Tracing the Origin of the Prepositional Construction chu (除) in Chinese: A Sanskrit–Chinese Comparative Study
Abstract
1. Introduction
2. A Historical-Syntactic Study of the Prepositional Construction chu (除): Evidence from Early Chinese Buddhist Translations
2.1. Exclusive Type: Functions to Foreground the B-Element (Exclusive Usage)
2.2. Additive Type: Functions to Add B to the Base of A (Additive Usage)
2.3. Conditional–Exceptive Type (“Only if A, Then B”): Functions to Present B as Contingent upon A (Conditional–Exceptive Usage)
3. The Origin of the Prepositional Construction chu (除) in Chinese
3.1. The Origin of the Exclusive Usage of the Prepositional Construction chu (除) in Chinese
3.1.1. In the Translation of Sanskrit Buddhist Texts into Chinese, Absolutive Participles (Such as Sthāpayitvā, Vinirmucya, and Sthāpetv) Are Frequently Translated by Adopting Chinese Constructions That Convey an Exclusive or Exceptional Sense—Namely, “Except” or “Excluding”
3.1.2. In the Translation of Buddhist Texts, the Sanskrit Past Passive Participle Virahita Is Often Interpreted as Carrying a Prepositional Force Equivalent to “Except”
3.1.3. In Buddhist Scriptures, the Invariable Word Anyatra, Which Functions as an Exclusive Marker, Is Usually Translated as “Except”
3.2. The Origin of the Additive Usage of the Prepositional Construction chu (除) in Chinese
3.3. The Origin of the Conditional–Exceptive Usage of the Prepositional Construction chu (除) in Chinese
3.3.1. This Transference Process Is Reflected in the Systematic Correspondence Between Sthāpayitvā (Placing Aside) and chu (除)
3.3.2. In Translation, the Sanskrit Indeclinable Anyatra (Except) Is Translated or Interpreted Through the Following Means
4. Conclusions
- A Contact-Induced Innovation: The exclusive, additive, and conditional–exceptive usages of chu (除) are unattested in pre-Qin or Han dynasty native Chinese texts—including philosophical treatises (Zi Shu 子書), historical writings (Shi Shu 史書), and canonical classics (Jing Shu 經書). They emerge distinctly for the first time in early Chinese translations of Buddhist scriptures.
- A Calque from Sanskrit: These innovative functions of chu (除) are direct syntactic calques, induced by language contact. They correspond systematically to specific Sanskrit grammatical forms, such as absolutive participles (e.g., vinirmucya, sthāpayitvā, sthāpayitv), the past passive participle virahita, the exceptive marker anyatra, and the inclusive adverb api.
| Literatures | Pre-Qin or Han Dynasty Native Chinese Texts | Early Chinese Buddhist Translations | Sanskrit Parallels | |||
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| Usages of chu | Zi Shu 子書 | Shi Shu 史書 | Jing Shu 經書 | |||
| exclusive | not | not | not | existence | existence | |
| additive | not | not | not | existence | existence | |
| conditional–exceptive | not | not | not | existence | existence | |
Funding
Institutional Review Board Statement
Informed Consent Statement
Data Availability Statement
Acknowledgments
Conflicts of Interest
Abbreviations
| 1 | On the earliest attested instances of the exclusive usage of the prepositional construction chu (除), Chen and Zhu (2009, p. 91), cite a passage from the Zhuangzi 莊子: Ren shangshou baisui, zhongshou bashi, xiashou liushi, chu bingshou sisang youhuan, qizhong kaikou er xiao zhe, yi yue zhi zhong buguo si wu ri eryi yi. 人上壽百歲,中壽八十,下壽六十,除病瘦、死喪、憂患,其中開口而笑者,一月之中不過四五日而已矣。 “With a long life spanning a hundred years, a medium one eighty, and a short one sixty, and excluding the times of illness, bereavement, and worry, the days on which one can open one’s mouth to laugh amount to no more than four or five in any given month.” However, the reliability of this example as the earliest evidence is debatable and requires cautious consideration for several reasons. First, concerning the authenticity and compilation period of the “Miscellaneous Chapters” (Zapian 雜篇) of the Zhuangzi 莊子, scholarly consensus maintains that these chapters were not authored by Zhuangzi himself but by later disciples, likely compiled in the early Western Han dynasty. Second, many texts, including the Zhuangzi, were edited by Liu