Exploring Daoist-Practicing Families in the Northern Dynasties Through Family-Sponsored Statues

Abstract

Through the collection and analysis of family-sponsored statue remains from Shaanxi and surrounding regions, this study explores the practice of Daoism within local communities during the Northern Dynasties, where religious activities—such as the erection of statues—were organized around family units. Small families and households within three generations constituted the predominant organizational model of Daoist practice at the time. The primary participants were commoners, though local prominent clans also occasionally participated. While clan-sponsored statues were fewer in number, they played a significant role in local society by mobilizing statue projects and disseminating religious teachings. Religious beliefs centered on Daoism while also incorporating Buddhist elements, revealing a strong tendency toward Daoist–Buddhist interaction. This phenomenon may be attributed to the contemporary social climate that venerated both traditions, the functional similarities between Daoism and Buddhism, and the populace’s open attitude toward religious plurality. Research on these family-sponsored statue remains provides valuable materials and new perspectives for examining Daoist-practicing families of the Northern Dynasties—groups that are scarcely documented in historical texts and Daoist canons—particularly regarding their social stratification, belief structures, and lived religious practices.

1. Introduction

During the Northern Dynasties (439–581 CE), local societies organized religious activities—such as the erection of statues—through yiyi 義邑 (associations) or family units. These forms of organization served as important channels through which Daoism penetrated and influenced everyday life and grassroots society. The communal-association (heyi 合邑) and family-sponsored (hejia 合家) statue remains discovered in Shaanxi 陝西 and surrounding regions over recent decades constitute crucial source materials for the study of Daoist practice in villages and local communities during this period. Communal-association statues were commissioned by devotees who formed associations based on shared faith and were connected through divine affinity (i.e., affinity to a common divinity), kinship, or geographical ties, constituting spontaneous local religious organizations. Inscriptions on such statues typically prefix donors’ names with association titles—such as yizhu 邑主 (association head), yizi 邑子 (association member), and yizheng 邑正 (association leader)1—and most votive prayers (fayuan wen 發願文) explicitly indicate their communal character.2 Family-sponsored statues, by contrast, were commissioned by devotees organized around family units; donors’ names are usually prefixed with kinship terms, and the votive prayers likewise reveal the familial character of the dedication.3 The authors have examined communal-association statue remains in a separate study (Zhang and Liu 2025); the present article focuses instead on family-sponsored statue remains identified through archeological surveys.4 By comprehensively collecting and analyzing materials related to these family-sponsored statues, and by examining factors such as the number of donors, surnames, generational names, gender, social status, and religious beliefs, this study seeks to illuminate local Daoist-practicing families5 of the Northern Dynasties that remain unrecorded in historical texts and Daoist canons—particularly their social stratification, belief structures, and lived religious practices.

2. General Overview of Daoist-Practicing Families in the Northern Dynasties

Information on Daoist-practicing families during the Northern Dynasties is largely absent from extant documentary sources. Fortunately, inscriptions preserved on family-sponsored statue remains from this period record religious activities such as the erection of statues organized by family units, thereby providing valuable source materials and new perspectives for the study of early local Daoist families. This article first surveys the extant material evidence, assembling a total of thirty-eight examples of family-sponsored statue remains, which are listed in the table below.

As shown in

Table 1. Family-Sponsored Daoist Statue Remains from the Northern Dynasties.

Date (CE)	Findspot	Current Location	Family Structure	Social Status	Religious Affiliation	Source
424	Yaozhou, Shaanxi	Yaowangshan Forest of Steles	4 generations	Commoner	Daoist-Buddhist	Wei Wenlang Stele
496	Yaozhou, Shaanxi	Yaowangshan Forest of Steles	Clan	Prominent Clan	Daoist	Daoist Yao Boduo Stele
499	Unknown	Yaowangshan Forest of Steles	Clan	Commoner	Daoist	Daoist Liu Wenlang Stele
500	Yaozhou, Shaanxi	Yaowangshan Forest of Steles	2 generations	Commoner	Daoist	Yang Ashao Stele
500	Yaozhou, Shaanxi	Yaowangshan Forest of Steles	3 generations	Commoner	Daoist	Yang Manhei Stele
512	Huaxian, Shaanxi	Forest of Steles Museum	4 generations	Prominent Clan	Daoist-Buddhist	Zhu Qi Brothers Stele
513	Jingyang, Shaanxi	Unknown	2 generations	Commoner	Daoist	Zhang Xiang Made Celestial Worthy Stele
514	Yaozhou, Shaanxi	Yaowangshan Forest of Steles	4 generations	Commoner	Daoist	Zhang Luanguo Stele
518–520	Yaozhou, Shaanxi	Yaowangshan Forest of Steles	4 generations	Commoner	Daoist-Buddhist	Zhang Anshi Stele
521	Yaozhou, Shaanxi	Yaowangshan Forest of Steles	6 generations	Prominent Clan	Daoist	Qi Maren Stele
521	Unknown	Private Collection	Unknown	Commoner	Daoist	20 People of the Family Stele
524	Yaozhou, Shaanxi	Yaowangshan Forest of Steles	4 generations	Commoner	Daoist-Buddhist	Qiu Chensheng Stele
527	Unknown	National Museum of China	3 generations	Commoner	Daoist	The Stele for Jade Emperor Double Image Made by the Female Official Wang Ashan
531	Huaxian, Shaanxi	Forest of Steles Museum,	3 generations	Prominent Clan	Daoist-Buddhist	Zhu Fubo Stele
532	Fuping, Shaanxi	Fuping County Cultural Relics Office	Clan	Prominent Clan	Daoist-Buddhist	Governor-in-Chief Fan Nuzi Stele
533	Unknown	Fuxian Museum	2 generations	Commoner	Daoist	Daoist Sun Boyin Stele
534	Unknown	Osaka City Museum of Art	2 generations	Commoner	Daoist	Daoist Wu [illegible] Statue
Northern Wei	Unknown	Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago	Clan	Prominent Clan	Daoist	Feng Changshou Stele
Northern Wei	Yaozhou, Shaanxi	Yaowangshan Forest of Steles	Clan	Prominent Clan	Daoist-Buddhist	Fumeng Clan Stele
Northern Wei	Yaozhou, Shaanxi	Yaowangshan Forest of Steles	6 generations	Prominent Clan	Daoist	Wu Hongbiao Stele
508–515	Yaozhou, Shaanxi	Yaowangshan Forest of Steles	2 generations	Prominent Clan	Daoist	Wang Shibao Daoist Stele
554	Unknown	Osaka Municipal Museum of Art	6 generations	Prominent Clan	Daoist	Jiao Wenxian Made Four-sided Stele
556	Unknown	Forest of Steles Museum	3 generations	Commoner	Daoist	Four-Sided Stele
Western Wei	Unknown	Forest of Steles Museum	2 generations	Commoner	Daoist-Buddhist	Qiu Seng Buddha-Dao Stele
561	Xi’an, Shaanxi	National Museum of China	2 generations	Commoner	Daoist	Daoist Ma Luozi Stele
562	Yaozhou, Shaanxi	Yaowangshan Forest of Steles	3 generations	Prominent Clan	Daoist-Buddhist	Li Tanxin Stele
564	Unknown	Field Museum of Natural History, Chicago	2 generations	Commoner	Daoist	The Stele for Lord Lao Made by Magistrate Xu Duo from Huxian
564	Unknown	Museum of Fine Arts, Boston	3 generations	Commoner	Daoist	The Stele for Lord Lao Made by the Male Official Yao Daozhen
Northern Qi	Yanshi, Henan	Shangcheng Museum, Yanshi	2 generations	Commoner	Daoist	The Stele for Lord Lao Made by the Male Official Jiang Zuan Stele
Northern Zhou	Unknown	Unknown	3 generations	Commoner	Daoist	Daoist Quan He Made Celestial Worthy Stele
568	Unknown	Tokyo University of the Arts	2 generations	Prominent Clan	Daoist	Daoist Du Chong [one illegible character] Made Lord Lao Stele
569	Unknown	Unknown	2 generations	Commoner	Daoist	Daoist Cai Zhenhu Made Lord Lao Stele
572	Unknown	Forest of Steles Museum	Clan	Prominent Clan	Daoist	Qi Maren Made Lord Lao Stele
572	Ruicheng, Shanxi	Arthur M. Sackler Gallery	4 generations	Prominent Clan	Daoist	Li Yuanhai Made Celestial Worthy Stele
577	Yanshi, Henan	Shangcheng Museum, Yanshi	2 generations	Commoner	Daoist	Disciple of Pure Faith Meng A-fei Made Stele for Lord Lao
Northern Zhou	Unknown	Yaowangshan Forest of Steles	3 generations	Commoner	Daoist	Liu Nansu Stele
Northern Zhou	Unknown	Forest of Steles Museum	4 generations	Commoner	Daoist-Buddhist	Ren Run Stele
561–600	Yaozhou, Shaanxi	Yaozhou District Museum	4 generations	Prominent Clan	Daoist	Ma Bao Stele

