sources, Biography, and Influence,” (Bloomfield 1957
); M. D. Chenu, “Histoire et allegorie au douzième siècle,” in Festgabe Joseph Lortz
, vol. 2, Glaube und Geschichte
(Chenu 1958, pp. 64–71
); Yves Congar, “Le sens de l’economie salutary dans la théologie de St. Thomas d’Aquin,” in Festgabe Joseph Lortz
, vol. 2, Glaube und Geschichte
(Congar 1958, pp. 86–90
); Marjorie Reeves, The Influence of Prophecy in the Latter Middle Ages
); Robert Lerner, “Refreshment of the Saints: The Time after the Antichrist as a station of Earthly Progress in Medieval Thought” (Lerner 1976
); Henri de Lubac, La posterite spirituelle de Joachim de Flore
(De Lubac 1978, vol. 1–2
); Bernard McGinn, The Calabrian Abbot: Joachim of Fiore in the History of Western Thought
); E. Randolph Daniel, Joachim of Fiore: Patterns of History in the Apocalypse,” in The Apocalypse in the Middle Ages
(Daniel 1992, pp. 72–88
For a historiographical account of issues related to the composition of Rule of 1223, see Malcolm D. Lambert, Franciscan Poverty: The Doctrine of the Absolute Poverty of Christ and the Apostles in the Franciscan Order 1210–1323
(Lambert 1998, pp. 1–32
); Edith Pásztòr, “St. Francis, Cardinal Hugolino, and the ‘Franciscan Question’” (Pásztòr 1987
). For a recent historical account see William Short, “Revising the earlier Rule: Carlo Paolazzi and the work of Kajetan Esser” in The Rule of the Friars Minor, 1209–2009 Historical Perspectives, Lived Realities
(Short 2010, pp. 33–44
); Dominic Monti, “‘Deservedly approved by the Roman Church’: The context for Papal Recognition of Francis’s forma vitae” in The Rule of the Friars Minor
(Monti 2010, pp. 3–32
David Burr, Olivi’s Peacable Kingdom
(Burr 1993, p. 222
). Burr cites an anonymous source in the Olivi inquisitorial process: Paris Bibliothèque Nationale manuscript lat. 4190, 40r–49v.
Innocent III, Cum ex iniuncto
, in Patrologiae cursus completus ... series Latina
(Innocent 1844–1864, vol. 214, pp. 695–98
). The Patrologiae Latina
will be cited as PL
. Robert Lerner pointed out that Innocent’s position made its way into canon law in in 1470 and that it is included in E. Friedberg, Corpus iuris canonici
(Friedberg 1879–1881, vol. 2, pp. 784–87
). See Robert Lerner, “Historical Introduction,” in Johannes de Rupescissa, Liber Secretorum Eventuum
(Lerner 1994, p. 36 n. 3
). Augustine of Ancona, Tractatus contra divinatores et sompniatores
in “Il Tractatus contra divinatores et sompniatores
di Agostino d’Ancona: Introduzione e edizione del testo” (Augustine of Ancona 1985, pp. 62–63
): “Nam in veteri lege ubi Evangelii non erat manifestata, et in ecclesia primitiva, ubi fides catholica non erat confirmata, Deus multa per sompnia et aliis modis suis fidelibus revelavit et per eos multa miracula demonstravit; sed nunc, quod veritas Evangelii est plene revelata et declarata et fides catholica plene confirmata, videmus expresse quia Deus destiterit a revelation sompniorum et visionum. Magis igitur credendum est quod talia que nunc fiunt sint dyabolice illusiones et deceptiones, quia talia Christus et apostolic eius predixerunt esse futura quam divinas revelationes.”
Thomas Celano, The Life of Saint Francis
1.10.25. All English translations are from (Armstrong 1999
). The Latin text is available in Legendae S. Francisci Assisiensis saeculis XIII et XIV conscriptae
, Analecta Franciscana
10, pp. 3–115. Herein cited as AF.