Xiang 劉向 and Liu Xin 劉歆 during the Western Han, thereby incorporating linguistic features of that era. Third, a comprehensive survey of pre-Qin and Western Han texts suggests that this may be a unique or late interpolation, rather than a representative usage. Furthermore, and perhaps most critically, the word chu (除) in this context can plausibly be interpreted as a verb meaning “to remove” (i.e., “removing illness, bereavement, and worries, [then]…”), which undermines its status as an unambiguous preposition. Therefore, while illustrative, this example may not serve as conclusive evidence for the exclusive prepositional use of chu (除) in the pre-Qin period. Scholars have proposed six additional views regarding the earliest attested examples of chu (除) functioning as an exclusive preposition (i.e., marking an exception). The first is put forward by (Ōta ([1957] 1987, p. 249), who cites the following instance from Hongloumeng 紅樓夢 [Dream of the Red Chamber]: Dan zheli chu ni, hai you shui hui jiexian? 但這裏除你,還有誰會界線? “But here, except you, who else could use the boundary line?” The second view is supported by multiple scholars (e.g., Xiang 1993, p. 288; Feng 2000, p. 419; Ma 2002, p. 328) who, in their discussions, cite the same passage from the Qi Min Yao Shu · Zashuo 齊民要術·雜說 [Qi Min Yao Shu · miscellaneous sayings]: Yiqie dan yi ci fa, chu chongzai wai, xiaoxiao han bu zhi quan sun. 一切但依此法,除蟲災外,小小旱不至全損。 “If one relies solely on this method, then except in cases of severe insect infestation, minor droughts would not lead to complete crop loss.” Third, this perspective is also substantiated by Zhu (1992, p. 16), who references an early Buddhist text, the Laizhaheluo jing 賴吒和羅經 [Sūtra of Laizhaheluo], translated by Zhi Qian during the Three Kingdoms period. The cited passage reads: Ren you gudu yi shen, bu neng zhisheng zhi qiancai, zhengshi you caichan bu neng jianchi, yi shi gu zuo shamen. Wo shi qing liaowu shi, chu wangjia zongqin, shi wo guo zhong shang wu guo qing zhe. 人有孤獨一身,不能治生致錢財,正使有財產不能堅持,以是故作沙門。我視卿了無是,除王家宗親,視我國中尚無過卿者。 “A person is alone and cannot manage family business nor accumulate wealth; even those who have property cannot hold on to it, hence they become monks. I consider you don’t have this situation at all; except for the royal clan, there is no one in our country who surpasses you.” (1/871a) Fourth, the viewpoint finds support in Wang (2003, p. 113), who likewise draws on a historical example, this time from the Sanguozhi · Zhang Yan Cheng Kan Xue Zhuan 三國志·張嚴程闞薛傳 [Records of the Three Kingdoms · Biographies of Zhang, Yan, Cheng, Kan, and Xue]. Wang cites the passage: Zi chen xi ke shi zhi zhi shi, zhuya chu zhouxian jiaqu, jie xu ba yue yinhu, renmin jihui zhi shi, nannü zi xiang keshi, nai wei fuqi, fumu bu neng zhi. 自臣昔客始至之時,珠崖除州縣嫁娶,皆須八月引戶,人民集會之時,男女自相可適,乃為夫妻,父母不能止。 “During my first residence in Zhuya, I learned that all settled households—except those marrying under official arrangement—must register by August. When communities assembled, men and women could freely choose each other as spouses, with no hindrance from parents.” Fifth, further textual support is provided by Hu (2008, p. 563), who draws upon an analysis of the Daoxing bore jing 道行般若經 [Aṣṭasāhasrikā Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra], an Eastern Han dynasty translation attributed to Zhi Chen. The relevant passage from Volume 2 states: Chu qi suzui buqing, yu bu neng dong. 除其宿罪不請,餘不能動。 “Only their unresolved karmic offenses retain the power to cause harm; all else is incapable of it.” Sixth, additional evidence can be traced to Zhao (2020, p. 62), who references a passage from the Panzhou sanmei jing 般舟三昧經 [Pratyutpanna-samādhi Sūtra], a sūtra translated during the Eastern Han period and traditionally ascribed to Zhi Chen. The text in Volume 1 records the Buddha’s admonition to Bhadrapāla: Fo gao batuohe: “Wo suo shuo wuyou yi, er gu shuo shi yu er. Jin jian wo shuo shi sanmei zhe, qi ren que houshi shi, wen shi sanmei zhong bu yi, bu xingxiao, bu yan bu xin. Chu zai e’shi bian, zhengshi zai shanshi bian, qi gongde boshao.” 佛告跋陀和:“我所說無有異,爾故說是語耳。今見我說是三昧者,其人却後世時,聞是三昧終不疑、不形笑、不言不信。