, this form of family-based Daoist practice first emerged in the twentieth year of the Taihe 太和 era of the Northern Wei 北魏 (496 CE) and continued until approximately the Baoding 保定 era of the Northern Zhou 北周 through the Kaihuang 開皇 era of the Sui 隋 dynasty (561–600 CE), with particular prominence during the Northern Wei (439–534 CE) and Northern Zhou (557–581 CE) periods. These remains are primarily concentrated in central Shaanxi 陝西, with smaller numbers found in Shanxi 山西 and Henan 河南. The primary sponsors were commoners, with occasional participation by local prominent clans. Religious belief was predominantly Daoist, while also incorporating Buddhist elements. In terms of family structure, clan-based groups (zongzu 宗族) were far fewer than extended families (jiazu 家族) and nuclear families (jiating 家庭). Regarding family scale, families within three generations—namely small extended families and nuclear families—constituted the mainstream organizational form in villages and local communities during this period. This pattern may be related to the implementation of the sanzhang zhi 三長製 (three-heads system) in the Northern Wei. Under this system, the sense of household and extended-family identity was relatively stronger than that of the clan, rendering statue-making activities organized by small families more common than clan-based initiatives (Y. Zhang forthcoming).

Compared with communal associations, family-based Daoist practice generally operated on a smaller scale. Nevertheless, it accounted for a higher proportion of local religious activity, emerged earlier, and persisted for a longer duration in the religious life of the Northern Dynasties, thereby representing one of the principal forms of Daoist practice adopted by the populace during the fifth and sixth centuries (Zhang and Liu 2025, pp. 101–2).

3. Social Stratification of Daoist-Practicing Families in the Northern Dynasties

3.1. Prominent Clans

“Prominent clans” refer to clans or large extended families bound by blood ties and characterized by two principal features. First, they possessed extensive lineages and large populations, indicating elite social status. Second, members of these clans often held high-ranking positions in either central or local government. The clans attested in the statue remains include the Yao 姚, Qi 錡, Fan 樊, Feng 馮, Fumeng 夫蒙, Wu 吳, and Jiao 焦 clans, as well as the Zhu 朱, Li 李, Du 杜, and Ma 馬 families. Representative examples of both clan-based and family-based groups are discussed below.

3.1.1. The Qi Clan

Although historical records concerning the Qi clan are scarce, three extant stelae—the Qi Shizhen Stele of 520 CE 北魏神龜三年錡石珍造像碑, the Qi Maren Stele of 521 CE 北魏正光二年錡麻仁造像碑, and the Qi Maren Made Lord Lao Stele of 572 CE 北周建德元年錡馬仁造老君像碑—demonstrate that the Qi clan constituted a prominent lineage in the Guanzhong 關中 region during the Northern Dynasties.

First, the recurrence of personal names across the three stelae, together with the large number of clan members recorded, confirms that they belonged to the same prominent clan. For example, individuals listed on the Qi Maren Stele—such as “younger brother Qi Shuanghu 錡雙胡,” “son Qi Jingzhou 錡荊周,” “nephew Qi Zhongju 錡眾舉,” “nephew Qi Pingluo 錡平洛,” “grandson Qi Yangsheng 錡陽生,” “grandson Qi Shenhuan 錡神歡,” “nephew Qi Shenqi 錡申起,” and “nephew Qi Shenjing 錡神敬”—appear on the Qi Shizhen Stele with corresponding association titles as “yishi Qi Shuanghu 邑師錡雙胡,” “yizi Qi Jingzhou 邑子錡荊周,” “dan’guan Qi Zhongju 但官錡眾舉,” “yizheng Qi Pingluo 邑正錡平洛,” “yizi Qi Yangsheng 邑子錡陽生,” “yizi Qi Shenhuan 邑子錡神歡,” “yizi Qi Shenqi 邑子錡申起,” and “xianghuo Qi Shenjing 香火錡神敬.” This demonstrates that the Qi clan mobilized both its own members and the surrounding local community to commission statues in both family-based and association-based forms within a short span of two years, reflecting its considerable economic strength and local influence. Furthermore, “yizi Qi Maren 邑子錡馬仁” appears on the Qi Shizhen Stele, and the same Qi Maren reappears fifty-two years later, in 572 CE, as the principal sponsor (xiangzhu 像主) leading his clan in the erection of a Lord Lao stele, indicating the clan’s long-term continuity in the region. With regard to clan scale, the Qi Shizhen Stele records “an association of twenty people 合邑廿人,” the Qi Maren Stele notes “the entire family, large and small, one hundred twenty-nine [one illegible character] 合家大小一百廿九□,” and the Qi Maren Stele of 572 CE lists approximately sixty male clan members spanning six generations, together with their female relatives, bringing the total to over two hundred individuals. These figures collectively confirm that the Qi constituted a major local clan during the Northern Dynasties.

Secondly, a considerable number of Qi clan members held official positions, further attesting to their status as a local prominent clan. During the Northern Dynasties, the selection of officials placed strong emphasis on family pedigree, and envoys and officials were predominantly drawn from prominent clans. A representative example is the Hedong Liu 柳 clan, whose members successively occupied high-ranking posts throughout the Northern Dynasties: Liu Guangshi 柳光世 served under the Northern Wei 北魏 as Governor of Hebei 河北 (Shen 1974, p. 1991); Liu Daiwei 柳帶韋 held office under the Western Wei 西魏 (535–556 CE) and Northern Zhou 北周 (557–581 CE), serving successively as Magistrate of Jie 解 County and Fenyin 汾陰 County, Gentleman of the Ministry of Earth, and Chief Secretary of Yizhou 益州, and was additionally granted the honorary titles of Cavalry General and Grand Master of the Palace with Special Privileges (Y. Li 1974, pp. 2281–82); Liu Yuan柳援 served under the Eastern Wei 東魏 (534–550 CE) and Northern Qi 北齊 (550–577 CE), rising to the positions of Cavalry General and Right Guanglu Grand Master (S. Wei 1974, vol. 45, p. 1031). Similar patterns can be observed among other prominent clans, such as the Hedong Wenxi Pei 河東聞喜裴, Longxi Li 隴西李, and Zhaojun Li 趙郡李 families, which produced numerous officials, reflecting the contemporary principle that “prefectural and commandery senior officials were selected solely on the basis of family pedigree (州郡大吏，但取門資).”6 Turning to the Qi clan specifically, its members likewise held a range of official posts, including:

The great-grandfather, Qi [two illegible characters], hereditarily Area Commander of the Eastern Expedition Army. The grandfather, Qi Xiansuo, hereditarily Area Commander of the Eight Eastern Expedition Armies. The father, Qi Yuanbo, Governor of Huashan Commandery during the emperor’s western tour. Qi [one illegible character], Area Commander of the Western Expedition Army. Qi Jingzhou, [two illegible characters] Area Commander; County Merit Clerk; [two illegible characters] commandery or prefectural magistrate; senior army officer of the Western Expedition forces [one illegible character]. Qi Zhongju, Tribute Scholar during the emperor’s western tour. Qi Daoxing, County Registrar. Qi Pingluo, Area Commander. Qi Daohui, County Registrar. Qi Dao [one illegible character], Area Commander; County Merit Clerk; [lacuna] Chief Archival Officer. Qi Daoxi, Registry Officer of the command headquarters.

