The Vajra Exorcism Dance at Yonghegong Lamasery in Beijing: A Semiotic Analysis

Abstract

This study examines the Vajra Exorcism Dance—commonly known as “Beating the Devils” (tiao buzha)—as performed at Yonghegong Lamasery in Beijing, positioning it as a quintessential example of monastic Nuoxi in which ritual form serves as the active embodiment of doctrinal content. By situating the performance within its historical, religious, and socio-political contexts, this paper argues that the dance’s choreography, iconography, music, and costumes are not merely aesthetic expressions but systematically structured manifestations of Vajrayana Buddhist soteriology and cosmology. Through a semiotic and performative analysis of ethnographic, historical, and visual sources, the study demonstrates how each formal element is meticulously designed to fulfill the ritual’s core objectives: the destruction of mental defilements and the establishment of a purified sacred realm. Furthermore, the paper investigates how the ritual’s transformation—from an imperial ceremony under Qing patronage to a public urban spectacle—reflects an ongoing negotiation between esoteric efficacy and popular accessibility, with its continued survival dependent upon this dynamic symbiosis.

1. Introduction

Nuo (nuo 傩), the rite of exorcism, is a living tradition with a written record in the Shang oracle-bone inscriptions of more than three thousand years. Together with the year-end thanksgiving sacrifice of Zha (zhaji 腊祭) and the praying-for-rain sacrifice of Yu (yuji 雩祭), Nuo formed the “Three Big Sacrifices” (san da jisi 三大祭祀) performed at various levels of society in ancient China (X. Zhao 2022, p. 101). This ritual not only served as an official court ceremony to drive away evil spirits but also fulfilled significant religious functions within folk beliefs by preventing communal disasters and praying for peace. Due to these functional characteristics, Nuo rituals originated in China and subsequently spread to Korea and Japan (Piao 2025, p. 2). The relationship between ritual and theatre has been a very central, controversial, and complex subject in theatre and performance studies. In the origin and development of Chinese theatre, Nuo is at the very heart of the relationship between ritual and theatre in China (X. Zhao 2019, p. 57). In the vast family of Chinese theatres, Nuo theatre (nuoxi 傩戏)1 holds a particularly significant position. It is a ritual theatre that was the earlier form of the Chinese theatrical style of the ancient period and exerted influence on the formation of many Chinese traditional theatres (W. Yu 1996, p. 115). Not only does Nuoxi boast a long history, diverse forms, wide geographical distribution and a large audience, but it is also deeply intertwined with people’s lives and even their sense of existence due to its strong religious function. Unlike most other theatres, which primarily serves aesthetic and educational purposes and remains detached from people’s daily lives and existential concerns, Nuoxi is indispensable. Its performance is not optional—it must take place within a prescribed timeframe or in accordance with an agreement with the deities. Moreover, attendance is not merely encouraged but required, with both organizers and audiences expected to participate in the ritual to some extent (Zhu 2018, p. 101). Participants comprise both ritual specialists (Buddhist monks, Daoist priests, and indigenous ritual masters) and lay attendees who actively engage as members of the ritual community. This functional primacy stems from three interrelated dimensions: First, as a soteriological practice rooted in Chinese shamanism, Nuoxi serves to invoke deities associated with justice and moral order to expel malevolent forces, including evil spirits, demons, and harmful influences, thereby safeguarding communal health, social harmony, and individual well-being. Its efficacy is closely tied to pragmatic life aspirations, such as fertility, adequate sustenance, and bodily warmth. Second, while maintaining its shamanistic foundations, the tradition has historically assimilated doctrinal concepts and ritual elements from Daoism, Buddhism, and Confucianism, resulting in a syncretic theological and performative framework. Third, its ritual objectives are realized through integrated artistic modalities, including masked dance, narrative recitation, and dramatic enactment, where masks function not only as representational devices but also as ritual conduits for divine presence, enabling the portrayal of both sacred beings and secular figures within mytho-historical narratives (Zhu 2018, pp. 109–10).

Chinese ritual theatre, encompassing traditions from folk exorcisms to elaborate state-sponsored ceremonies, represents a rich domain in which performative action and symbolic meaning are profoundly intertwined. There are many forms of Nuoxi performances, which can be classified into four categories according to the identity of their organizers and the venues where they are performed. The first is folk Nuoxi. As the name suggests, this type is organized by common people, and most historical and existing Nuoxi performances fall into this category. The second is court Nuoxi, which refers to activities held in the imperial court. The third is military Nuoxi, a form associated with the military and serving functions such as sacrifice, training, oath-taking, and entertainment. The fourth is monastic Nuoxi, performed by monks in temples (Zhu 2018, pp. 102–3).

Within this spectrum, monastic Nuoxi occupies a distinctive position, characterized by its institutional setting, doctrinal foundations and highly formalized structure. Examples include the “City Attack Nuoxi” performed by monks at Kaiyuan Temple in Quanzhou, the “Blue and White Mask Nuoxi” performed by Zang lamas, and the performance known as “Qiangmu Nuoxi”. The Vajra Exorcism Dance (jingang qumo shenwu 金刚驱魔神舞), also known as “Beating the Devils” (da gui 打鬼 or tiao buzha 跳布扎) ritual at Beijing Yonghegong Lamasery (Yonghe gong 雍和宫) stands as one of the most visually spectacular and historically significant exemplars of this genre. Originating from the Xizang vcham tradition—itself a synthesis of Indian Vajrayana Buddhism and indigenous Xizang culture—the ritual was institutionalized at Yonghegong Lamasery during the Qing Dynasty (1644–1912). It served multiple functions: as a grand liturgical act within the Gelug school’s ritual calendar, as a political instrument for the Qing court to patronize Xizang Buddhism and solidify relations with Mongol and Xizang elites, and as a public urban festival for the populace of Beijing.

2. Research Objectives and Methodology

This paper investigates the fundamental relationship between the ritual’s form—its sequence, choreography, masks, music and iconography—and its content—the religious doctrines, narratives and intended outcomes it embodies. The central thesis posits that in the Vajra Exorcism Dance at Yonghegong Lamasery, form is not a passive vessel for content but constitutes its active, necessary and precise embodiment. Every gesture, costume element and musical phrase functions as a deliberate signifier within a complex semiotic system designed to effect spiritual transformation and communal purification.

Previous scholarship has often approached the ritual descriptively, focusing on its historical trajectory or enumerating its sequences. While studies on vcham (qiangmu 羌姆) in Xizang and Mongolia are more abundant, analyses specifically addressing the Yonghegong Lamasery’s version, particularly its formal elements as expressions of doctrinal content, remain underdeveloped. This paper seeks to address this gap by employing a semiotic and performative analysis framework, examining how specific formal elements (masks, costumes, dance movements, musical accompaniment) encode and enact specific Buddhist concepts (the destruction of defilements, the establishment of a mandala (tancheng 坛城), the manifestation of enlightened activity).

The central thesis posits that in the Vajra Exorcism Dance at Yonghegong Lamasery, form is not a passive vessel for content but constitutes its active, necessary, and precise embodiment. To render this proposition analytically rigorous and empirically substantiable, the term “content” is here operationally defined. It refers not to a generalized or abstract concept but to the specific doctrinal core that the ritual is designed to express and accomplish. This core comprises three interdependent dimensions instantiated and enacted through ritual practice:

First, Soteriological Aims. The intended transformative outcomes, such as the purification of mental defilements (the “three poisons” of greed, hatred, and ignorance), the elimination of obstacles (both personal and communal), the establishment of a purified sacred realm (mandala), and the generation of merit for the well-being of all sentient beings.

Second, Cosmological and Ontological Frameworks. The narrative and symbolic structures that convey fundamental Buddhist philosophies, including the mandala as a map of the cosmos, the interplay and ultimate triumph of enlightened forces over malevolent ones, and teachings on impermanence and the nature of reality.

Third, Presupposed Mechanisms of Ritual Efficacy. The inherent belief, central to Vajrayana practice, that the correctly performed ritual actively causes spiritual transformation and worldly protection, rather than merely symbolizing it. This efficacy is understood to operate on individual, communal, and cosmic levels.

Consequently, the study’s investigation into the relationship between form and content translates into a systematic analysis of how the ritual’s formal elements (e.g., choreographic sequences, iconography, musical structure) are meticulously designed to encode, perform, and realize these three dimensions of its doctrinal content.

The methodology integrates historical research with formal analysis. Historical sources comprise Qing dynasty court records, temple archives and information from the Yonghegong Lamasery official website, which documents the introduction and development of the dance. Formal analysis utilizes visual documentation (photographs, video recordings), ethnographic descriptions, and comparative studies of Xizang vcham traditions to identify patterns of meaning-making through performative elements. The analysis is structured around three core aspects: the ritual’s spatial and temporal organization, its iconographic system (masks and costumes), and its choreographic and musical language.