除在惡師邊,正使在善師邊,其功德薄少。” “The Buddha said to Bhadhrapāla: ‘What I have spoken is without variation; for this reason, I speak these words. Now, those who hear me speaking of the samadhi, in future generations, upon hearing of this samadhi, they will never doubt, show scorn, nor talk about the disbelief. Except for near a spiritually harmful teacher, even if one is with a virtuous spiritual teacher, their merits are scant.’” Scholarship has crystallized around five main views regarding the earliest attested additive usage of the prepositional construction chu (除) in Chinese, meaning “apart from” or “besides”. The first view, represented by Zhu (1992, p. 16), traces this usage to the Western Jin dynasty. Zhu cites a key example from the Panzhou sanmei jing 般舟三昧經 [Pratyutpanna-samādhi Sūtra], Vol. 1, translated by Dharmarakṣa: Jin jian wo shuo shi sanmei you yi zhe, qi ren quehou chu zai e’shi bian, zhengshi shanshi suo, qi gongde bu zu yan. 今見我說是三昧有疑者,其人却後除在惡師邊,正使善師所,其功德不足言。(13/900b) “Now, those who may have doubts upon hearing me speak of this samādhi, apart from being near a spiritually harmful teacher in future lives, even if one is with a virtuous spiritual teacher, his merits will be so minimal as to be beyond description.” This example demonstrates that the additive usage of the prepositional structure chu (除) already existed in Buddhist scriptural translations during the Western Jin period. In contrast, other scholars have proposed later chronologies. The second view, advanced by Jiang and Wu (1997, p. 501), significantly pushes the chronology forward to the Song dynasty. They identify the additive chu (除) in a secular political document, the memorial Yimao Ruguo Zouqing 乙卯入國奏請, arguing that it represents a mature, non-Buddhist usage within the bureaucratic discourse of the period. Their key example is: Bu zhi chu ci wai, nanchao Huangdi geng you he yizhi? 不知除此外,南朝皇帝更有何意旨? “Apart from this, I do not know what further intentions the Emperor of the Southern Court may have.” The third view, proposed by Feng (2000, p. 420), introduces a crucial vernacular and Chan (Zen) Buddhist context into the discussion. Feng identifies the additive chu (除) in the seminal Chan discourse record Zutangji 祖堂集 [Anthology of the Patriarchal Hall], specifically in a dialogue with Master Dadian 大顛和尚 (Vol. 5). This source represents a distinct genre: native Chinese records of oral teachings, which may preserve colloquial usages contemporaneous with or even predating their written fixation. The pivotal example is: Chuque yangmeidongmu yiqie zhi shi wai, zhi jiang xin lai. 除却揚眉動目一切之事外,直將心來。 “Besides all acts such as raising the eyebrows or moving the eyes, the key is to bring your mind directly here.” This usage is significant because it demonstrates chu (除) functioning seamlessly within a philosophical injunction in vernacular Medieval Chinese. It suggests the construction’s grammaticalization was sufficiently advanced by the time of the Zutangji’s compilation (c. 952 CE) to be employed in abstract, mind-oriented discourse, thereby offering a potential bridge between earlier Buddhist textual models and later mature vernacular usage. The fourth view, put forward by Ma (2002, p. 328), shifts the focus to the stylized and rhetorical realm of Tang dynasty poetry. Ma identifies a pivotal example in the work of the renowned poet Liu Yuxi, specifically in his poem on Magushan 麻姑山 [Magu mountain]. This moves the discussion beyond prose documents and into the domain of regulated verse (lüshi 律詩), where linguistic economy and aesthetic effect are paramount. Ma’s key evidence is the line: Chuque magu, geng you shui? 