曾祖錡□□，世東征軍主。祖錡先索，世東征八統軍。父錡元伯，皇帝西巡華山太守。錡□，西征軍主。錡荊周，□□軍主縣功曹。（殘）州郡令，西征征虜大□□曹參軍□。錡眾舉，皇帝西巡貢士板。錡道興，縣主簿。錡平洛，軍主。錡道回，縣主簿。錡道□，軍主□功曹。（殘）□□都錄事參軍。錡道僖，統府錄事。7

Qi Maren, County Registrar of Fuping.

富平縣主簿錡馬仁。8

The official posts held by members of the Qi clan may be divided into two principal categories, the first comprising key local administrative offices, notably the Registrar (zhubu 主簿) and the Merit Clerk (gongcao 功曹). The office of Registrar, first established during the Han dynasty, occupied a comparatively high position, with its rank varying according to the institutional status of the superior administrative unit (Z. Zhang 1990, pp. 370–71). The Merit Clerk, likewise originating in the Han period, was positioned below the Assistant (cheng 丞) yet above the Five Officers (wuguan 五官) within the commandery or county bureaucracy (Z. Zhang 1990, p. 255). Both offices were most occupied by members of long-established eminent lineages. As Tang-dynasty scholar Liu Fang observed in his discussion of genealogical studies of the Wei–Jin and Northern–Southern Dynasties, the establishment of the Nine-Rank System and the Rectifier offices privileged hereditary elites while marginalizing men of humble origin, thereby concentrating authority in the hands of powerful surnames. Accordingly, posts such as prefectural Chief Rectifier (dazhongzheng 大中正), Registrar, Commandery Rectifier, and Merit Clerk were routinely assigned to members of renowned scholar-official clans, who were responsible for determining pedigree and ranking individuals. This pattern persisted through the Jin and Song dynasties and was further maintained under Northern Qi rule, where candidates for positions such as Provincial xiucai 秀才, Prefectural Registrar, and Commandery Merit Clerk were drawn almost exclusively from the so-called “Four Surnames (Ouyang and Song 1975, pp. 5677–78).”

The second category consists of local military offices, primarily the positions of Area Commander (junzhu 軍主) and Army Commander (tongjun 統軍). Contemporary historical sources indicate that both posts constituted key military commands during the Northern and Southern Dynasties. Classical works such as the Qiji 齊紀 (Chronicles of Qi) (Sima 1956, vol. 141, p. 4221) and the Liangji 梁紀 (Chronicles of Liang) (Sima 1956, vol. 145, p. 4542) record numerous instances in which Area Commanders and Army Commanders led large-scale military operations, underscoring their strategic importance within regional military structures. According to Zhang Langzheng’s 張烺政 institutional analysis, the office of Area Commander was established during the Northern and Southern Dynasties; each commander was assisted by a deputy (junfu 軍副) and could command forces ranging from several hundred to several tens of thousands of troops. Under the Northern Qi, the Area Commander was incorporated into the Five Bodyguard Offices and assigned the rank of cong qipin (seventh rank, junior grade 從七品), while under the Northern Zhou it was classified within the Fourth Order (siming 四命). The Army Commander was positioned hierarchically above the Area Commander (Z. Zhang 1990, p. 506). Taken together, these two offices should be regarded as major military posts within the local administrative and defense systems of the period.

3.1.2. The Li Family

The Li family is not attested in extant historical records. Among the Daoist statues of the Northern Dynasties is the Li Yuanhai Made Celestial Worthy Stele of 572 CE 北周建德元年李元海造原始天尊像碑. The inscription records Li Yuanhai together with his six brothers and a wide range of kin, including their parents, wives, sisters, children (sons and daughters), nephews (along with nieces and nephews’ wives), and grandchildren (including granddaughters), forming a four-generation family comprising more than ninety individuals.

The principal sponsor, Li Yuanhai, together with his father and brothers, predominantly held local official posts. Iconographically, they are depicted wearing official robes and caps and accompanied by attendant figures, underscoring their official status. According to the inscription, Li Yuanhai bore the titles “General Appeasing the East” (Pingdong jiangjun 平東將軍), “Chief of the Feathered Forest” (Yulin zhizhang 羽林直長), and “Grand Central Governor” (Da zhong dudu 大中都督), indicating that he occupied a high-ranking military post of zheng qiming 正七命 (regular seventh rank) under the Northern Zhou.9 His father, Li Maixi 李買憘, served as Magistrate of Jin’an 晉安 County in Lizhou 利州 (modern Jiange 劍閣 County, Sichuan 四川). In addition, four of Li Yuanhai’s brothers are recorded as holding official posts, including “younger brother Li Yuanjun 李元俊, Registrar of Luozhou 洛州 and Governor”; “younger brother Li Jingjun 李景俊, County Rectifier (Zhongzheng 中正), Area Commander of the Second Gate, and Head of the Yunju 雲居 Temple Association”; “younger brother Li Junhe 李俊和, Governor”; and “younger brother Li Shuohe 李碩和, General Wiping out the Bandits (dangkou jiangjun 蕩寇將軍) and Magistrate of [one illegible character] county in Yizhou 益州.”10 These posts encompassed both military offices—such as Governor, Area Commander, and General Wiping out the Bandits—and civil positions comparable to that of their father, including County Magistrate and County Rectifier. Furthermore, members of later generations are likewise recorded as holding office, including “son Shiqin 始欽, Governor and Earl of the Open State of Langye 瑯琊,” “son Yanji 延祭, Army Officer serving under the Pillar of State, Duke of Shangyong 上庸,” and “nephew Zhangyou 長猷, Governor.” Taken together, these records indicate that the Li family constituted an official household possessing notable political authority and local influence within the region. Moreover, the votive prayer on the stele proclaims, “May future generations flourish in enduring prosperity, achieve distinction through official service and learning, and bring honor to both family and state (來葉芳榮，官學名通，家國同美),” thereby fully expressing the Li family’s aspirations for generational continuity, prosperity, and advancement in official careers.

3.2. Commoners

Beyond clan-sponsored statues, the material evidence also reveals the circumstances of the commoner stratum, which may be characterized by two principal features. First, commoner sponsorship predominantly took the form of small family units with relatively limited numbers of members. Representative examples include the Yang Ashao Stele of 500 CE 北魏景明元年楊阿紹造像碑, the Yang Manhei Stele of 500 CE 北魏景明元年楊縵黑造像碑, the Zhang Xiang Made Celestial Worthy Stele 北魏延昌二年張相造天尊像, and the Qiu Chensheng Stele of 524 CE 北魏正光五年仇臣生造像碑, in which the number of donors typically remains around five, corresponding to the prevailing family structure of villages and local communities at the time. During the Northern Dynasties, the implementation of the Clan Supervisor System (zongzhu duhu zhi 宗主督護制) and later the Three Chiefs System (sanzhang zhi 三長制) strengthened people’s sense of household and immediate family over lineage-based clan ritual structures, thereby rendering small family groups within three generations the dominant social form (Y. Zhang forthcoming). In other words, despite the presence of clan-sponsored statues, commoners—as the principal constituents of local society—continued to be represented primarily through family units limited to three generations in both structure and scale.