3. Literature Review

The ritual performed at the Yonghegong Lamasery in Beijing represents a significant cultural and religious phenomenon within Vajrayana Buddhist traditions. This ritual dance, with its centuries-long history, has attracted scholarly attention across multiple disciplines including religious studies, anthropology, ethnomusicology, dance studies, and cultural heritage management. This review synthesizes findings from dozens of research documents to present a comprehensive overview of current scholarly understanding, structured around the following five thematic angles:

3.1. Historical Origins and Development

Scholarly consensus traces the origins of the dance to the 8th-century Xizang. L. Li (2010, p. 45) and B. Li (2022, p. 184) attribute its formulation to the Indian master Padmasambhava, who synthesized Indian Buddhist tantric dance with indigenous Xizang Bon shamanistic practices to subdue local demons and establish Buddhism. This ritual was later introduced to the Yonghegong Lamasery, with most studies noting its introduction during the Ming Dynasty and formalization under Qing court patronage. A pivotal theme in historical analysis is the dance’s connection with imperial power. Guo and Peng (2015, p. 116) emphasize that Qing imperial patronage standardized the musical accompaniment, integrating Han and Zang elements to serve both religious solemnity and imperial prestige. H. Yu (2008, p. 828) characterizes the Yonghegong Lamasery during the Qing Dynasty as a high-level imperial temple integral to the court’s governance of Mongol and Xizang regions. This performance thus functioned not merely as a religious ceremony but as a tool of statecraft, reinforcing the authority and spiritual legitimacy of the empire (Zhang and Zhou 2019, p. 124). Q. Zhao (2011, p. 150) adds a popular narrative linking the dance’s origin to the assassination of the 9th-century Xizang monk Lhalung Pelgiyi Dorje who killed the anti-Buddhist king Langdarma, thereby embedding it within a history of religious struggle and triumph.

3.2. Ritual Structure, Symbolism, and Religious Interpretation

The structural and symbolic components of the dance are meticulously documented across several studies. According to the official documents held by the Yonghegong Lamasery Administration Office, the Vajra Exorcism Dance ritual was established as part of its annual religious calendar, typically performed during the Great Prayer Festival (dayuan qidao fahui 大愿祈祷法会) in the first lunar month. The ritual’s timing—usually on the 29th or 30th day of the first lunar month—positioned it as the culmination of New Year celebrations in Beijing, marking the transition from the festive period to the regular rhythm of the year (Jing 2009, p. 39). Descriptions by L. Li (2010, p. 45) outline a sequence of multiple scenes—historically thirteen—featuring characters such as the Black and White Ghosts, Skeletons, Deer, and Bull-headed deities. The ritual climaxes with the destruction of a dough or paper effigy, the Baling, symbolizing the embodiment of evil.

Scholars have applied various theoretical frameworks to interpret this structure. B. Li (2022) offers a compelling analysis using Victor Turner’s “ritual process” theory, deconstructing the dance into three stages: separation (pre-ritual preparations), liminality (the dance itself, a transformative “anti-structure” state where performers embody deities), and reaggregation (the post-ritual return to normalcy). Through this process, the dance facilitates spiritual passage and cosmic purification, reinforcing social order.

The symbolism is rich and multi-layered. H. Yu (2009, p. 116) provides a detailed semiotic analysis, interpreting the ferocious appearances of the protector deities as manifestations of compassionate wrath aimed at destroying ignorance and ego-clinging. The Skeleton Dance, for instance, serves as a powerful visual sermon on the Buddhist doctrine of impermanence. The dance thus functions as an accessible medium for conveying complex Mahayana and Vajrayana philosophies to a non-literate audience. Its core connotation is consistently identified as a “rite of expulsion” (quqian yishi 驱遣仪式) (L. Li 2010, p. 49), signifying the triumph of good over evil and the restoration of peace and harmony.

3.3. Artistic and Performative Dimensions

This sacred dance represents a sophisticated composite art form. Research in musicology and dance studies highlights its unique aesthetic qualities. Guo and Peng (2015, p. 116) detail the three categories of Vajrayana Buddhist music at the Yonghegong Lamasery: sutra-chanting melodies, ceremonial instrumental music, and the vcham dance music itself. This music, characterized by its profound and majestic quality, is produced by specific instruments like long horns, drums, and conch shells, creating an aura of solemnity.

From a choreographic perspective, J. Zhao (2016) applies a “dynamic approach” to analyze the body movements, spatial patterns, and choreography. This study provides a valuable record of the dance’s evolution, noting a significant simplification over time. By comparing recordings from 1987, 2009, and 2014–2015, Zhao documents a reduction in the number of scenes from thirteen to six, alongside changes in movements and costumes. This visual documentation is complemented by Kai (2011, p. 2), whose photographic record serves as a primary resource for studying the iconography of the dancers’ elaborate costumes, masks, and dynamic postures. These artistic elements are not decorative but are integral to the ritual’s religious function and symbolic communication.

3.4. Socio-Cultural Functions and Evolution

A prominent theme across the literature is the dynamic evolution of the dance’s socio-cultural role. A clear trajectory is charted from an exclusive imperial ritual to a public folk custom and, finally, to a modern tourist attraction. H. Yu (2009, p. 116) expertly documents this transition, explaining that the decline of imperial patronage after the fall of the Qing Dynasty forced the lamasery to open its gates to the public for sustenance. The ritual, once known as “Lama Beating the Ghost” (lama dagui 喇嘛打鬼), thus blended with local Han Chinese temple fair customs, becoming an ingrained part of old Beijing’s folk culture, fulfilling public desires for dispelling calamity and praying for blessings.

This evolution continues in the contemporary era. C. Yu (2018) and J. Zhao (2016) observe a shift in the primary audience from devout believers and the imperial court to a broader tourist demographic. This shift is accompanied by changes in management and funding, from state sponsorship to a model of self-sufficiency through tourism and donations. Consequently, the ritual’s function is evolving; its religious “efficacy” (xiaoli 效力) may be partially giving way to its role as a “performance” for tourists (J. Zhao 2016, p. 46). Despite this simplification and external adaptation, scholars argue that the dance maintains its core religious significance (C. Yu 2018; Zhang and Zhou 2019).

The broader social functions are also emphasized. Zhang and Zhou (2019) identify multiple layers of cultural connotation and social function, including the inheritance of history, the expression of Buddhist doctrines, and the fusion of multi-ethnic (Zang, Mongol, Manchu, Han) cultures. Historically, the lamasery and its rituals served as a bridge between the central government and ethnic regions (C. Yu 2018, p. 28). Today, they are seen as contributing to ethnic unity, international cultural dialogue, and social stability within the framework of contemporary Chinese religious policies (Zhang and Zhou 2019, pp. 126–27).

3.5. Contemporary Challenges and Tourism Development

The final angle addressed by the literature concerns the challenges and opportunities presented by modernization and tourism. Several studies from different years (Dai 2009; G. Li 2011) identify persistent issues such as overcrowding during peak periods, a lack of distinctive tourist souvenirs, and the need for more sophisticated marketing strategies. The research by G. Li (2011) and Dai (2009) advocates for the development of a culturally sensitive Buddhist cultural industry. Recommendations include creating unique cultural products, enhancing experiential tourism (e.g., allowing limited participation), improving marketing, and cultivating specialized talent to ensure the sustainable development of Yonghegong Lamasery heritage. One of such studies even designs an immersive interactive experience system from an embodied cognition perspective, allowing users to engage in human-computer collaborative musical interactions through a virtualized body within the Nuoxi virtual environment. The system provides comprehensive visual, auditory, and tactile immersion, achieving the goals of being viewable, explorable, and perceptible (Yuan et al. 2025, p. 458).

The tension between preservation and adaptation is a central challenge. The documented simplification of the dance (J. Zhao 2016; C. Yu 2018) is attributed to practical constraints like monk turnover and limited rehearsal time, as well as the socio-economic pressures of catering to a tourist audience. The dance is thus a “living tradition” in a constant state of negotiation (J. Zhao 2016, p. 45). Long (2016, p. 156), in a literature review, points to academic gaps that need addressing to better inform this process, calling for more systematic historical research, deeper exploration of religious symbolism, and better utilization of historical texts like the “Vcham Sutras” (Qiangmu jing 羌姆经).

3.6. Summary

The collective research on the Vajra Exorcism Dance at the Yonghegong Lamasery reveals a complex and dynamic entity. It is simultaneously a profound esoteric ritual with deep historical roots in Vajrayana Buddhism, a sophisticated composite art form integrating music and dance, and a vibrant socio-cultural practice whose functions have continually evolved from imperial tool to folk custom to tourist spectacle. The scholarly discourse successfully captures these multiple dimensions. However, as Long (2016, p. 156) suggests, there remains a need for further interdisciplinary research, particularly from religious studies perspectives, to fully understand the intricate balance between its sacred integrity and its public, performative life in the 21st century. The dance endures not as a static relic but as a resilient cultural practice, actively negotiating its place between spiritual tradition and modern socio-economic realities.

4. Historical and Cultural Context

This tantric dance represents a profound synthesis of spiritual doctrine and cultural expression within Vajrayana Buddhism. As an embodied ritual, it functions on multiple levels: as a means of purifying the sacred space, a method for subduing malevolent forces, and a dynamic form of deity yoga (xiangying fa 相应法) that transforms the performers into enlightened beings through movement, mantra (zhenyan 真言), and visualization. This intricate practice, which integrates body, speech, and mind, serves not only a religious purpose but also embodies the historical interactions between Indian Vajrayana, indigenous Xizang traditions, and the political landscapes it traversed. The following sections will trace its origins, transmission, and adaptation, highlighting its role from a localized exorcism ritual to a symbol of cultural identity and religious continuity.

4.1. Origins and Transmission

This dance, known in Xizang as vcham, traces its origins to 8th-century Xizang. According to tradition, the Indian tantric master Padmasambhava (Guru Rinpoche) introduced the dance during the construction of Samye Monastery (775–787) as a means to subdue local deities and demonic forces obstructing the establishment of Buddhism. The dance synthesized elements of Indian Vajrayana ritual, indigenous Xizang shamanic practices, and Bonpo traditions, thereby creating a unique form of Buddhist ritual performance.

The term vcham literally signifies “dance” or “to jump” in Xizang language, whereas the performance emphasizes its function as a ritual of purification and protection. In Mongolian, it is designated “Bujak”, and in Chinese, it is commonly referred to as “Beating the Devils” or “Tiao Buzha”, a phonetic rendering of the Mongolian term. These various appellations reflect the dance’s transmission across cultural and linguistic boundaries, from Xizang to Mongolia language and eventually to Chinese language.