Thomas Celano, The Life of Saint Francis 1.10.25.
Ibid. 1.11.28; (Armstrong 1999, p. 206
). For a different perspective on Celano see Thomas Renna, “St. Francis as Prophet in Celano and St. Bonaventure” (Renna 2002
Andre Vauchez, “Les stigmates de saint François et leurs detracteurs dans les dernier siècles du moyen âge” (Vauchez 1968
Salimbene, The Chronicle of Salimbene de Adam
(De Adam 1986, pp. 216–28
). The critical edition is Cronica
, ed. O. Holder-Egger (Hanover: Impensis Bibliopolii Hahniani, 1903).
Joachim of Fiore, Book of Concord
, 2, 4–12. The only critical edition I have seen is Liber de Concordie Novi ac Veteris Testamenti, Books 1–4
, Publication of the Transactions of the American Philosophical Society, (Joachim of Fiore 1983
). There is a 1517 Venetian edition for book five of this text. There is a partial English translation in Apocalyptic Spirituality
(Joachim of Fiore 1979, pp. 120–34
In the Middle Ages, scripture was seen as having either three or four senses or meanings. The literal or historical sense indicated the meaning intended by the author. The spiritual senses of scripture included allegory, anagogy, and tropology. Allegory interpreted symbols of scripture as indicating either Christ or the church, anagogy interpreted them in light of eschatological expectations, and tropology (also referred to as the moral sense) interpreted them in light of what to do or avoid. In fact, the spiritual senses are the result of reading scripture through faith (allegory), hope (anagogy), and love (tropology). For more information see Beryl Smalley, The Study of the Bible in the Middle Ages
Joachim of Fiore, Book of Concord, 2.1.4: “…exhibitione presentium certa fiat expectation futurorum.”
Nicole Bériou, “Saint François, premier prophète de son ordre dans les sermons du XIIe siècle,” Melanges de l’Ecole française de Rome – Moyen Age
According to the Franciscan chronicler Salimbene de Adam, John already had a reputation as a great Joachite and as a “spiritual man” at the time of his election. There is an English translation: Salimbene de Adam, Chronicle
(de Adam 1986, pp. 224, 294, 301–3
). John of Parma continued to defend Joachim even as he condemned Gerard. Emboldened by Alexander’s actions, John actually released a joint encyclical with Humbert of Rome, his Dominican counterpart, which incorporated Joachite themes in February of 1255, just as the commission was beginning its investigation. For the encyclical see Luke Wadding, Annales Minorum
, 2nd edition (Wadding 1731–1745, vol. 3, pp. 380–83
Heinrich Denifle, “Das Evangelium aeternum und die Commission zu Anagni,” pp. 105–6: “Ecce hic dicit ecclesiam purgandam ab universis zizaniis xlii generatione, de qua non supersunt modo nisi quinque anni, et tamen tunc non ponit seculum terminari, sed pocius adhuc restare totum tercium statum habiturum quinquaginta generationes, sicut probatum est supra. Contra hoc signandum est illud Augustini xl capitulo de fide ad Petrum ubi dicit: ‘firmissime tene et nullatenus dubites, aream dei esse ecclesiam catholicam et intra eam usque in finem seculi frumento mixtam paleam contineri.’”
“Protocol der Commission zu Anagni,” p. 115: “Huc usque verba Joachim et fratris Gerardi. Ex prenotatis videtur, quod iste nova et falsas opiniones confingat, et hoc maxime vane glorie causa, id est, ut exaltet huiusmodi ordinem incredibilater et intempestive super alios ordines, immo super totam ecclesiam.”
Ibid.: “Et ideo diligenter conferenda est hec difinitio Augustini de heretico in primo libro De utilitate credendi
, ubi dicit: ‘hereticus est qui alicujus temporalis commodi et maxime vane glorie principatusque sui gratia falsus ac novas opiniones vel gignit vel sequitur.’” The English translation is from The Advantage of Believing
(Meagher 1947, p. 391
“Protocol der Commission zu Anagni,” p. 115.