Second, members of commoner households generally held no official titles, and their social interactions were correspondingly limited. The available statues indicate that members of such households, including fathers and grandfathers, did not occupy official posts. Their contacts and interactions beyond the family unit were likewise few. At present, only the Daoist Liu Wenlang Stele of 499 CE 北魏太和廿三年道民劉文朗造像碑 records the participation of a local religious specialist, the Daoist Yao Wenshu 姚文殊, among the donors. In most commoner-sponsored statues, donors were drawn almost entirely from within a single household, and participation by individuals outside the family is rarely attested. This pattern differs noticeably from that observed in statues sponsored by prominent clans.11

3.3. Characteristics of Statues-Making and Religious Life Across Different Strata

As discussed above, prominent clans were organized as clans or large extended families bound by blood ties, with a strong sense of internal identity and cohesion. Members of these clans often held official posts across generations, which endowed them with considerable political influence and mobilizing capacity within local villages and communities. Moreover, clans of established pedigree whose members occupied official positions generally also possessed substantial economic resources. These social characteristics are clearly reflected in the statues remains.

First, prominent clans were able to invite religious professionals and mobilize large numbers of clan members as well as local villagers to participate in statues-making and ritual worship. For example, the Zhu Qi Brothers Stele of 512 CE 北魏延昌元年朱奇兄弟造像碑 records the participation of the menshi biqiu Tanhai 門師比丘曇海. The Governor-in-Chief Fan Nuzi Stele of 532 CE 北魏太昌元年都督樊奴子造像碑 records the involvement of the daoshi Zhang Daoluo 道師張道洛, together with the biqiu Senggui 比丘僧龜 and Sengqing 僧慶. The Li Tanxin Stele of the 562 CE 北周保定二年李曇信造像碑 likewise records the participation of the shami Senghui 沙彌僧輝 and the menshi biqiu [one illegible character] Fazhao 門師比丘□法照. As seen in the case of the Qi clan, stele-making activities were not confined to the lineage itself but also extended to surrounding village associations, as described in the inscription as “attracting members of the association to make offerings and worship, without interruption over time (討邑恭養，隨時不闕).”12 The stelae thus commissioned were erected at sites such as road junctions or elevated and conspicuous locations, thereby serving a demonstrative and guiding role within local religious life.

Second, prominent clans demonstrated a more sophisticated understanding of Daoist doctrine and ritual practice. For instance, votive prayers frequently open with the formulaic particle fu (夫), articulating an interpretive understanding of the Dao 道, such as “fu, the Great Dao is obscure and mysterious (夫大道幽玄),”13 “fu, the Ultimate Dao is quiescent and subtle (夫至道沖妙),”14 “fu, the true form is hidden yet radiant (夫真容隱暈),”15 and “fu, the Ultimate Dao is empty and numinous (夫至道空玄).”16 These formulations were engraved on statues for the purpose of expounding doctrine and disseminating religious teachings. Furthermore, in some clan-sponsored statues, in addition to the veneration of the supreme Daoist deity Laojun 老君 (Lord Lao), specific reference is made to figures such as Zhang Ling 張陵 and Yin Xi 尹喜,17 indicating an informed awareness of early Daoist traditions.

Third, prominent clans possessed sufficient economic resources to support statue-making activities. This is reflected in the comparatively large scale of the statues, most of which exceed one meter in height. Votive prayers further emphasize this point, stating: “Carefully constructed and richly adorned, reaching the extraordinary skill of master artisans; the bas-relief design emerges, luminous as the true countenance manifests in the present age; exhaust the utmost ingenuity of craftsmanship, refining the surface into a pure and lucid visage, as if one were directly confronting the true form (營構莊飾，極工匠之奇雕，隱起形圖，瑍若真容現於今世。綺錯盡窮巧之制，修表清顏，有若真對).”18 They also describe works that “solemnly adorned and resplendent, with myriad forms transformed in wondrous variation … rarely matched across the ages (嚴飾莊麗，萬形奇變……歷代而罕).”19 Other inscriptions note that the images were made of “stone selected from renowned mountains and fashioned with metropolitan refinement, the carving revealing the true countenance, radiant and [one illegible character] exquisitely subtle (採石名山，京邑秀巧，刊見真容，華艷□妙),”20 among similar expressions. Although such descriptions may contain a degree of rhetorical embellishment, they nevertheless reveal the economic capacity of prominent clans and their social intention to publicly construct visual representations and articulate elite identity through large-scale and highly ornamented religious images (Y. Zhang 2022).

Therefore, prominent clans were able to integrate and exert control over grassroots society with relative ease, including assuming a leading role in shaping ideology and religious belief through the organization of statue-making practices and the propagation of teachings. In this sense, the flourishing of Daoist statues during the Northern Dynasties was closely connected to the exemplary influence and active promotion of prominent clans.

Regarding statue-making activities among commoners, two main characteristics may be identified.

First, the borrowing or sharing of painting drafts (fenben 粉本) was common. The Stele for Jade Emperor Double Image Made by the Female Official Wang Ashan of 527 CE 北魏隆緒元年道民女官王阿善造玉皇雙像 (see Figure 1), commissioned by a commoner household and listing donors such as Daoist Wang Ashan 王阿善, her nephew, son, deceased father, and deceased son, provides a representative example. On the front face, two principal deities are seated side by side on animal thrones, with three standing attendants positioned behind them. Both the compositional scheme of “two principal deities with three attendants” and specific iconographic details—including the deities’ garments, crowns, postures, and hand gestures—are identical to those found on the Stone Statue of Two Daoist Deities Seated Side by Side, Made by Jiao Cai in 515 CE 北魏延昌四年焦采造道教二尊並坐石像 (see Figure 2), indicating a direct borrowing from its model. Similar phenomena can be observed in the Yang Ashao Stele of 500 CE and the Yang Manhei Stele of 500 CE. Textually, the votive prayers on the two stelae display a highly standardized structure and share identical aspirations, wishing that “all family members, young and old, may attend the Three Dragon-Flower Assemblies, with the Dao in order and things abundant, clothing and food naturally provided, and all wishes fulfilled (眷屬大小，龍花三會，道整物豐，衣食自然，所願如意).” Iconographically, the left niche on the front of the Yang Manhei Stele (see Figure 3) closely corresponds to the main niche of the Yang Ashao Stele (see Figure 4): both adopt a composition of one principal deity flanked by two standing attendants, and they share nearly identical features in the deity’s Daoist robe and crown, posture, hand gestures, and even background patterns. These examples suggest that, in contrast to clan-sponsored statues, commoner commissions relied more heavily on established models, resulting in works that exhibit a higher degree of commonality than individuality.

Second, constrained by limited funding, domestic placement, and ritual functions focused on the welfare of family members, commoner-sponsored statues tended to be more private in character and smaller in scale than those commissioned by prominent clans. Representative examples include the Daoist Liu Wenlang Stele of 499 CE, the Male Official Fu [one illegible character] Made Four-Sided Daoist Stele 男官傅□造四面道像碑, the Four-Sided Stele of 556 CE 西魏恭帝三年四面造像碑, and the Fu Lande Stele of 561 CE 北周保定元年輔蘭德造像碑, all of which measure between approximately 40 and 65 cm in height.

4. Belief Structures of Daoist-Practicing Families in the Northern Dynasties

4.1. Whole Family Practicing Daoism

“Whole family practicing Daoism” refers to cases in which donors, as Daoist devotees, collectively commission and venerate Daoist images. This pattern is reflected on the statues by the donors’ possession of Daoist religious titles and by the depiction of Daoist principal deities as the objects of worship. Three representative examples may be cited below.

4.1.1. Daoist Yao Boduo Stele of 496 CE 北魏太和廿年道民姚伯多造像碑

This stele represents the earliest extant example of a Daoist stele. Iconographically, the figures enshrined in the front and rear niches wear high crowns, a feature characteristic of Daoist iconography. The inscription records “Reverently made one stone statue of the August First Ruler/August Venerable Sovereign (敬造皇先/老君文石像一軀),” confirming that the Yao family venerated a principal Daoist deity.21 The votive prayer further alludes to the narrative of Laozi’s conversion of the Barbarians (Laozi hua Hu 老子化胡):

“The illustrious Master Yin, in subtle accord with profound principle, departed from the walled city and the capital… He expounded the text of five thousand words, claiming no merit for himself … Through conversion and transformation in the Western Regions, its influence spread eastward to Qin.”