The dance was formalized and systematized in the 15th century by Tsongkhapa (1357–1419), the founder of the Gelug school of Vajrayana Buddhism. As part of his reforms, Tsongkhapa established the Great Prayer Festival in Lhasa (Lhasa qiyuan da fahui 拉萨祈愿大法会), incorporating the vcham dance as a central ritual component. This institutionalization marked the transition of the dance from a localized practice to a standardized monastic ritual performed across Gelug monasteries (Lessing 2008).

4.2. Transmission to Beijing and Yonghegong Lamasery

The transmission of the vcham dance to Beijing occurred during the Ming and Qing dynasties, facilitated by political and religious alliances between the imperial court and Vajrayana Buddhist hierarchs. The Yonghegong Lamasery, originally constructed as the residence of Prince Yong (later Emperor Yongzheng 雍正), was converted into a Gelug monastery in 1744 during the reign of Emperor Qianlong 乾隆. This conversion constituted part of a broader Qing policy of patronizing Vajrayana Buddhism to secure the loyalty of Mongol and Xizang elites and to legitimize Manchu rule through Buddhist universalism.

The timing is also aligned with similar rituals performed at other major Vajrayana Buddhist monasteries in Beijing, such as the Yellow Temple (Huangsi 黄寺) and the Black Temple (Heisi 黑寺), creating a sequence of performances throughout the first lunar month that became a distinctive feature of Beijing cultural calendar (D. Li 2014).

The Qing court’s patronage of the ritual was extensive. Historical records indicate that the Yonghegong Lamasery’s sacred dance was performed with imperial support, the court providing financial resources and logistical assistance. The ritual’s performers included not only monks from Yonghegong Lamasery but also selected monks from other Vajrayana Buddhist monasteries in Beijing, creating a collaborative network that reinforced the ritual’s status as a city-wide religious event. (Zou and Bao 2004) As Fucha (1961, p. 47) recorded in his Yanjing Suishi Ji (燕京岁时记):

The practice of “Beating the Devils” originates from the Buddhist traditions of the Western Regions and should not be dismissed as mere superstition. Rather, it represents a continuation of the ancient custom known as “watching the Nuoxi at the nine gates”2 (jiu men guan nuo 九门观傩), serving the purpose of averting misfortune and ensuring communal well-being. During the ceremonial performance, lamas assume the roles of various heavenly generals to expel malevolent spirits. The event attracts large crowds from the capital, resulting in an atmosphere described as “everyone in the city turns out” (wan ren kong xiang 万人空巷). In recognition of its religious significance, the imperial court assigns a minor official of indeterminate rank to supervise the ceremony—an act that reflects the same reverence demonstrated by ancient sage kings, who traditionally donned ceremonial robes and stood upon the eastern steps to receive the exorcists.

4.3. Post-Qing Developments

Following the collapse of the Qing dynasty in 1911, this tantric performance underwent significant changes. Although the temple continued to function as a religious institution, the loss of imperial patronage and the political turmoil of the Republican period (1912–1949) precipitated a decline in the ritual’s scale and frequency. The ritual was performed intermittently during this period, its survival dependent upon the dedication of the monastic community and the continued interest of the local populace.

The Early PRC Period (1949–1965): From Revival to Cessation. Contrary to the narrative of immediate decline, the early years of the People’s Republic witnessed a brief but significant revival of the ritual under state support for cultural heritage. The new government allocated funds for temple repairs in 1950 and 1952, and in 1954, national leaders including Mao Zedong and Zhou Enlai inspected Yonghegong, affirming its status. The “Great Prayer Festival” continued annually until 1958. According to the archives of Yonghegong, a notable high point was the 1957 performance, which attracted over ten thousand spectators, including foreign dignitaries and professional dance researchers, indicating its role as a public cultural spectacle. However, by 1958, the ritual ceased due to shifting political campaigns and resource constraints, marking the end of its first post-Qing phase.

The Cultural Revolution and Interruption (1966–1976). The Cultural Revolution witnessed a complete cessation of the ritual’s performance, as religious activities were suppressed across China. The Yonghegong Lamasery was closed, and many of its ritual objects, including masks and costumes, were destroyed or dispersed. The transmission of the ritual was interrupted, and many monks who had performed it were compelled to leave the temple or abandon their religious practice.

The Policy-Driven Restoration (1976–1987). The revival of the ritual was directly enabled by the religious policy reforms following the Cultural Revolution. After the Third Plenary Session of the Eleventh Central Committee in 1978, the state implemented a policy of “reinstating freedom of religious belief”. In 1981, Yonghegong officially reopened as a religious venue, resuming basic Buddhist services. However, the restoration of the tantric dance faced a critical obstacle: the generation of monks who knew the intricate choreography had aged or passed away, creating a “no one who knew how to perform it” predicament. To address this, the temple sought external expertise. In 1984, Yonghegong invited Gaoni Genjiabu, a senior monk from Ruiying Temple (Ruiying si 瑞应寺) in Fuxin City, Liaoning Province, who had preserved the Vajra Exorcism Dance tradition. Under his instruction, a new generation of monks was trained. The ritual was formally reinstated during the Great Prayer Festival in 1987, reconnecting Yonghegong with the broader network of Vajrayana monasteries.

Despite this success, the interruption of transmission resulted in the loss or modification of certain ritual elements, making the contemporary performance a product of both historical preservation and late-20th-century reconstruction (Yan and Li 2004).

5. Ritual Structure and Performance

The dance constitutes a meticulously structured ritual performance that operates through a sophisticated interplay of temporal cycles, spatial organization, and choreographed sequences. This complex ritual framework transforms the temple grounds into a sacred mandala where time, space, and movement converge to enact the purification of obstacles and the establishment of auspicious conditions. The following sections will examine how the ritual is embedded within specific temporal cycles, how the performance space is organized to create a sacred cosmology, and how the choreographed sequences of deities and protectors unfold to achieve the ritual’s transformative objectives.

5.1. Temporal Framework

The nine-day period of the Great Prayer Festival is dedicated to intensive prayer and ritual activities aimed at accumulating merit, purifying negative karma (yeli 业力), and ensuring the well-being of all sentient beings.

The sacred performance itself occurs on the final day of the festival, serving as the culmination of the preceding days of prayer and preparation. The selection of this timing is significant from both religious and practical perspectives. Religiously, it represents the fruition of the prayers and offerings made during the festival, the moment when accumulated merit is directed toward the purification of obstacles and the establishment of auspicious conditions for the coming year. Practically, it coincides with the conclusion of the Chinese New Year period, making it accessible to a large audience of both devotees and curious onlookers.

The performance is preceded by a day of rehearsal, known as “rehearsing the ghosts” (yangui 演鬼), during which the monks practice their roles and the ritual sequence is reviewed. This rehearsal is not merely a technical preparation but is itself considered a ritual act, as the monks are understood to be invoking the deities and protective forces they will embody during the actual performance.

5.2. Spatial Organization

The performance space for the Vajra Exorcism Dance is carefully arranged to constitute a sacred mandala, a symbolic representation of the Buddhist cosmos. The primary performance area is typically situated in front of the Yonghegong Lamasery main hall, often the Yonghe Gong Hall (Yonghegong dadian 雍和宫大殿) or the Falun Hall (Falun dian 法轮殿). This space is demarcated by ritual boundaries, often marked by prayer flags, offerings, and the placement of ritual objects.

At the center of the performance space is the main altar, which holds various ritual implements, including the ritual cakes “torma” (duoma 朵玛), incense, and offerings to the deities. The “torma”, in particular, plays a central role in the ritual, serving as both an offering and a representation of the obstacles and negative forces to be purified. The altar is oriented according to the cardinal directions, with specific deities and protectors associated with each direction.

The performance space is divided into distinct zones, each possessing its own symbolic significance. The central area is reserved for the principal dancers, who embody the main deities and protectors. Surrounding this are areas for the musicians, who provide the rhythmic and melodic accompaniment for the dance, and for the attending monks, who chant prayers and mantras throughout the performance. The audience, comprising both devotees and casual observers, forms an outer circle, their presence and participation (through prayer, offerings, and visual engagement) contributing to the ritual’s efficacy.

In recent years, the administration of Yonghegong Lamasery has relocated the ritual performance to a purpose-built elevated stage situated directly in front of the Hall of Heavenly Kings (Tianwang Dian 天王殿), also known as the Yonghe Gate Hall. This spatial reconfiguration reflects two interrelated drivers: constraints imposed by the historic site’s physical infrastructure and the evolving functional orientation of the event. First, as a former imperial monastery, Yonghegong Lamasery comprises numerous ancient architectural structures, many of which lack sufficient contiguous, level open space. Historically, the ritual was conducted in courtyards or at temple gateways; however, growing public participation has rendered these locations inadequate. According to official records from the temple administration and reports issued by the Beijing Municipal Cultural Heritage Bureau (n.d.), annual attendance during the event period increased from approximately 3000 visitors in 2010 to over 10,000 in 2023, a rise of nearly 233%. Concurrently, the number of registered spectators rose by 148% between 2013 and 2023. Such growth has exceeded the capacity of traditional venues to meet contemporary standards for public safety, accessibility, and crowd management—thereby necessitating a centralized, elevated performance platform. Second, the ritual’s functional framing has undergone a discernible shift. While retaining its core religious significance, including the symbolic expulsion of malevolent forces and invocation of blessings, the event is increasingly positioned as both intangible cultural heritage and religious performing art. The introduction of a dedicated stage, often complemented by formal staging elements such as red carpeting, serves to foreground its presentation as a curated cultural performance intended for public observation, rather than solely as an internal monastic rite. Although monastic organizers have consistently emphasized logistical and safety considerations as the primary rationale for the elevation, this spatial intervention, whether intentional or consequential, strengthens visual centrality, institutionalizes performer–audience demarcation, and accentuates the ritual’s performative and aesthetic dimensions (Zhang 2023, pp. 47–49). Consequently, the elevated stage not only resolves practical operational challenges but also materially embodies and reinforces the ritual’s expanding role within broader cultural preservation and tourism frameworks.