“Protocol der Commission zu Anagni,” 115. They cite Gratian’s Decretis
24.3.27: “Quicumque igitur aliter scripturam intelligit, quam sensus spiritus sancti flagitat, quo scripta, licet ab ecclesia non recesserit, tamen hereticus appelari potest.” The Commission cited Isidore of Seville’s Etymologies
8.3. (Isidore 1981
“Protocol der Commission zu Anagni,” p. 138. “Ecce qualiter in hoc prologo vult iste Joachim articulos fidei legi in abscondito more hereticorum, qui in conventiculis dogmatizant. Item inhibet, ne tractatus suus veniat ad manus magistrorum, quos etiam tam impudenter quam superbe vituperat.”
Ibid. p. 112.
(Faral 1950–1951, pp. 362, 372–73
). (William of St. Amour 1967, vol. 6, pp. 1237–38). De periculus
went through three editions before William adapted it into six sermons, the first of which was delivered on the fourth of April 1256. There are several editions of this text, but they are difficult to obtain: William of St. Amour, De periculis novissimi temporis
, appendix to Fasciculus Rerum extendarum
, (William of St. Amour 1690, pp. 48–54
). Part of De periculis
is contained in Max Bierbaum, Bettelorden und Weltgeistlichkeit an der Universität Paris
). Another edition is preserved in William’s Opera Omnia
(William of St. Amour 1632, pp. 17–72
(Armstrong 2000, p. 721
). All of the translations of Bonaventure’s sermons on Francis are from this volume. The critical edition is (Bonaventure 1901, vol. 9
). The dating of this sermon is based on its relationship to the Major Legend
. See Ignatius Brady, “St. Bonaventure’s Sermons on Saint Francis,” (Brady 1976
Bonaventure, Major Legend 3.2.
Ibid. 3.3. For some more information on Bonaventure and the various sources for his understanding of a prophetic reading of scripture see Daniel P. Horan, OFM, “Bonaventure’s Theology of Prophecy in the Legenda Major
: Sources and Interpretation,” (Horan 2014
). Horan’s article is focused on intellectual history and structural analysis.
Bonaventure, Major Legend 3.5.
The text is cited in “Das Evangelium aeternum und die Commission zu Anagni,” 90.
Yves Congar, “Aspects Ecclésiologiques de la Querelle entre Mendiants et Séculiers dans la Seconde Moitié du XIIIe Siècle et le Début du XIVe,” Archives d’Histoire doctrinale et litteraire du moyen age
(Congar 1961, vol. 27–28, pp. 44–52
“Statutes Issued by the Chapter of Lyons,” in St. Bonaventure’s Writings Concerning the Franciscan Order
, 255–56. See also (Emery 1954
Bonaventure, Collations on the Six Days, 3.19.
Ibid. 3.22; De Vinck edition, 53.
Ibid. 3.29; De Vinck edition, 56.
“Protocol der Commission zu Anagni,” p. 115.
Bonaventure, Collations on the Six Days 13: 3–9.
Bonaventure, Collations on the Six Days, 13.12.
Ibid. 15.22. Joseph Ratzinger identifies these seminal theories as a report of the divisions of history as employed in the schools, which Bonaventure contrasts with his own approach (Ratzinger 1971, pp. 10–12
Bonaventure, Collations on the Six Days 16: 10–31.
Ibid. Both emperors struggled with the popes over the issue of who had the right to install bishops and abbots into offices.
Ibid. Bonaventure also used this symbol in his apologetic, On Evangelical Perfection
, 2.12. The critical edition for his treatise on perfection is (Bonaventure 1889, vol. 5
Bonaventure, Collations on the Six Days, 16.16.
Ibid. 22.6. Bonaventure used Gregory the Great’s ordering of the angels in this way of looking at the hierarchy rather than the standard Dionysian ordering. The highest order for Gregory the Great were the thrones, followed by the cherubim and then the seraphim. Later in these collations, he used the Dionysian ordering to describe the hierarchization of the soul. For more information, see (Anderson 2002, pp. 155–88
Bonaventure, Collations on the Six Days, 22.22.