洸洸尹生，妙契玄理，遠其城都……陳文五千，功不在己……化治西域，流波東秦。

Regarding Laozi’s conversion of the barbarians, the Tang 唐 compilation Sandong Zhunang 三洞珠囊 (The Purse of Pearls from the Three Grottoes) by Wang Xuanhe 王懸河 represents the most comprehensive synthesis of the tradition:

“The Scriptures of the Great Peace (Taiping jing 太平經) states: The Way of Zhou was about to decline … I shall travel far away. Yin Xi again performed ritual salutations and said, I wish that the Great Person would compose a text for me, explaining the meaning of the Great Dao, so that I may receive it and cultivate it. Laozi, in the first year of Wuji, when the year was Guichou, on the twenty-eighth day of the twelfth month at midday, composed the Scripture of the Way and its Virtue (Daode jing 道德經) in upper and lower sections and transmitted it to Yin Xi … Yin Xi respectfully followed the teaching and recited the scripture ten thousand times. After a thousand days, his body was able to fly; he could enter water and tread fire without being burned or drowned. Now the Dao was accomplished … He later entered the country of Jibin and practiced the Dao in a mountain monastery at Mount Gṛdhrakūṭa.”

《太平經》云：周道將衰……吾將遠遊矣。喜復作禮曰：願大人為我著書，說大道之意，喜得奉而修焉。老子以无極元年歲在癸丑十二月二十八日日中作《道德經》上下二篇，以授喜……喜奉教誦經萬遍，千日之後身乃飛行，入水蹈火並不熱溺，今道已成……後入罽賓國闍崛之山精舍中行道。

“The Scripture on Laozi’s Conversion of the Barbarians (Laozi huahu jing 老子化胡經) states: (Laozi) knew that King You could no longer be taken as a ruler and wished to depart … The gatekeeper, wearing his seal and ribbon and holding his tally, went forth to welcome him and prepared ritual offerings … He composed two scriptures, upper and lower, totaling five thousand characters, and bestowed them upon him in return for his sincere devotion … Later, in the cyclical year dingsi, Yin Xi went to the Qingyang Market in Chengdu in search of Laozi … Yin Xi bowed deeply and said, since parting from the Master, I have read the scriptures I received day and night … At that time, in the cyclical year dingsi, Laozi then went together with Yin Xi to the Western Regions.”

《老子化胡經》云：（老子）知幽王不可復師，欲去之……關令帶印綬，執板而迎，為設禮……為作五千文上下二經與之，報其厚意……喜後以太歲丁巳，詣成都市青羊肆索老子……尹喜稽首言曰：與先生別後，所得經者晨夜讀之……爾時太歲丁巳（老子）乃與喜至西國。(DZ 1139, 9.7b–13b.)

Thus, the votive prayer on the Yao stele recounts Laozi’s composition of the five-thousand-character text for the pass warden Yin Xi, who, after diligent cultivation, attained the Dao and accompanied Laozi in converting the Western Regions. In addition, the stele includes dedicatory formulations characteristic of the Northern Way of the Celestial Masters (Bei tianshi dao 北天師道) and the Numinous Treasure (Lingbao 靈寶) traditions (Z. Liu 1996, pp. 311–15; S. R. Bokenkamp 1996–1997, pp. 55–67; Luo 2008, pp. 289–300; Kamitsuka 1999, pp. 497–506). Moreover, the list of donors records figures such as Daoist Yao Wenqian 姚文遷 and Daoist Yao Boduo 姚伯多, indicating that members of the clan held recognized Daoist identities. Taken together, these elements demonstrate the Yao clan’s Daoist beliefs and constitute a clear example of clan-based Daoist practice in the Guanzhong region during the Northern Dynasties.

4.1.2. Li Yuanhai Made Celestial Worthy Stele of 572 CE 北周建德元年李元海造原始天尊像碑

The prayer opens with a preface distinctly oriented toward Daoist discourse.

“Now, the Dao of emptiness, quiescence, and stillness is obscure and cannot be apprehended by the benighted [one illegible character]; the truth that responds to stimuli and manifests traces is that in which all living beings place their trust and virtue. Accordingly, the Primordial Beginning (Yuanshi) set in motion transformative teaching, universally instructing without limit, ferrying and benefiting those with affinity, upon whom both the living and the dead rely.”

蓋沖虛寂漠（寞）之道，昏□未能明，應感顯跡之真，群生信其德。是以元始開化，普教無窮，津益有緣，存亡仰賴。

“Primordial Beginning” refers precisely to the initial moment of the cosmos; it primarily conveys the Daoist cosmological and soteriological conception of the Celestial Worthy of Primordial Beginning (Yuanshi tianzun 元始天尊) opening kalpas and delivering beings. Comparable accounts are found in Six Dynasties texts such as the Sui History (Suishu 隋書) (Z. Wei 1973, pp. 1091–92) and the Four Commentaries on the Book of Salvation (Yuanshi wuliang duren shangpin miaojing sizhu 元始無量度人上品妙經四註) (DZ 87, 2.39 a),which closely parallel the stele inscription.

This stele is carved with niches on all four sides, each housing a principal deity. All conform to the standard iconography of a Daoist principal deity: wearing a Daoist crown, with a chin mustache, a belt fastened at the waist, one hand resting upon a pingji 憑幾 (three-legged armrest table), and the other holding a zhuwei 麈尾 (elk tail whisk). The prayer inscription records:

“Respectfully, Daoist Li Yuanhai and his six brothers, having transgressed the Dharma and incurred calamitous punishment at an early stage, lost both father and mother several years prior. Their benevolent countenances are forever distant, boundless as the heavens. Looking upward, we reflect upon the grace of their nurturing, yet know of no way to repay it. Daring to exhaust the resources of our entire persons, we quarried stone from the slopes of Shouyang Mountain and reverently made, for our deceased father and mother, one stele image of the Celestial Worthy of the Primordial Beginning.”

謹有道民李元海兄弟七人等，奉法愆違，禍罰早鍾，考妣俱背，奄盈數載。慈顏永遠，終天罔極。仰惟鞠育之恩，靡知上報。敢竭周身之物，採石首陽之阿，仰為亡考妣造元始天尊像碑一軀。

Thus, the stele was commissioned by Daoist Li Yuanhai and his six brothers in memory of their deceased parents, with Celestial Worthy of Primordial Beginning as the principal object of worship. The prayer expresses the wish that “the departed souls may ascend and be delivered, receive transformation within the celestial court, dwell freely in non-action, and unite in virtue with the Perfected (亡靈升度，受化仙庭，逍遙無為，與真合德),” which accords with the salvific doctrines articulated in the Southern Lingbao jing 靈寶經 tradition, including the Treasure on Limitless Salvation (Lingbao wuliang duren shangpin miaojing 靈寶無量度人上品妙經), the Lingbao Scripture of the Jade Instructions on the Red Writing (Taishang dongxuan lingbao chishu yujue miaojing 太上洞玄靈寶赤書玉訣妙經), and the Supreme Scripture of the Eight Dao Days and Life Registers (Dongzhen taishang badao mingji jing 洞真太上八道命籍經).22 Some scholars have further argued that the erection of this stele constituted an integral component of the Lingbao badu 拔度 (salvation) rite and that such practices had already penetrated the life-cycle rituals of Daoist devotees, functioning as fully Daoistized rites of passage (F. Li 2002, p. 68).

Taken together—the cosmological and merit-based framework established in the opening of the prayer, the Li family’s Daoist identity, the Daoist principal deity worshiped, and the content of the prayer—it is evident that the Li family constituted a Daoist-practicing household of the period.

4.1.3. The Stele for Lord Lao Made by the Male Official Jiang Zuan in 565 CE 北齊天統元年男官姜纂造老君像碑

On the front of the stele, a single niche is carved. At the center of the niche is a Daoist principal deity, wearing a Daoist crown, with a chin mustache, dressed in Daoist robes, and holding a ritual tablet (hu 笏) with both hands. He is seated upright on a waist-girded seat, with a pingji before him. Flanking the main figure are two standing attendants, each holding a tablet with both hands. The votive prayer records:

“The male official Jiang Zuan reverently commissioned a stone image for his deceased son, Yuanlue… The Pure Believer (qingxinshi) Jiang Yuanlue is described as harboring lofty aspirations for the state, his benevolence surpassing the local community; admired in the [one illegible character] lanes and praised throughout the villages… As Yuanlue’s father, Zuan expressed devotion to the Eastern Gate and entrusted his heart to unseen blessings, and therefore reverently commissioned an image of Lord Lao for his deceased son, accompanied by two attendants on either side.”