5.3. Ritual Sequence

The ritual comprises a series of sequential segments, each with its specific deities, dance movements, and symbolic meanings. While the exact number and order of segments have varied over time, the contemporary performance at Yonghegong Lamasery typically includes the following main segments (Beijing Yonghe Gong Guanlichu 2013):

White Ghosts Dance (tiao baigui 跳白鬼): The ritual commences with the appearance of the White Ghosts, skeletal figures representing the spirits of the dead. Their dance serves to purify the performance space and prepare it for the arrival of the deities. The White Ghosts’ movements are characterized by lightness and agility, symbolizing the transcendence of physical limitations. Thus, the formal act of the White Ghosts Dance actively performs the initial purification, embodying the ritual’s core soteriological aim of cleansing the karmic and spatial field for the sacred actions to follow.

Black Ghosts Dance (tiao heigui 跳黑鬼): Following the White Ghosts, the Black Ghosts appear, representing more malevolent forces and obstacles. Their dance is more vigorous and aggressive, embodying the struggle against negative influences. The contrast between the White and Black Ghosts establishes the ritual’s central theme of purification through confrontation. The aggressive, confrontational form of this dance is the precise performative embodiment of the ritual’s intent to subdue and expel concrete obstacles, thereby enacting the presupposed mechanism of ritual efficacy through direct action.

Conch Spirits Dance (tiao luoshen 跳螺神): The Conch Spirits, associated with the sound of the conch shell (a symbol of the Dharma’s proclamation), dance to announce the arrival of the principal deities. Their movements are graceful and flowing, evoking the dissemination of the Dharma’s blessings. Through this graceful movement vocabulary, the form of the Conch Spirits Dance instantiates the cosmological narrative of the Dharma’s benevolent proclamation, marking the transition from preparatory purification to the revelation of enlightened presence.

Butterfly Spirits Dance (tiao dieshen 跳蝶神): The Butterfly Spirits, with their delicate and fluttering movements, represent the transformation and liberation ensuing from engagement with the Dharma. Their dance symbolizes the mind’s capacity to transcend ordinary perception and attain higher states of awareness. The form of the Butterfly Dance, with its evocation of transformation and lightness, visually articulates the soteriological aim of achieving liberation and a purified state of mind.

Vajra Beings Dance (tiao jingang 跳金刚): The Vajra Beings, embodiments of enlightened activity and indestructible wisdom, perform a powerful and majestic dance. Their movements are characterized by strength and precision, symbolizing the cutting through of ignorance and the establishment of the Dharma. The powerful and precise choreographic form of the Vajra Beings actively embodies the ontological principle of indestructible wisdom, serving as a kinetic manifestation of the cosmological framework of enlightened power.

Star Deities Dance (tiao xingshen 跳星神): The Star Deities, associated with celestial bodies and cosmic forces, dance to align the performance space with the larger cosmic order. Their movements are measured and harmonious, reflecting the balance and interdependence of all phenomena. The measured, harmonious form of this dance is a performative instantiation of the cosmological framework, ritually enacting the alignment of the microcosmic ritual space with the macrocosmic celestial order.

Heavenly Kings Dance (tiao tianwang 跳天王): The Four Heavenly Kings, protectors of the four directions, appear to guard the performance space and subdue any residual negative forces. Their dance is martial and authoritative, demonstrating their role as defenders of the Dharma. The martial and authoritative form of the Heavenly Kings Dance materially encodes and performs the presupposed efficacy of directional guardianship, a key element within the ritual’s protective cosmological and soteriological schema.

Dharma Protectors Dance (tiao hufashen 跳护法神): The Dharma Protectors, fierce emanations of enlightened beings, perform an intense and dynamic dance to eliminate obstacles and negative karma. Their movements are rapid and forceful, embodying the swift and decisive action of enlightened compassion. The intense, dynamic form of this dance constitutes the active, performative vehicle for realizing the soteriological aim of eliminating obstacles, directly linking choreographic energy to transformative purpose.

White and Green Taras Dance (tiao bailü dumu 跳白绿度母): The White and Green Taras, embodiments of compassionate activity, dance to bestow blessings and protection. Their movements are gentle and nurturing, offering solace and support to all beings. The gentle, nurturing movement vocabulary formally embodies the soteriological aim of bestowing compassionate blessings, making the abstract quality of enlightened compassion kinetically present and operative.

Maitreya Dance (tiao Mile 跳弥勒): Maitreya, the future Buddha, appears to bring joy and auspiciousness. His dance is playful and celebratory, foreshadowing the age of enlightenment he will usher in. The playful and celebratory form of the Maitreya Dance performatively instantiates the cosmological narrative of a future enlightened age, serving as a kinetic prophecy that embodies hope and auspiciousness within the ritual’s temporal framework.

Demon Beheading (zhangui 斩鬼): The ritual reaches its formal and doctrinal climax with the beheading of the demon (baling) effigy. This act is not merely a symbolic representation but constitutes the precise performative embodiment of the ritual’s core soteriological aim. The material destruction of the effigy actively enacts the severance of ego-clinging and the obliteration of the “three poisons” (greed, hatred, and ignorance), thereby materially realizing the central transformative purpose defined in our analytical framework.

Sending Off Evil Spirits (songsui 送祟): Following the beheading, the remains of the demon are carried in procession and cremated in a ritual fire. This act of cremation symbolizes the complete purification of obstacles and the liberation of the demon’s consciousness. The smoke rising from the fire is believed to convey the purified energy to the pure lands. The formal sequence of procession and cremation actively enacts the final stage of the presupposed ritual efficacy, performing the complete dissolution and transmutation of negativities that have been severed in the previous climax.

Circumambulation (raosi 绕寺): The ritual concludes with a circumambulation of the temple, during which the monks chant prayers and distribute blessed substances (such as grains, fruits or candies) to the audience. This act reinforces the protective and purifying function of the ritual, extending its benefits to the entire temple complex and its surroundings. This concluding formal act of circumambulation and distribution materially extends the realized soteriological benefit (the purified, protected realm) to the community, thereby performing the ritual’s final efficacy and completing the mandala’s encompassment of sacred space.

6. Form and Content: The Ritual’s Semiotic System

Just as Jensen pointed out, “Religion is a semiotic phenomenon par excellence. Without signs and signification processes there could not ever have been any religion, and so semiotics should play a prominent role in the investigation of religion(s)” (Jensen 2014, p. 130). This tantric dance’s intricate semiotic system, meticulously organized through the mandala principle, finds its most profound expression in the ritual’s material and performative dimensions. Many of the phenomena traditionally grouped together under the category of religion have semiotic significance, even leave aside the fact that they are forms of human expression, incorporating words, images, and symbolic actions (Yelle 2013, p. 1).

This section delves into the specific components—iconography, choreography, and musical structure—that constitute the ritual’s visual and kinetic language. Each element, from the masks to the mudras (shouyin 手印), functions as a sacred sign within this complex system, encoding core Buddhist doctrines and facilitating the ritual’s transformative purpose. The analysis will demonstrate how these components collectively operate to create a coherent and potent symbolic universe for both performers and participants.

6.1. The Mandala Principle

The Mandala, also referred to as the “ritual platform” or “ritual arena”, etymologically signifying “circle” or “assembly”. It constitutes a concentrated symbolic representation of the cosmology and enlightened realms in Vajrayāna Buddhism, serving as the sacred assembly ground for all deities and enlightened beings. It also functions as an internalized cosmographic diagram, often termed the “cosmic map in the heart”, that guides monastic practitioners in daily meditation and ritual practice. Typically configured as a circle or square, it features strict geometric symmetry centered upon a precisely defined axis point, thereby embodying the Buddhist vision of the universe as an intrinsically ordered, interdependent, and harmoniously integrated whole. As such, the mandala serves not merely as a symbolic representation but as a contemplative instrument that concretizes the principles of totality, balance, and ultimate perfection.

The ceremony is fundamentally structured according to the mandala principle, which serves as the primary spatial and conceptual framework for the entire performance. A mandala is a geometric configuration of symbols representing the Buddhist cosmos and the ideal state of enlightenment. Within the context of the ritual, this principle manifests across multiple dimensions: spatial organization, temporal progression, and symbolic representation. The mandala principle provides the master template through which the ritual’s cosmological framework is spatially and temporally instantiated, thereby creating the conditions for achieving its soteriological aims. The following analysis demonstrates how the precise geometry of the mandala is not merely symbolic but is functionally articulated as the active, performative infrastructure for purification and transformation.

6.1.1. Spatial Organization as Mandala

The performance space is meticulously arranged to constitute a three-dimensional mandala. The central altar, typically positioned before the Hall of Heavenly Kings, represents the axis mundi—the cosmic center where the divine and human realms intersect. This central point is encircled by concentric spheres of sacred space, with performers moving in precise geometric patterns that trace the mandala’s inherent structure. The spatial arrangement adheres to the traditional mandala pattern of a square within a circle, with the four cardinal directions demarcated by specific ritual implements and directional guardians.

The choreography of the dancers is designed to guide movement from the periphery toward the center and back again, symbolizing the spiritual journey from the mundane world to an enlightened state, and the subsequent return to benefit all sentient beings. This spatial progression mirrors the Buddhist path of purification, wherein one advances from the outer realms of samsara toward the inner realization of Buddhahood.