Olivi, Super Isaiam
, Super titulum, in Peter of John Olivi on the Bible: Principia Quinque in Sacram Scripturam, Postilla in Isaiam et in I ad Corinthios
(Olivi 1997, p. 195
): Unde ille ipse in libro De mystica theologia
dicit quod summae rationes visorum quae contemplantibus in vertice montis, id est, contemplationis, apparent, non sunt ipse Deus, immo sunt inferiores ipso. Pseudo-Dionysius, Mystical Theology
1.3, contemplantibus in vertice montis, id est, contemplationis, apparent, non sunt ipse Deus, immo sunt inferiors ipso. Pseudo-Dionysius, Mystical Theology
I borrowed the phrase “conviction of inevitability” from David Flood and Gedeon Gál’s introduction to the Isaiah commentary in Peter John Olivi on the Bible, 157.
(Olivi 1997, p. 196
): “Scioque me vidisse personam sanctissimam, secreto mihi referentem, quod in locutionibus propheticis, quae intra cor eius a Deo modo intellectuali fiebant, in principio gustum dulcoris in eis sentiebat et cum gustu annexo formabantur in corde eius, procedente vero tempore fiebant in ea sine huiusmodi gustu.” David Burr sees this as evidence that Olivi is not comfortable with understanding prophecy and contemplation in strictly intellectual terms The Spiritual Franciscans
(Burr 2001, p. 84
(Olivi 1997, p. 198
): “… sic per angelos aliquid notabile, quod est quasi ostium intelligentiae visionis aliquando ei qui videt vel audit visionem proponitur ex quo statim incipit advertere intelligentiam visionis illius. Et iste est unus modus per quem Deus subito docet maxima de Scripturis sacris, quia quaedam sunt ibi velut grana auri hinc inde dispersa, quae sunt quasi stillae et quaedam ostia et principia aperientia occultos et diffusos sensus Scriptutaram. Datur enim homini tunc advertere corollariam habitudinem illorum ad multa, quae latent communiter intuentes Scripturas.”
David Burr found a manuscript written by the first theologian tasked with examining Olivi’s apocalypse commentary, who saw the commentary as the reemergence of Gerard of San Borgo Donnino’s heresy. See (Burr 2014, p. 419
Peter Olivi, Lectura super Apocalypsim
67ra-rb; 91ra-93rb. Kevin Madigan provides a useful summary of his expectations around the mystical Antichrist: (Madigan 2003, pp. 49–54
). For more detailed information see (Olivi 1997, pp. 132–97
). There is a new critical edition and English translation that has recently been published: Peter of John Olivi, Commentary on the Apocalypse
, (Peter of John Olivi 2017
Ibid. p. 76.
(Amorós 1931, pp. 504–5
). The charge that Olivi was the head of a superstitious sect was raised before his death by his provincial minister, Arnold of Roqueville, along with 35 members of his province sometime in the late 1280s, but I think this most likely refers to fellow travelers among the friars. See (Burr 2001, p. 92
Ibid. pp. 91–92. Malcolm Lambert does see this as evidence of the activities of the lay supporters of the Spirituals: (Lambert 1998, p. 184
Ibid. pp. 208–9.
Gratian’s Decretis 24.3.27.
Ibid. pp. 190–91.
Jacques Fournier, Contra haereticos libri quatuor 2.1: “Cum igitur isti duo, scilicet Joachim et P. Johannes, inter se multum discordant in supradictis, eventus etiam rerum manifeste hostendat eos falsum dixisse, cum non eveniret illu quod predixerunt in tempore vel circa tempus per eos prefixum, clarum est eos non esse prophetas Domini sed prophetas erroris.” Cited from (Bueno 2015, p. 192
Bonaventure, Collations on the Six Days, 16.23–25; 20.5.