男官姜纂為亡息元略敬造石像壹軀……清信士姜元略志隆邦國，仁越州閭，□巷仰風，鄉邑譽望……父纂情慕東門，心憑冥福，特為亡略敬造老君像壹軀，左右二侍。

Thus, this stele for Lord Lao was created by Jiang Zuan for his deceased son, Jiang Yuanlue. The son held the title of “Pure Believer,” while the father held that of “Male Official” Regarding these titles, the Regulations for the Practice of Daoism in Accordance with the Scriptures of the Three Caverns, of the Cavern Mystery and Numinous Treasure (Dongxuan lingbao sandong fengdao kejie yingshi 洞玄靈寶三洞奉道科戒營始) states:

“Pure Believer Disciples (qingxin dizi): Those who receive the Ten Precepts of the Celestial Worthy, the Fourteen Rules for Preserving the Body, or the Twelve Rules for Following the Six Desires, etc., are granted this title.

The Seventy-Five Generals Register, the One Hundred Fifty Generals Register, the Zhengyi Zhenjuan, the Twenty-Four Parishes Zhengyi Morning Audience Liturgy, and the Zhengyi Eight Admonitions Text—those who receive these are designated as Parish Vitality Male Officials or Female Officials of the respective parish.”

清信弟子：受天尊十戒、十四持身或十二可從六情等戒，得加此號。

七十五將軍籙、百五十將軍籙、正一真卷、二十四治正一朝儀、正一八誡文，受稱某治氣男官、女官。(DZ 1125, 4.5)

Pure Believer Disciples (qingxin dizi) are those who observe specific Daoist precepts. A Dunhuang manuscript of the Scripture of Ten Precepts of the Cavern of Mystery in Accordance with the Sayings of the Heavenly Lord of the Numinous Treasure (S.6454) (Dongxuan lingbao tianzun shuo shijie jing 洞玄靈寶天尊說十戒經) records: “The Celestial Worthy said: Good sons and daughters, capable of generating the intent of the natural Dao, enter the Dharma gate, receive my Ten Precepts and the Fourteen Rules for Preserving the Body, and thus become Pure Believer Disciples of the Great Dao (天尊言：善男子、善女子，能發自然道意，來入法門，受我十戒、十四持身之品，則為大道清信弟子).” (D. Li 1999, p. 1111) Pure Believer Disciples are initiates—lay male and female devotees—occupying a relatively low rank within the Daoist clerical hierarchy (Schipper 1985, pp. 135–37). In statue inscriptions, to indicate gender, females are designated as “Pure Believer Women” (qingxinnü 清信女), while males are designated as “Pure Believer Men” (qingxinshi 清信士) (X. Zhang 2010, p. 183).

Male Official (nanguan 男官), corresponding to Female Official (nüguan 女官),23 refers to those who have received Daoist registers (lu 籙) and belong to the Zhengyi 正一 clerical rank. Kristofer Schipper notes that adult lay devotees possessing Zhengyi registers are designated as Male Officials or Female Officials. Like Pure Believer Disciples, they are lay practitioners, but occupy a higher rank (Schipper 1985, pp. 131–34).24

Therefore, the Jiang father and son were orthodox lay Daoist practitioners, reflecting household-based Daoist practice of the period.

4.2. Concurrent Veneration of Daoism and Buddhism

This term refers to the simultaneous worship of the principal deities of both Daoism and Buddhism. It occurs in two situations: first, some family members practice Daoism while others venerate Buddhism, jointly commissioning statue; second, some family members cultivate both Daoism and Buddhism. The Zhu Qi Brothers Stele of 512 CE and the Li Tanxin Stele of 562 CE are discussed below to examine this phenomenon.

4.2.1. Zhu Qi Brothers Stele of 512 CE 北魏延昌元年朱奇兄弟造像碑

This four-sided stele, commissioned by Zhu Qi and his two brothers for their parents, comprises the following niches:

(1) Front niche: three Buddha images. Below, a censer flanked by two bhikshus, one inscribed “menshi biqiu Tanhai 門師比丘曇海.” Beneath these are portraits of the parents, respectively, labeled: “Central Army General and Governor of Wudu, Zhu Shuangchi. Father Shuangchi venerating the Buddha (中軍將軍武都太守朱雙熾。父雙熾供養佛時)” and “Mother Yan Runjiang venerating the Buddha (母燕潤姜供養佛時).”

(2) Back niche: three Buddha images. Below, a censer flanked by an elephant and a lion. Beneath this are the donors from Zhu Qi’s family朱奇, inscribed as: “Buddha principal sponsor, … Governor of North Huashan, Zhu [Qi]. Sons: Shenhe, Zigong. Wife: Jiang Arong (佛像主……華山太守朱〔奇〕。息神和、息子貢。妻姜阿容).”

(3) Right-side niche: one seated Buddha, with eight smaller seated Buddhas above and two seated Buddhas facing each other below. Beneath this, the donors from Zhu Shanbu’s 朱山埠 family are inscribed: “Army Governor Zhu Shanbu. Younger brother Shanbu venerating the Buddha. Son: Yanhe. Wife: Liu Jia’nü (賬內都督朱山埠，弟山埠供養佛時。息延和。妻劉賈女。).”

(4) Left-side: three niches. Top: one seated Buddha; middle: one standing Buddha; bottom: a Daoist deity image. Flanking the Daoist niche are the donors from Zhu Xing’an’s 朱興安 family, inscribed: “Daoist principal sponsor, … General Zhu Xing’an. Wife: Sun Laonü (道像主……將軍朱興安。妻孫老女。).”

Based on the Buddhist main deity images and inscriptions such as “venerating the Buddha” and “Buddha principal sponsor,” Zhu Qi’s parents, Zhu Qi, and Zhu Shanbu were, respectively, venerated the front, back, and right niches, indicating their adherence to Buddhism. Based on the Daoist main deity image and the “Daoist principal sponsor” inscription, Zhu Xing’an was venerated the left niche, indicating his adherence to Daoism.

This phenomenon, in which members of the same household adhered to different religious traditions, was relatively common in the Guanzhong 關中 region. Another example is the Wei Wenlang 魏文朗 family of Beidi Commandery 北地郡: the household included Daoist believers such as the Daonü 道女 and Changsheng 萇生, as well as Buddhist believers, including Wei Sengmeng 魏僧猛 and Wei Fahua 魏法花. Together, they “commissioned a single niche containing both Buddhist and Daoist images (造佛、道像一區)” and regarded “the acts of veneration as equal (供養平等).”25 Textual sources further record cases such as Wei Lingyu 魏靈育 (Xuangao 玄高), a native of Wannian 萬年 in Fengyi 馮翊, who devoted himself to meditative practice; his elder sister “believed in Buddhism from birth (生便信佛),” while their mother adhered to Daoism (Huijiao 1992, pp. 409–10).

4.2.2. Li Tanxin Stele of 562 CE 北周保定二年李曇信造像碑

This stele is a family-sponsored monument, with the “Buddhist disciple Li Tanxin 佛弟子李曇信” as its principal patron. It is carved with four niches: (1) Front niche: one Daoist deity—wearing a Daoist crown, with a beard, belted at the waist, and holding a feather fan—flanked by two standing Daoist figures, both wearing Daoist crowns and holding tablets before the abdomen with both hands. (2) Back niche: one Buddha image—with an uṣṇīṣa and clad in a robe covering both shoulders—flanked by two standing bodhisattvas. (3) Left-side niche: one standing Buddha. (4) Right-side niche: one standing bodhisattva. Thus, the stele contains images of Daoist deities, Buddhas, and bodhisattvas. The names of the principal icons are specified in the prayer inscription:

“The Buddhist disciple Li Tanxin and his brothers, diminishing their household possessions, reverently commissioned a stone niche containing images of Śākyamuni, Taishang Laojun, and the honored bodhisattvas.”