Thus, the choreographed movement from periphery to center materially enacts the soteriological path from samsaric confusion toward enlightened realization, transforming the performance ground into an operative cosmological map (as detailed in the temple’s ritual manuals, Beijing Yonghe Gong Guanlichu 2013). This spatial logic is the foundational formal expression of the ritual’s doctrinal content. This spatial choreography, therefore, is not merely decorative but provides the primary kinematic evidence for how the ritual’s form materially diagrams the spiritual journey from samsara to enlightenment, a point to be fully synthesized in Section 7.1.

6.1.2. Temporal Structure as Mandala

The ritual’s temporal unfolding also adheres to mandalic principles. The performance progresses through distinct phases corresponding to the four classical stages of the mandala (tancheng sijie yigui 坛城四阶仪轨): preparation, approach, accomplishment, and dissolution. Each phase entails specific ritual actions, mantras, and visualizations that cumulatively build toward the ritual’s climax—the beheading of the demonic effigy. This temporal architecture generates a sense of escalating intensity and spiritual power, culminating in the moment of purification and transformation.

Furthermore, the mandala principle governs the ritual’s cyclical nature. Analogous to a mandala that is meticulously constructed and then ritually dissolved, the dance is performed annually, with any sand mandala used being destroyed at the ceremony’s conclusion. This dissolution symbolizes the impermanence of all phenomena and the necessity of non-attachment, even toward the most sacred forms.

This temporal architecture, mirroring the classical stages of mandala practice (preparation, approach, accomplishment, dissolution), is believed to generate escalating ritual efficacy. The climactic destruction of the effigy during the “accomplishment” phase is understood to actively cause the purification it symbolizes, directly linking formal sequence to presupposed mechanisms of efficacy (Quack and Sax 2010).

6.1.3. Symbolic Representation

Every ritual element—from masks and costumes to musical instruments and ritual implements—is imbued with mandalic symbolism. The masks represent the five Buddha families and their corresponding wisdoms, arranged according to the mandala’s directional schema. The colors and patterns adorning the costumes correspond to specific aspects of the mandala, with each hue (blue, white, yellow, red, green) representing one of the five directions and their associated enlightened qualities.

The musical accompaniment generates an auditory mandala, in where specific instruments are associated with different parts of the mandala. The long horns represent the outer protective circle, while the cymbals and drums mark the rhythmic progression through the mandala’s layered dimensions. The chanting of mantras and sutras further reinforces this structure, with each syllable corresponding to a specific point within the cosmic diagram.

6.1.4. The Mandala as Transformative Space

Ultimately, the mandala principle operates to transmute the performance space into a sacred realm where deities are invoked and the ritual’s transformative work is actualized. Through the precise orchestration of space, time, and symbolism, the ritual creates a microcosm of the Buddhist universe, enabling both performers and audience to participate in the purification and protection of the sacred domain. This mandalic structure is not merely symbolic but is believed to actively generate the conditions for spiritual transformation, rendering the ritual a potent instrument for both individual and communal purification.

Consequently, the mandala principle operationally demonstrates the core thesis: the ritual’s form (geometric space, cyclical time) is the necessary and precise embodiment of its content—creating a cosmologically ordered realm (content dimension 2) specifically designed to enable efficacious spiritual transformation (content dimensions 1 & 3).

6.2. The Iconography of Masks and Costumes

The iconographic system of masks and costumes functions as a visual lexicon that encodes all three dimensions of doctrinal content. Each element translates abstract philosophy into a tangible, wearable form intended to facilitate soteriological transformation through the practitioner’s embodiment of deities. The masks and costumes utilized in the performance constitute a sophisticated visual language that encodes core principles of Buddhist cosmology and soteriology. Each mask represents a specific deity or protective force, and the act of wearing it is understood as a form of deity yoga, wherein the performer cultivates a profound identification with the enlightened qualities of the embodied deity.

6.2.1. Mask Symbolism

In the Vajra Exorcism Dance at Yonghegong, masks are not merely theatrical props but the primary semiotic vehicles for a process of ritual identification and doctrinal embodiment. Their analysis, therefore, must be grounded in the specific iconographic and philosophical system of Vajrayana Buddhism, rather than in generalized notions of ritual theatre. It is easy to notice that during the performance, masks are widely used to portray images of gods and demons. Similar to other genres of Nuoxi rituals, mask is a must in the theatrical props. As a matter of fact, mask-making in China boasts a long history. As early as the Song Dynasty, the mask art in the Guilin region of Guangxi Province had already reached a high level of maturity. The famous poet Lu (1986, p. 2) described this in his Notes from the Old Cottage (Lao xue’an biji 老学庵笔记):

During the Zhenghe period of the Northern Song Dynasty (1111–1118), the imperial court held a grand Nuoxi ceremony and ordered the Guizhou Prefecture to present Nuoxi masks. When the masks were delivered, it was reported that there was only “one set”. At first, the officials of the imperial court thought the number was too small. Later, they learned that this set was actually composed of eight hundred masks! These masks were of various shapes, young and old, beautiful and ugly, and none of them were the same. It was then that everyone was amazed. Up to now, the artisans who make Nuoxi masks in Guangxi have all become rich because of this, and no other place, including the Central Plains and the border areas, can compare with them.

Masks serve several key functions in Nuoxi: first, they provide a consistent appearance for deities or secular heroes. Without masks, the same deity portrayed by different performers would vary in appearance, making recognition difficult and potentially undermining the deity’s authenticity and sanctity. Second, masks emphasize facial features to reflect the character and power of the depicted figure. For instance, figures such as Buddha, Avalokitesvara, or Taoist sages are portrayed as kind and wise, exuding an otherworldly aura that inspires admiration. Deities responsible for driving away evil or epidemics are often depicted with fierce and aggressive expressions, while plague gods or demons display brutal fury, evoking fear in the viewer. Third, masks allow actors to switch roles quickly. In Nuoxi, the number of performers capable of embodying divine figures is limited, so one actor often plays multiple roles. If each role required elaborate facial makeup, it would disrupt the flow of the performance. Masks, however, allow for instant transformation. Additionally, in economically disadvantaged rural areas, the cost of makeup pigments can be prohibitive. Overall, mask modeling is a defining characteristic of the vast majority of Nuoxi traditions across the country, and some even refer to Nuoxi as “masked theatre” (Zhu 2018, p. 109).

The masks, typically crafted from papier-mâché or wood, are adorned with vivid colors carrying specific symbolic connotations. The strategic, coded use of vivid colors on the masks carries specific symbolic connotations, directly mapping onto doctrinal content. Blue signifies the wisdom of the dharmadhātu (the ultimate nature of reality), red symbolizes the power of compassionate activity and the subjugation of obstacles, while gold and yellow are associated with the Buddha’s enlightened qualities, and white denotes purity and the pacification of negative forces. The strategic combination of colors on a single mask creates a complex visual lexicon that communicates the deity’s multifaceted attributes and functions.

Actually, the color scheme of the masks is a precise visual code mapping onto the mandala of the Five Dhyani Buddhas (五方佛) and their corresponding Five Wisdoms (五智), a core cosmological and soteriological framework in Vajrayana: blue masks typically represent Vairochana at the center, embodying the Dharma-Dhatu Wisdom (all-encompassing reality); white masks are associated with Akshobhya in the east, embodying the Mirror-like Wisdom (pure, non-dual reflection); yellow masks signify Ratnasambhava in the south, embodying the Wisdom of Equality (equanimity and richness); red masks correspond to Amitabha in the west, embodying the Discriminating Wisdom (clear discernment); green masks relate to Amoghasiddhi in the north, embodying the All-Accomplishing Wisdom (successful enlightened activity).

The facial expressions depicted on the masks are highly stylized and exaggerated, characterized by wide eyes, flaring nostrils, and bared teeth. These features are not intended to evoke conventional fear but rather to express the intense, uncompromising nature of enlightened activity. The wrathful countenances of the protectors are interpreted as manifestations of compassionate wrath, representing a fierce determination to eradicate ignorance and safeguard beings from suffering. Conversely, the serene expressions of peaceful deities convey the profound tranquility and luminous clarity of an enlightened mind. Beyond color, the facial expressions—wrathful (krodha) or serene—constitute another layer of formal embodiment. The terrifying, glaring faces with fangs are not expressions of ordinary anger but are formal instantiations of “compassionate wrath”. They visually encode the soteriological method (upaya) of using fierce, unimpeded energy to annihilate mental defilements and obstructions for the benefit of beings. Conversely, the peaceful, smiling faces formally embody the ontological quality of wisdom (prajna)—the serene, luminous, and empty nature of enlightened awareness. The coexistence of these forms on the same ritual stage performs the core Vajrayana principle of the union of method and wisdom. The wrathful expressions, therefore, are a formal vehicle for articulating the soteriological aim of compassionate destruction of defilements. Historical sources, such as the descriptions of mask-making in Lu’s (1986) notes, confirm that such exaggerated features were designed to project divine power and moral function, linking form directly to ritual efficacy and narrative role (Zhu 2018, p. 109).

The masks are further embellished with various symbolic elements, such as crowns, jewels, and animal motifs. The crown often represents the five Buddha families and the five wisdoms, while jewels symbolize the supreme value of the Dharma and the fulfillment of virtuous aspirations. Animal motifs, such as the garuda or the dragon, signify the subjugation of negative forces and the vigilant protection of the Buddhist teachings. These elements collectively form a rich iconographic system that encodes the entirety of the Buddhist path within the visual form of the mask.

Thus, the mask system in the Yonghegong dance operates as a precise doctrinal interface. Through the formal language of prescribed colors and expressions, it renders the abstract content of Buddhist cosmology (the Five Buddha families), soteriology (the path of purification through method and wisdom), and ritual identity (deity yoga) into a wearable, performative reality. This confirms that the ritual’s form is not a passive shell but the necessary and active embodiment of its specific religious content.