除却麻姑,更有誰? “Apart from Magu, who else is there?” Crucially, Ma emphasizes that this represents one of the earliest prominent uses of additive chu (除) within an interrogative construction. This observation is vital: it demonstrates how the construction had been fully integrated into the poetic toolkit, capable of driving rhetorical questions that express exclusivity, emphasis, or lament. Thus, by the High Tang period, additive chu (除) was not only grammatically mature but also stylistically versatile, employed by master poets for specific affective and rhetorical purposes. The fifth and potentially most groundbreaking view is advanced by Zhao (2020, p. 67). Zhao directs our attention back to the very heart of the Buddhist translation corpus, citing a critical passage from the Dabanniepan Jing 大般涅槃經 [Mahāparinirvāṇa Sūtra], translated by the illustrious Dharmakṣema during the Northern Liang dynasty (5th century CE). His example, drawn from Vol. 21, is of paramount importance: Mimi zhi yi, jin yu ci jing er de zhi zhi. Fu you shi yi bu jing, chu pifolüe, yi wu rushi shenmi zhi yi. Jin yin ci jing er de zhi zhi. 秘密之義,今於此經而得知之。復有十一部經,除《毘佛略》,亦無如是深密之義。今因此經而得知之。 “The profound and secret meanings are now revealed in this sūtra. Apart from the Vipulya, none of the other eleven sūtras contain such depth. Thus, it is solely through this sūtra that this ultimate realization is attained.” Zhao’s argument is pivotal: if his analysis is correct, this Northern Liang translation would push the documented emergence of additive chu (除) back by several centuries, squarely into the Early Medieval period. This would robustly support the hypothesis of a Buddhist textual origin for this grammatical function, positioning it not as a late medieval innovation but as a feature catalyzed by the massive translation projects of the 4th–5th centuries. Consequently, this view directly challenges later datings (such as the Tang or Song dynasty examples) as representing not the point of origin for the construction but rather the processes of diffusion and vernacular adoption of an already established syntactic model. Of the five perspectives outlined above, two scholars have traced the additive usage of chu (除) back to Chinese Buddhist scriptures. |
| 2 | Drawing upon a 4.08-million-character corpus of Chinese Buddhist translations (Eastern Han-Sui), this article undertakes a fine-grained examination of the prepositional construction chu (除), identifying and analyzing three distinct structural patterns that emerged in its usage. |
| 3 | Applying a functional taxonomy to the 254 instances of chu (除) extracted from our 4.08-million-character corpus reveals a tripartite division: the Exclusive type predominates (N = 205, 80.7%), followed by the Conditional–Exceptive (N = 26, 10.2%) and Additive (N = 23, 9.1%) types. |
| 4 | References to the Taishō shinshū daizōkyō (abbreviated T; Xinwenfeng edition) follow the standard format of volume.page.column (e.g., T 85.280a). In this notation, Arabic numerals indicate the volume and page, while the letters a, b, and c denote the upper, middle, and lower columns, respectively. |
| 5 | Regarding the grammatical meaning and syntactic pattern of this example, our analysis diverges from that of Zhao (2020, p. 62). Zhao categorizes it under the exclusive type of chu (除). We argue, however, that this is better analyzed as an instance of its additive function. More precisely, it instantiates the “A-based with supplementary B” subtype within our framework, where element B is supplementarily appended to the baseline A, rather than being excluded from it. |
| 6 | The translator of the Pratyutpanna-samādhi Sūtra has long been a subject of scholarly dispute. The Taishō shinshū daizōkyō ascribes it to Lokakṣema of the Eastern Han dynasty. In contrast, C. Lü (1981, p. 10), following meticulous textual research, convincingly argues for Dharmarakṣa of the Western Jin dynasty as the translator. In light of Lü’s established authority in Buddhist philology and the cogency of his reasoning, the present study follows his attribution, and all subsequent analyses proceed from this identification. |