是佛弟子李曇信兄弟等，減割家珍，敬造釋迦、太上老君諸尊菩薩石像一區。

Li Tanxin explicitly refers to himself as a “Buddhist disciple.” In addition to commissioning Buddha images on three sides of the stele, he also commissioned a Daoist image on one side, thereby practicing both traditions and simultaneously venerating Śākyamuni and Taishang Laojun. Similar examples include the Governor-in-Chief Fan Nuzi Stele of 532 CE 北魏太昌元年都督樊奴子造像碑, in which the sponsor refers to himself as both a “Daoist adherent” and a “Buddhist disciple”; as well as the Western Wei Qiu Seng Buddha–Dao Stele, in which the sponsor venerates both Buddhist and Daoist deities. These examples indicate that Daoist and Buddhist beliefs were not strictly demarcated at the time, and that donors frequently engaged in the dual practice of Daoism and Buddhism.

4.3. Daoist-Buddhist Interaction and Its Causes

Both belief structures discussed above—“whole family practicing Daoism” and “concurrent veneration”—reflect varying degrees of religious interaction and adaptation between Daoism and Buddhism. In the case of the latter, this tendency is self-evident. Accordingly, this section focuses on the forms of interaction evident within “whole family practicing Daoism,” and then examines the broader socio-cultural background in which this phenomenon emerged.

4.3.1. Interaction Within “Whole Family Practicing Daoism”

The three examples discussed above—Daoist Yao Boduo Stele, Li Yuanhai Made Celestial Worthy Stele, and the Stele for Lord Lao Made by the Male Official Jiang Zuan—illustrate cases of whole families practicing Daoism in local society during the Northern Dynasties. Although the donors were Daoist adherents who worshiped Daoist principal deities and primarily articulated Daoist beliefs, Buddhist elements are nonetheless discernible.

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Daoist Yao Boduo Stele of 496 CE

The Daoist Yao Boduo Stele contains clear Buddhist notions of rebirth (lunhui 轮回), which may be classified into three types. First, it emphasizes deliverance from misfortune and suffering within rebirth, as seen in prayers such as “If [one is] in the three evil paths, may [one] swiftly attain release (若在三途，速得解脫).” In Buddhist doctrine, the “three paths” (santu)—namely hell, hungry ghosts, and animals—are often paired with the “eight difficulties” (banan 八難), denoting the various sufferings beings undergo in the cycle of birth and death. The phrase “swiftly attain release” expresses the donor’s aspiration to be freed from such afflictions, a formulation that is extremely common in Buddhist image inscriptions. Such formulations are widely attested in Buddhist statue inscriptions, including the inscription commissioned by Fumeng wenqing of 519 CE 北魏神龜二年夫蒙文慶造像: “If [one] falls into the three paths, may [one] quickly obtain release (若墮三途，速得解脫),” and the inscription from Zhuiyuan Monastery Statue of 566 CE: “Forever depart from the three paths, long bid farewell to the eight difficulties (永離三途，長辭八難).”

Another category highlights rebirth and return to human existence within the cycle of rebirth, as illustrated by the prayer inscription: “If reborn again below, may marquises and kings be [one’s] father (若更下生，侯王為父).” Because rebirth in the human realm is conditioned by differences in karmic force, distinctions of wealth and poverty arise accordingly. The wish expressed here is that, upon rebirth as a human, one might be born into a noble household of marquises or elders (S. Liu 2017, p. 147). This reflects a Buddhist understanding of rebirth as a means of seeking blessings for the next life. Common expressions of this idea include “reborn into the human world, [as] marquises and elders (下生人間，侯王長者)”26 and “reborn into the human world, [as] dukes, kings, and elders (下生人間，公王長者).”27 Comparable phrasing also appears in the Dunhuang Daoist scripture Ritual for the Transmission of the Covenant of Spontaneity (Lingbao ziran zhaiyi 靈寶自然齋儀) (P.3282): “When life ends, immediately ascend to heaven; when born as a human, [be] marquises and elders (命過即昇天堂，出生為人侯王長者) (D. Li 1999, p. 719).”

A third category centers on karmic causality and retribution within rebirth, exemplified by the inscription: “Planting fruits has causes; within causes there are fruits (殖果有因，因中有果).” Karmic retribution is directly linked to moral conduct: virtuous actions lead to rebirth as devas or humans among the six paths (liudao 六道), whereas evil actions result in rebirth as asuras, denizens of hell, animals, or hungry ghosts within the same framework.

Buddhism holds that human existence is not limited to a single lifetime but encompasses three lives or even multiple lives. The notions discussed above—escape from the three paths and the eight difficulties, rebirth into human existence, and the cycle of the six paths—may therefore be understood as Buddhist concepts of rebirth. As Stephen Bokenkamp further observes, such Buddhist ideas of rebirth emerged from the Lingbao scriptures’ comprehensive acceptance of early Buddhist doctrines, a process that has led scholars to characterize the Yao Stele as a Buddhist-style Daoist stele (S. R. Bokenkamp 1996–1997).

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Li Yuanhai Made Celestial Worthy Stele of 572 CE

This stle demonstrates Mahāyāna Buddhist aspirations articulated through prayers on behalf of all sentient beings, as exemplified by the inscription: “Extending to all living beings, together they accomplish the correct path (逮及含生，俱成正道).” The term “living beings” refers to all forms of life and is semantically equivalent to expressions such as “(all/dharma-realm) sentient beings,” “those with form,” or “the multitude of beings.” The “correct path” denotes the proper path of religious cultivation through which awakening to the ultimate truth is attained. The phrase “extending to all living beings, together they accomplish the correct path (逮及含生，俱成正道)” has close parallels in Buddhist image inscriptions, where it is frequently attested in formulations such as “the sentient beings of the dharma-realm, together accomplish perfect awakening (法界含生，俱成正覺),”28 or “the sentient beings of the dharma-realm, sharing this vow, together accomplish perfect awakening (法界眾生，等同此願，俱成正覺).”29 The term “perfect awakening” is commonly attested in inscriptions from the Northern Dynasties, whereas after the Sui 隋 dynasty the expression “correct path” appears more frequently, as in phrases such as “all [two illegible characters] together accomplish the correct path 一切□□，俱成正道”30 or “the sentient beings of the dharma-realm … together accomplish the [one illegible character] unsurpassed great path (法界眾生……俱成□上大道).”31 These formulations consistently convey the notion that all sentient beings possess the potential to attain Buddhahood and realize the Dharma.

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The Stele for Lord Lao Made by the Male Official Jiang Zuan in 565 CE

The prayer inscription on this stele has long been recognized as employing Buddhist terminology. Although Jiang Zuan recorded the commissioning of a Laozi image, the votive prayer itself declares: “The numinous radiance sets in the west; the ultimate principle moves east (靈暉西没，至理東遷),” and further includes expressions such as “the first proclamation under the dragon flower tree (龍華初唱)” and “the six paths and the four modes of birth (六道四生),” all of which are clearly Buddhist expressions (Ye 1994, pp. 312–13).

As another assessment observes, the diction and phrasing of the stele are almost entirely drawn from the Buddhist textual tradition; were the characters “Daojun” or “Laojun” on the rubbing blurred, the reader would readily take the image produced to be a Buddha image (Qian 1979, p. 1511).

In addition to the Buddhist vocabulary already noted, several further instances may be identified. The phrase “Roaming the body of wisdom, long transcending the eight difficulties … the agonies of the three paths, all bid farewell to the sea of suffering (遨遊慧體，長超八難……三途楚毒，俱辭苦海)” corresponds to the Buddhist concepts of rebirth discussed above and need not be reiterated here.