6.2.2. Costume Symbolism

The costumes worn by the performers are equally dense with symbolic meaning. They typically consist of brocade robes, silk sashes, and elaborate headdresses, all meticulously designed to reflect the status and function of the deity being embodied. The materials employed—silk, brocade, gold thread—are themselves considered inherently auspicious and are believed to enhance the ritual’s spiritual efficacy. (Zou and Bao 2004)

The color symbolism of the costumes parallels that of the masks, with specific hues associated with particular directions, elements, and enlightened qualities. The costumes are often layered, with each layer representing a different aspect of the deity’s manifestation. The outer layer might correspond to the deity’s emanation body, while the inner layers represent the enjoyment body and the truth body. This sartorial layering creates a visual representation of the three kayas (san shen 三身), the three bodies of a Buddha. The layering of costumes thus visually encodes the doctrine of the three kayas, a formal instantiation of Buddhist ontology that will be examined in Section 7.1 as a key example of form embodying cosmological content.

The costumes are adorned with various ritual implements and ornaments, such as vajras (jingang chu 金刚杵), bells, and bone ornaments. The vajra embodies the indestructible nature of enlightened mind, while the bell represents the wisdom of emptiness. The bone ornaments, crafted from human bone, symbolize the transcendence of ordinary attachment and a profound recognition of impermanence. These implements are not merely decorative; they are actively employed by the performers during the dance to enact specific ritual actions, such as the subjugation of obstacles or the bestowal of blessings.

The costumes also incorporate specific elements that denote the performer’s role within the ritual hierarchy. Principal dancers, for instance, wear more elaborate costumes and headdresses than supporting dancers, reflecting their central narrative function. This hierarchical organization mirrors the structure of a Buddhist mandala, with the principal deity situated at the center, surrounded by a retinue of protectors and attendants.

The layered costumes and ritual implements thus formally articulate the cosmological and ontological framework (representing the three kayasand the interplay of method/wisdom) while serving as functional tools in the efficacious enactment of blessings and subjugation. The use of specific materials like brocade and gold thread, mandated in historical records (Zou and Bao 2004), underscores that this iconography is considered intrinsically potent, not merely decorative.

6.3. Choreography and Movement Vocabulary

The choreography translates doctrinal concepts into a kinetic language of efficacy. Each mudra and formation is a precise formal unit designed to generate specific soteriological outcomes and manifest the cosmological order. The dance movements comprising the ritual are highly stylized, conventionalized and codified, with each gesture and posture carrying specific symbolic meanings. The choreography is grounded in a set of traditional mudras and body postures derived from Indian tantric traditions and subsequently adapted within Xizang cultural contexts.

The movements are characterized by a synthesis of grace and power, with performers executing precise patterns that trace the sacred geometry of the mandala. The dance typically commences with slow, measured steps that establish the sacred space and invoke the presence of the deities. As the ritual progresses, the tempo escalates, incorporating rapid turns, leaps, and gestures that symbolize the dynamic and potent activity of the enlightened mind.

The choreography encompasses both solo and group dances. Solo performances are typically reserved for the principal deities, while group dances are executed by their retinues. The group formations often involve complex patterns—such as circles, lines, and crosses—that represent the interpenetration of wisdom and compassion, the union of method and wisdom, and the harmonious balance of the five elements (J. Zhao 2016, p. 30). These formations are not arbitrary but are meticulously designed based on sacred geometry and the foundational principles of mandala construction.

The choreography is built upon a precise lexicon of mudras (ritual hand gestures), each a formal kinetic unit that encodes and enacts specific doctrinal principles. Far from decorative, these gestures constitute a performative language through which content is made active. Key mudras featured in the dance include:

Vajra Mudra (金刚印): Formed by crossing the wrists and extending the index fingers to touch, this gesture is the kinetic embodiment of the indivisible union of method (upaya, skillful means) and wisdom (prajna, insight)—a core ontological principle in Vajrayana Buddhism. Its execution during the dance is not symbolic but is held to instantiate this union, thereby activating the presupposed efficacy of enlightened activity within the ritual space.

Abhaya Mudra (施无畏印): Performed with the right hand raised to shoulder height, palm facing outward. This gesture actively performs the soteriological aim of granting protection and dispelling fear. It is a formal declaration of fearlessness, bestowing security upon the ritual mandala and its participants, materializing the protective function of the deities.

Varada Mudra (与愿印): Executed with the left arm extended downward, palm facing upward and open. This gesture enacts the compassionate function of granting blessings, fulfilling virtuous wishes, and responding to the needs of beings. It formally realizes the soteriological aim of bestowing benefits, transforming the abstract quality of compassion into a visible, performative act.

The performance of these mudras within the choreographic syntax is a paradigmatic example of form-as-embodiment. Each gesture functions as a kinetic signifier that actively performs a specific aspect of the ritual’s content: the Vajra Mudra instantiates a cosmological/ontological truth; the Abhaya and Varada Mudras materialize soteriological actions. This syntactical use of movement, as noted in studies of its symbolic grammar (J. Zhao 2016, p. 30), confirms that choreographic form is a precise, operational language for doctrinal content. The dancer’s body, through these codified forms, becomes the literal site where doctrine is enacted and efficacy is generated.

These mudras are performed with exacting precision and conscious intention, each movement functioning as a visual mantra that activates its corresponding enlightened quality. The performance of these mudras within the choreographic sequence is a clear instance of form embodying content. The vajra mudra physically manifests the ontological principle of indivisible method and wisdom. Its execution during the dance is not illustrative but is believed to instantiate that union, contributing directly to the ritual’s efficacy. This syntactical use of movement is documented in dance studies that analyze its symbolic grammar (J. Zhao 2016, p. 30).

The choreography also incorporates deliberate moments of stillness and meditation, during which performers assume specific postures and engage in intensive inner visualization. These pauses are not interruptions in the ritual action but are essential to the transformative process, allowing the performers to deepen their identification with the deity and to radiate blessings toward all beings. This rhythmic alternation between dynamic movement and profound stillness reflects the core Buddhist understanding of reality as simultaneously empty of inherent existence and apparent in its conventional manifestation.

6.4. Musical Structure and Sonic Mandala

The musical accompaniment for the ritual is provided by an ensemble of monastic musicians employing traditional Xizang instruments. This sonic dimension serves multiple critical functions: it provides the rhythmic structure for the dance, creates an auditory mandala that supports the ritual’s transformative intent, and invokes the presence of the deities through the resonant power of sound. The musical ensemble creates an auditory mandala, a formal structure that directly supports the cosmological framework and drives the soteriological process through sonic means. The instruments are not accompaniments but active agents of transformation.

The ritual efficacy is sonically engineered by an ensemble comprising long horns, short horns, cymbals, drums, and conch shells (Ling 2004, p. 35), each instrument fulfilling a distinct function within the sonic mandala. Each instrument possesses a specific symbolic meaning and is associated with particular aspects of the ritual. The long horns produce a deep, resonant sound believed to purify the environment and subdue negative forces. The short horns, often crafted from human thigh bones, are associated with the transience of life and the severance of attachment. The cymbals and drums provide the essential rhythmic foundation for the dance; their patterns meticulously synchronized with the performers’ movements and the ritual’s progressive phases. The association of specific instruments with specific ritual functions, such as long horns for purification and drums for rhythmic propulsion, is detailed in studies of Xizang Buddhist music (Ling 2004, p. 35; Guo and Peng 2015). This formalized pairing demonstrates that the sonic architecture is meticulously designed to articulate and enable the prescribed stages of ritual efficacy. The progression of the music from invocation to climax to dissolution sonically mirrors and reinforces the soteriological narrative of purification and accomplishment.

The musical structure mirrors the ritual’s narrative arc. It begins with slow, solemn passages that establish the sacred space and invoke the deities. As the ritual intensifies, the tempo increases, building toward a climactic crescendo during the beheading of the demon. Following this climax, the music transitions into a more celebratory mode, reflecting the successful purification of obstacles and the establishment of auspicious conditions. The final sections are characteristically peaceful and meditative, allowing the audience to internalize the blessings generated throughout the ritual.

The music is not conceived as mere background accompaniment but is regarded as a profound offering to the deities. The sounds produced by the instruments are believed to be manifestations of the deities’ speech, and the musicians themselves are understood to be engaged in a form of sound yoga, transforming ordinary auditory phenomena into the luminous speech of enlightenment. This transformation is facilitated by the musicians’ own visualization practices, wherein they identify with the deities and offer the music as a mandala of sound.

In addition to the instrumental music, the ritual incorporates chanting by the attending monks. The chants consist of prayers, mantras, and sutras specifically selected for the ritual’s purpose. Prominently featured mantras include that of Chenrezig (Oṃ Maṇi Padme Hūṃ), Manjushri (Oṃ A Ra Pa Ca Na Dhīḥ), and Vajrapani (Oṃ Vajrapāṇi Hūṃ). These mantras are believed to possess the power to purify negative karma, generate merit, and invoke the blessings of the deities.

The sonic component of the ritual is not limited to instrumental music; the chanting of specific mantras constitutes a critical layer of the auditory mandala. Unlike generic recitation, the strategic employment of the following core mantras demonstrates how sonic form is meticulously coded to enact the ritual’s doctrinal content:

Om Mani Padme Hum (Liuzi Damingzhou 六字大明咒): This mantra of Chenrezig (Avalokiteshvara, the Bodhisattva of Compassion) is chanted to invoke boundless compassion. Within the exorcism context, its recitation is believed to actively purify the environment and the minds of all participants, directly serving the soteriological aim of cleansing mental defilements and creating a receptive field for sacred action.