| 7 | Regarding the earliest attested usage of the conditional–exceptive function of the prepositional construction chu (除) in Chinese, one prevailing scholarly view is as follows: Zhu (1992, p. 17), cites a translation by Dharmarakṣa from the Western Jin period in the Wuliang qingjing pingdeng gue jing 無量清淨平等覺經 [Sūtra of immeasurable purity, equality, and enlightenment], vol. 1: wo zuofo shi, renmin you lai sheng wo guo zhe, chu wo guo zhong renmin suo yuan, yu renmin shouming wuyou neng ji zhe; bu er zhe, wo bu zuofo. 我作佛時,人民有來生我國者,除我國中人民所願,餘人民壽命無有能計者;不爾者,我不作佛。(12/281a) “When I attain Buddhahood, for those born into my land, except it is according to the wish of those dwelling therein, the lifespan of all other beings shall be immeasurable. Should this not be fulfilled, I shall not attain perfect enlightenment.” In this vow-formula context, chu (除) performs a dual function: it marks an explicit exception (“except it be according to the wish…”), and in doing so, it simultaneously establishes the logical condition for the main pledge. The immeasurable lifespan is contingent upon—that is, guaranteed only if—the specific case of personal wish does not intervene. This exemplifies the early operationalization of the conditional–exceptive logic within a Chinese syntactic frame. |
| 8 | This study draws upon key digital collections, including the Guoxue Baodian 國學寶典 (Treasury of Sinology), the Siku Quanshu 四庫全書 (Complete Library of the Four Treasuries), and the Chinese Buddhist Electronic Text Association (CBETA) database. These corpora serve as fundamental linguistic resources widely utilized in Mainland China’s linguistic studies, whose academic validity commands general recognition in the scholarly community. |
| 9 | (Edgerton [1953] 2004, vol. 1). See § 8.78. Nom.pl.-ā, p. 55. |
| 10 | BHSG, § 4.38, p. 34. |
| 11 | The particle wei (唯) functioning as a positive exclusivity marker to indicate exclusion has its origins in Classical Chinese usage (Hu 2008, p. 562). |
| 12 | BHSG, § 8.18. Nom.sg.-o., p. 49. |
| 13 | BHSG, § 3.9. ā for non-final a., p. 23. |
| 14 | BHSG, § 8.78. Nom.pl.-ā, p. 55. |
| 15 | BHSG, § 30.6. āhi or(m.c.)āhī., p. 146. |
| 16 | BHSG, § 4.38., p. 34. |
| 17 | BHSG, § 9.86. Nom.-acc.pl.-a., p. 66. |
| 18 | BHSG, § Gerunds in tu(m), p. 177. BHSD, p. 610. |
| 19 | When encountered in Buddhist Sanskrit texts, the epithet puruṣottamānām is subject to doctrinal interpretation within Chinese translation practice. Rather than a literal translation, translators might contextually equate its referent to the Buddha, thereby rendering it as “佛陀” through a process of doctrinal alignment—though this remains an interpretive choice rather than a standard lexical equivalent. |
| 20 | See above Note 12. |
| 21 | BHSG, § 9.48. Instrumental, p. 64. |
| 22 | BHSG, § 3.57., p. 26. |
| 23 | BHSG, § 8.42. Inst.sg.-ayā and -āya, and perhaps -ā, p. 52. |
| 24 | BHSG, § 8.30. The ending -u., p. 51. |
| 25 | Cf. Example (10) in Part 2. |
| 26 | In Sanskrit, the adverb api carries the meaning of “besides”. Api is often used to express emphasis, in the sense of even, also, very. Monier-Williams (1960). |
| 27 | See above Note 14. |
| 28 | The śrāvakabhūmi and pratyekabuddhabhūmi represent the distinct fruition stages (or attainments) of the Hīnayāna path. |
| 29 | Cf. Example (12) in Part 2. |
| 30 | See above Note 12. |
| 31 | BHSG, § 4.37., p. 34. |
| 32 | In translational practice, tathāgata is regularly mapped onto the Chinese concept of “Buddha”. This lexical convergence is consistently observed in Chinese translations from Sanskrit, reflecting a deliberate strategy to align core ontological titles. |
| 33 | See above Note 12. |
| 34 | BHSG, § 8.64., p. 54. |
| 35 | BHSG, § 3.38., p. 25. |
| 36 | See above Note 16. |
| 37 | BHSG, § 10.104.-īya, Abl., p. 76. |
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Chen, X. Tracing the Origin of the Prepositional Construction chu (除) in Chinese: A Sanskrit–Chinese Comparative Study. Religions 2026, 17, 774. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel17070774
Chen X. Tracing the Origin of the Prepositional Construction chu (除) in Chinese: A Sanskrit–Chinese Comparative Study. Religions. 2026; 17(7):774. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel17070774
Chicago/Turabian StyleChen, Xiulan. 2026. "Tracing the Origin of the Prepositional Construction chu (除) in Chinese: A Sanskrit–Chinese Comparative Study" Religions 17, no. 7: 774. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel17070774
APA StyleChen, X. (2026). Tracing the Origin of the Prepositional Construction chu (除) in Chinese: A Sanskrit–Chinese Comparative Study. Religions, 17(7), 774. https://doi.org/10.3390/rel17070774