Om A Ra Pa Ca Na Dhih (Wenshu Pusa Xinzhou 文殊菩萨心咒): The mantra of Manjushri, the Bodhisattva of Wisdom. Its function is to cut through the ignorance that gives rise to obstacles and malevolent forces. By generating the wisdom necessary to perceive the true nature of reality, this mantra supports the presupposed mechanism of ritual efficacy, providing the cognitive “clarity” that enables the transformative work of the dance.

Om Vajrapani Hum (Jingangshou Pusa Xinzhou 金刚手菩萨心咒): The mantra of Vajrapani, the embodiment of enlightened power and the supreme protector in Vajrayana Buddhism. This mantra is quintessential for an exorcism ritual. Its forceful enunciation is intended to invoke the fierce, protective energy needed to subdue and dismantle obstacles, thereby materially encoding the cosmological narrative of enlightened forces triumphing over malevolence. It operationalizes the ritual’s protective power at the level of sound.

The selection and sequenced performance of these specific mantras illustrate that the ritual’s sonic architecture is a precise semiotic system. Each mantra is a formal, auditory unit designed to perform a distinct aspect of the ritual’s threefold content—whether purifying (soteriology), enlightening (efficacy mechanism), or subjugating (cosmological framework).

The chanting is performed in a distinct melodic style that varies according to the ritual phase. During preparatory phases, the chanting is slow and meditative, fostering an atmosphere of solemnity and reverence. During the dynamic dance sequences, the chanting becomes more rhythmic and energetic, supporting the performers’ movements and amplifying the ritual’s dramatic impact. The synergistic combination of instrumental music and vocal chanting creates a rich, immersive sonic tapestry that envelops all participants, facilitating their entry into the ritual’s sacred reality.

7. The Relationship Between Form and Content

To explore the profound interplay between a ritual’s structure and its meaning, this section will analyze how the Vajra Exorcism Dance at the Yonghegong Lamasery operationalizes doctrine through concrete, performative elements. It posits that the ritual’s efficacy is fundamentally premised on the precise and active embodiment of its content within its formal aspects. This analysis is guided by the thesis that form is not a passive vessel but an essential, dynamic carrier of doctrine, where every gesture, costume, and sound functions as a deliberate signifier within a complex semiotic system. The discussion that follows will systematically examine the specific mechanisms—spatial, temporal, iconographic, choreographic, and auditory—through which abstract Buddhist philosophies are translated into tangible, transformative experiences. By investigating this relationship, the analysis seeks to demonstrate how form and content are inextricably linked in achieving the ritual’s ultimate goals of spiritual transformation and communal purification.

7.1. Form as Embodied Doctrine

The ritual’s form constitutes an operational system that embodies its threefold doctrinal content, defined as soteriological aims, cosmological/ontological frameworks, and presupposed mechanisms of ritual efficacy, through interconnected and materially grounded mechanisms. It is precisely through this meticulous operationalization that form ceases to be a passive container and becomes the active, necessary, and precise embodiment of doctrine, transforming the ritual from a symbolic representation into an efficacious, transformative event.

First, the formal structure embodies the ritual’s soteriological aims. The entire temporal sequence, from the preparatory appearance of the White and Black Ghosts to the climactic beheading of the demon (baling), formally enacts the core narrative of purification. The ghost dances function as a performative prologue, clearing the karmic and spatial field. The progression through a series of deity dances (Vajra Beings, Dharma Protectors, etc.) builds a kinetic momentum of enlightened power. The formal climax, the material destruction of the human-shaped effigy, is not merely a symbol but the performative act that materially executes the ritual’s central aim: the severance of ego-clinging and the obliteration of the “three poisons” (greed, hatred, ignorance) that constitute the root of suffering. The concluding circumambulation formally extends this purified state, enacting the establishment of a protected sacred realm. Thus, the choreographic syntax directly maps onto and realizes the intended transformative outcome of obstacle removal and communal purification.

Second, the ritual’s form instantiates its cosmological and ontological frameworks in tangible, spatial terms. The performance space is not a neutral backdrop but is meticulously organized as a three-dimensional mandala, a formal instantiation of the Buddhist cosmos. As analyzed in Section 6.1, the central altar acts as the axis mundi, with choreographed movements tracing the sacred geometry from periphery to center, materially mapping the spiritual journey from samsara to enlightenment. Simultaneously, the iconographic program of masks and costumes, detailed in Section 6.2, provides a visual instantiation of this cosmology. Each mask, with its specific color (e.g., blue for the dharmadhatu, red for subjugation) and wrathful or serene expression, and each layered costume representing the three kayas, functions as a wearable component of the mandala’s symbolic schema. Together, spatial organization and iconography co-create a microcosm—a formal, operative model of the Buddhist universe within the performance ground.

Third, the ritual’s formal elements are designed to encode and activate the presupposed mechanisms of ritual efficacy. The choreographic vocabulary, particularly the precise execution of mudras (such as the vajra mudra symbolizing the indivisible union of method and wisdom), and the structured sonic architecture of the music are not aesthetic embellishments but are believed to be formal codes that contain and transmit efficacious power. The performance of a mudra is held to instantiate the quality it represents, contributing directly to the ritual’s transformative work. Similarly, the musical progression from invocation to climax creates an “auditory mandala” believed to purify the environment and invoke deities. Crucially, the performers’ identification with deities through masks and costumes is the paramount formal technique for achieving efficacy. This is not theatrical mimicry but a formalized practice of deity yoga, wherein the performer, by assuming the ritual form (mask, costume, posture), is believed to undergo an actual transformation, enabling the authentic enactment and transmission of enlightened activity, as supported by ritual interpretations (B. Li 2022). The form itself is the prescribed method for achieving the soteriological result.

In summary, the Vajra Exorcism Dance demonstrates that its form is an integrated operational system. It enacts soteriological aims through narrative sequence, instantiates cosmological frameworks through spatial and visual design, and encodes efficacious power through kinetic and sonic codes. This tripartite embodiment confirms the central thesis: the ritual’s doctrine is inaccessible in abstraction; it is made real, operative, and efficacious only through its precise and active formal manifestation.

7.2. The Ritual’s Efficacy

The efficacy of the ritual is not a singular or uniform outcome but a multi-layered, simultaneous process that is directly generated and structured by the precise embodiment of its threefold doctrinal content within its formal system. It is contingent upon the principle that the ritual is not merely a symbolic representation of purification but is believed to actively effect purification through the inherent power of its performance (Quack and Sax 2010). This efficacy operates on three interconnected levels—individual, communal, and cosmic—each of which validates a specific dimension of the ritual’s defined content and demonstrates how the form, as the active carrier of that content, produces tangible, transformative results. The very structure of the performance, as a complex semiotic and sensory system, reinforces that information reflecting intuitive causal principles (i.e., the precise repetition of procedures, the number of procedural steps) and transcendental influence (i.e., the presence of religious icons) critically affects how both participants and observers evaluate ritual efficacy (Legare and Souza 2012, p. 12).

At the individual level, efficacy is realized through the performer’s complete identification with the deities via masks, costumes, and prescribed movements. This process constitutes a performative form of deity yoga, wherein the formal act of assuming the iconographic form of a protector or enlightened being is understood to effect the realization of soteriological aims. The ritual, therefore, provides the operational mechanism for the performer’s own spiritual transformation: purifying personal negative karma, severing ego-clinging, and generating substantial merit. The kinetic execution of wrathful mudras is not an illustration of subjugation but is held to instantiate the compassionate destruction of the performer’s own mental defilements. Thus, the formal elements (mask, posture, mudra) are the indispensable vehicles that make the abstract goal of personal purification an enacted, and therefore efficacious, reality. The efficacy on this level is the most direct validation of the ritual’s core soteriological content.

At the communal level, efficacy is directed toward the purification of the temple and its surrounding socio-religious environment, thereby creating and reinforcing a protected sacred realm. The climactic formal acts—the beheading of the effigy and its subsequent cremation—are the ritual’s most potent material declarations. They are not symbolic gestures but are believed to actively eliminate concrete obstacles and malevolent forces threatening the community’s spiritual and temporal well-being. This communal efficacy directly validates the presupposed mechanism that ritual action causes real-world change. The formal sequence, from the spatial purification by the White and Black Ghosts to the demon’s destruction, provides the causal script for this transformation. The concluding circumambulation and distribution of blessed substances formally extend this purified and protected state to all attendees, materializing the communal benefit. The success of this process—the perceived safeguarding of the temple and the community in the year ahead—serves as empirical (within the ritual worldview) confirmation of the presupposed mechanisms of ritual efficacy that are encoded in the ritual’s very design.

At the cosmic level, efficacy is achieved through the ritual’s function of aligning the human realm with the celestial order. The performance space, organized as a three-dimensional mandala, is a formal instantiation of the Buddhist cosmos. The choreographed movements tracing sacred geometry, the directional arrangement of deities, and the sonic architecture of the music all work in concert to re-establish harmony between microcosm and macrocosm. This alignment affirms the cosmological framework as a true map of reality. The ritual’s efficacy here lies in its power to correct disharmony and re-inscribe the sacred, normative order onto the world. The perceived success of this realignment—the sense of restored cosmic balance and divine presence—validates the truth and operational power of the cosmological and ontological frameworks that the ritual’s forms so precisely materialize.

Critically, the ritual’s multisensory nature significantly amplifies its efficacy across all levels. The immersive environment created by the vivid visual spectacle of masks and costumes, the resonant auditory impact of the music and mantra chanting, the shared kinesthetic experience of the dance, and the olfactory stimulation of incense collectively engage participants on multiple perceptual and cognitive levels. This total sensory engagement does not merely illustrate the ritual’s content; it facilitates entry into the ritual’s sacred reality, thereby making the transformative effects of the embodied doctrine more immediate, tangible, and credible. Thus, the form itself, as a cohesive, sensorially rich system, is the essential medium through which the abstract dimensions of soteriological aim, cosmological truth, and presupposed efficacy are experienced as unified, lived, and potent reality.

7.3. Adaptation and Transformation

The Yonghegong Lamasery’s sacred dance has undergone significant formal modifications over time, reflecting its adaptation to evolving historical, political, and socio-cultural contexts. These changes, most notably the reduction in performance segments and the transition to a raised stage forma, inevitably raise critical questions regarding the relationship between form and content. Specifically, the central analytical question becomes: do these formal adaptations preserve the ritual’s capacity to fully articulate and enact its threefold doctrinal content—namely, its soteriological aims, its cosmological frameworks, and the presupposed mechanisms of its efficacy? In assessing these changes, a “traditional orthodox perspective” can be understood as the ritual’s ideal form, as historically prescribed within the Gelugpa Vajrayana system, which is designed to fully and precisely articulate its threefold doctrinal content—soteriological, cosmological, and efficacious—through an integrated, immersive, and liturgically complete performative system. This perspective serves as a benchmark against which adaptations can be measured, not for purity, but for how they recalibrate the delivery and experience of the core content.

A close examination suggests that adaptation has been a process of strategic recalibration rather than wholesale erosion, wherein core dimensions of content are selectively safeguarded, even as the experiential delivery of others undergoes significant transformation.

7.3.1. Assessing Simplification: Prioritizing Soteriological Core

The most documented formal change is the substantial reduction in the number of dance segments, from thirteen in the late Qing period to approximately six in contemporary performances. Superficially, this represents a contraction of the ritual’s formal repertoire. However, when evaluated through the threefold content framework, it becomes clear that simplification has followed a principle of hierarchical preservation focused on the soteriological aim. The segments that have been consistently retained or restored—such as the White and Black Ghosts (purification of space), the Dharma Protectors (subjugation of obstacles), and, most crucially, the “Demon Beheading”—are precisely those that most directly and unambiguously perform the ritual’s central transformative goal: the destruction of mental defilements and the removal of communal obstacles. The continued, climactic performance of the demon beheading is the definitive formal act that materially executes the soteriological aim. This suggests that adaptation has prioritized the preservation of the form necessary to realize the core salvific function, even as ancillary narrative or illustrative segments (e.g., certain deity dances) have been condensed or omitted. Thus, the ritual’s capacity to articulate and accomplish its primary soteriological content remains robust, as the formal skeleton retained is precisely calibrated to that end.

Therefore, simplification demonstrates a strategic hierarchy in preserving doctrinal content. The soteriological aim remains paramount and fully operational, as the form is streamlined to retain only the sequences essential for its performative realization (e.g., purification, subjugation, destruction of defilements). However, this streamlining inevitably contracts the cosmological narrative, reducing the elaborate pantheon and narrative details that flesh out the Buddhist universe in its full complexity. The presupposed efficacy of the core actions (like the demon beheading) is maintained, but the ritual’s overall architecture for generating efficacy—originally built upon a more extensive sequence of invocations and preparations—is condensed. Thus, adaptation prioritizes the active embodiment of the central transformative goal over narrative and architectural completeness.

7.3.2. The Raised Stage: Recalibrating Cosmological Immediacy and Efficacy

The relocation of the performance to a dedicated, elevated stage in front of the Hall of Heavenly Kings represents a more profound spatial-formal shift. This adaptation, primarily driven by practical concerns of safety and crowd management, fundamentally recalibrates the participant experience and, consequently, the manner in which the cosmological framework and presupposed efficacy are communicated and felt.

Firstly, the staged format physically and symbolically demarcates a clear boundary between the sacred performative mandala and the audience. While the stage itself can still be organized as a ritual space, the vertical separation diminishes the audience’s sense of being within the unfolding mandala. The choreographed movement from periphery to center, analyzed in Section 6.1 as a formal instantiation of the spiritual journey, now occurs on a platform distinctly set apart. This necessarily attenuates the immediacy of the cosmological narrative for the spectator. The cosmic map is presented as a spectacle to be observed rather than a realm to be potentially entered. Ethnographic observations note that this configuration strengthens the “visual centrality” and “institutionalizes performer-audience demarcation” (Zhang 2023, pp. 47–49), accentuating the ritual’s aesthetic and performative dimensions over its immersive, participatory ones.

Secondly, this recalibration directly impacts the experience and perception of ritual efficacy. The presupposed mechanism of efficacy often relies on principles of proximity, contagion, and direct engagement, such as the traditional practice of scrambling for blessed “auspicious fruits” (jixiang guo 吉祥果) thrown into the crowd, an act believed to transfer blessings through direct contact. The raised stage and the shift to orderly, pre-packaged distribution modify this mechanism. While the intent of bestowing communal benefit (a soteriological aim) remains, the formal mechanism for its transmission changes from an active, chaotic, and immersive participation to a more passive, regulated, and theatrical reception. This does not negate efficacy but transforms its phenomenological basis for the audience, potentially relocating it from embodied, tactile reception to visual and contemplative reception.

The shift to a raised stage fundamentally recalibrates the participant’s phenomenological access to the ritual’s content. First, it creates a proscenium that mediates the immediacy of the cosmological framework. The mandala becomes a spectacle to be observed rather than a space to be inhabited, altering the experience from one of immersive embodiment to one of contemplative observation. Second, and more critically, it transforms the mechanisms and experience of presupposed efficacy. Traditional practices of direct contact (e.g., scrambling for blessed fruits) encode efficacy through principles of contagion and embodied participation. The staged, regulated distribution replaces this with a model of visual reception and formalized bestowal. This does not negate efficacy but re-channels it; the soteriological aim of bestowing blessings remains, but the formal mechanism for its transmission—and thus the lay participant’s embodied experience of that efficacy—shifts from the tactile and chaotic to the visual and orderly. From the orthodox perspective, this represents a significant transformation in the operational mode of efficacy, even if the intent is preserved.

7.3.3. Negotiation, Not Erasure

The ritual’s adaptation, therefore, is a dynamic negotiation between form and content that transforms rather than erases the relationship between form and efficacy. The non-negotiable core is the soteriological aim, whose formal expression (the climax of demon beheading) is meticulously safeguarded. The cosmological framework and the presupposed mechanisms of efficacy, however, undergo significant recalibration. The cosmological narrative is streamlined and presented spectaclistically, while the mechanisms of efficacy are adapted from immersive, participatory models to ones suited for a large, passive audience within a managed, modern public space. This demonstrates that in the contemporary context, the ritual’s form continues to embody its content, but the mode of that embodiment—and consequently, the participant’s pathway to accessing its efficacy—has evolved. The ritual survives not by statically preserving an orthodox form but by ensuring its core soteriological content remains actively performable, even as the experiential vessels for its cosmological and efficacious dimensions are redesigned for new contexts.

This process echoes Schechner’s (2003, p. 134) observation regarding the continuum between efficacy and entertainment. The adaptations at Yonghegong Lamasery show the ritual navigating this continuum. It has not become mere “show business”, as its core religious function and soteriological gravity are meticulously maintained. However, formal changes like the raised stage do adjust the performance toward a more “class-oriented” (in the sense of performer/audience classes) and “individualized” spectator experience. The ritual’s survival hinges on this very symbiosis: by adapting its form to meet practical and socio-cultural realities, it ensures the continued enactment of its most vital content, even as the total sensory and spatial experience of that content evolves for its contemporary participants.

8. Conclusions

This study has elucidated the Vajra Exorcism Dance at the Yonghegong Lamasery as a sophisticated ritual system in which form and content are intrinsically interwoven. The analysis concretely demonstrates how specific Vajrayāna Buddhist doctrines are encoded within the ritual’s coherent semiotic framework. Crucially, it shows that this encoding is not merely symbolic but operational. For instance, the doctrine of the purification of the “three poisons” (raga, dvesa, moha) and the severance of ego-clinging is not just narrated but is kinetically enacted through the choreographic sequence culminating in the material destruction of the baling effigy. The cosmological framework of the mandala and the Five Buddha families is spatially instantiated through the performance ground’s sacred geometry and visually articulated through the precise color coding of masks (e.g., blue for Vairochana, red for Amitabha). The presupposed mechanism of ritual efficacy, central to Vajrayāna practice, is formally embedded and activated through the execution of mudras (like the Vajra Mudraembodying method-wisdom union) and the chanting of specific mantras (such as Om Vajrapani Humfor invoking protective power).

The analysis reveals that the ritual’s spatial and temporal organization, iconographic elements, choreographic vocabulary, and musical structure collectively constitute this coherent framework through which Vajrayana Buddhist doctrines are not only represented but actively enacted and realized. Central to this framework is the mandala principle, which structures the performance architecture by transforming the ritual space into a sacred cosmic diagram—within which deities are invoked, obstacles purified, and communal protection ritually affirmed.

The masks, costumes, mudras, and sonic components function not as peripheral or decorative features, but as essential modalities of doctrinal expression, enabling both performers and participants to engage in the transformative practices of deity yoga and spiritual purification. Despite historical adaptations—including the reduction in performance segments and the transition to a staged format—the ritual has preserved its core soteriological purpose, demonstrating a resilient capacity to negotiate between doctrinal orthodoxy and evolving socio-cultural contexts.

Ultimately, the enduring significance of the Vajra Exorcism Dance resides in its ability to encode profound religious concepts within a multisensory, performative medium. This case study not only enhances scholarly understanding of a specific monastic Nuoxi tradition but also contributes to broader theoretical discussions on the dynamic interplay between form and content in ritual practice, illustrating how sacred meaning is generated, embodied, and sustained through ceremonial performance.