The expression “Carving sandalwood and cutting and shaping it, Persia is put to shame by its marvels; engraving gold and carving stone, Udayana gradually excels in skill (雕檀刻削，波斯恧奇，鐫金鏤石，優填漸巧)” is frequently attested in Buddhist image inscriptions. Numerous examples appear in the Guanzhong region discussed in this study.32 Such language likely derives from narratives concerning the Indian kings Udayana and Prasenajit, who are said to have recruited skilled artisans to produce wooden images gilded with gold, including accounts of “using ox-head sandalwood to fashion an image of the Tathāgata (以牛頭栴檀作如來形像)” or “entirely making an image of the Tathāgata from refined purple-gold (純以紫磨金作如來像) (See Zengyi Ahan Jing 增壹阿含經 1924–1932).”

Finally, the phrase “All that have form together accomplish perfect awakening (一切有形，同成正覺)” is semantically aligned with common Buddhist expressions such as “all that have form in the dharma-realm (法界有形),” “all living beings (一切含生),” “all sentient beings (一切眾生),” or “all multitudes of beings (一切群生),” all referring to the totality of living existence. Likewise, “together accomplish perfect awakening (同成正覺)” corresponds to formulations such as “collectively attaining perfect awakening (共同正覺),” “equally accomplishing perfect awakening (等成正覺),” or “together accomplishing perfect awakening (俱成正覺),” which denote the complete awakening to the ultimate truth of cosmos and human life, the eradication of delusion, and the spiritual ideal of Buddhahood (Hou 2015, p. 237). Taken together, these phrases articulate the Mahāyāna Buddhist aspiration that all sentient beings ultimately attain Buddhahood and perfect awakening.

In sum, the three cases of whole families practicing Daoism discussed above demonstrate a substantial presence of Buddhist vocabulary within their prayer inscriptions. Such Daoist–Buddhist fusion does not constitute an isolated phenomenon in inscriptions.33 Moreover, this interpenetration is not confined to the textual level but is likewise evident in iconographic features, including the seated postures of Daoist images (full lotus, half lotus, and cross-legged positions), hand gestures (the fear-not mudrā and the wish-granting mudrā), and seating devices such as the lotus pedestal. Taken together, these elements attest to the profound interaction and mutual entanglement between Daoism and Buddhism. The following section explores the socio-cultural background underlying the emergence of this phenomenon.

4.3.2. Social and Cultural Background for the Emergence of Daoist–Buddhist Interaction

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Social Climate of the Concurrent Veneration of Daoism and Buddhism

Among the emperors of the Northern Wei, the earliest ruler to concurrently venerate Daoism and Buddhism was Emperor Daowu (Tuoba Gui 拓跋珪, r. 386–408 CE), who “was fond of Huang-Lao thought and extensively read Buddhist scriptures (好黃老，頗覽佛經) (S. Wei 1974, vol. 114, p. 3030).” His successor, Emperor Mingyuan (Tuoba Si 拓跋嗣, r. 409–423 CE), continued this orientation. The Weishu 魏書 (Wei History) records: “When Taizong (Emperor Mingyuan) ascended the throne, he followed the undertakings of Taizu (Emperor Daowu), also favoring Huang-Lao and revering the Buddhist Dharma. In the capital and throughout the four quarters, he established images and further ordered śramaṇas to propagate and guide popular customs (太宗踐位，遵太祖之業，亦好黃老，又崇佛法，京邑四方，建立圖像，仍令沙門敷導民俗) (S. Wei 1974, vol. 114, p. 3030).” During the reign of Emperor Taiwu (Tuoba Tao 拓跋燾, r. 424–452 CE), both teachings likewise received imperial respect. In the early period of his reign, he “turned to the Buddhist Dharma and revered the śramaṇas (歸宗佛法，敬重沙門),” and later promoted Daoism: “After obtaining the Dao of Kou Qianzhi, the emperor, because of its purity and non-action and its evidence of transcendent transformation, came to believe in it and practice its arts (及得寇謙之道，帝以淸淨無爲，有仙化之證，遂信行其術) (S. Wei 1974, vol. 114, p. 3033).” Beyond this, the Northern Wei court’s emphasis on both Daoism and Buddhism was further institutionalized through the establishment of religious administrative systems. Buddhist affairs were managed by the monk officials known as the “Superintendent of Monks” (shamentong 沙門統) and the “Office for the Clarification of Buddhism” (Zhaoxuan si 昭玄寺), while Daoist affairs were administered by Daoist officials such as the “Transcendent Doctor” (xianren boshi guan 仙人博士官) and the “Temple of Exalted Emptiness” (Chongxu si 崇虛寺) (Liu and Han 2008).

This pattern of concurrent veneration was not limited to Northern Wei emperors but was also evident among elite devotees, including Daoist priests and eminent monks. For instance, the Northern Wei Daoist Kou Qianzhi 寇謙之 advocated the Northern Way of the Celestial Masters tradition, which integrated Daoist and Buddhist elements. By introducing Buddhist content and forms into Daoism, Kou sought to enrich Daoist doctrine and establish a new religious system.34 Such adaptation was less a statement of doctrinal equality than a response to an environment in which the two traditions interacted closely at both intellectual and institutional levels.

Similarly, the Northern Wei monk Tanluan 曇鸞, who styled himself “Great Master of Mysterious Simplicity of Wei (魏玄簡大士),” is recorded as having visited the Daoist Tao Hongjing 陶弘景 to “seek various transcendent arts (求諸仙術)” and to have obtained “ten scrolls of transcendent formulas (仙方十卷).” He later authored works such as Tiaoqi lun 調氣論 (Treatise on Regulating Qi) and Anle ji 安樂集 (Collection on Peace and Joy) (Daoxuan 2014, p. 188). Although the Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 (Biographies of Eminent Monks) frames such encounters within a narrative emphasizing the ultimate superiority of Buddhist soteriology, the very preservation of these accounts indicates that Daoist techniques and immortality practices were sufficiently prominent to attract the attention of Buddhist clerics.

Taken together, the examples of emperors and elite religious figures point to a broader social climate in which Daoism and Buddhism were concurrently esteemed. This climate does not necessarily imply doctrinal equivalence; rather, it reflects a religious environment characterized by interaction, negotiation, and mutual awareness. Under such circumstances, it is therefore unsurprising that ordinary families might revere both traditions and commission images that combine Daoist and Buddhist elements.

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Similar Religious Functions of Daoism and Buddhism

Addressing issues of “death” and “life” formed a primary motivation for the erection of statue for worship and prayer, and also constituted a central theological concern of the period. In response to the widespread anxiety felt by the living toward the deceased—or toward death itself—both Daoism and Buddhism maintained that, through specific ritual practices and salvific means, the dead could ascend to heavenly realms, while the effects exerted by the deceased upon the living could be neutralized or transformed.

Within Daoism, Lingbao ritual practices—particularly rites for the salvation of the dead—functioned as effective means for accumulating merit, rescuing ancestors, and praying for blessings for the living. This is exemplified by Li Yuanhai Made Celestial Worthy Stele, which states: “Looking up, we made a stele of the Celestial Worthy of Primordial Beginning for our deceased father and mother. By relying on this slight merit, we wish the departed souls to ascend and be saved, to receive transformation in the immortal court, to roam freely in non-action and unite in virtue with the Perfected; may blessings flow to those presently living, and flourishing glory extend to future generations (仰為亡考妣造元始天尊像碑一區，藉此微功，願亡靈升度，受化仙庭，逍遙無為，與真合德，慶流見在，來葉芳榮).” Through this practice, the donors sought, by means of the merit generated through erecting a stele and through the salvific power of the Celestial Worthy of Primordial Beginning, both to deliver their deceased parents and to extend blessings to their living kin and descendants. In this sense, the Lingbao jing tradition understands human actions as being directly and causally linked to future states of existence, such that individuals undergo multiple cycles of rebirth. The concepts of “merit” and “transmigration” articulated here can be traced to Buddhist notions of merit and rebirth (S. Bokenkamp 2007, pp. 162–83; S. Xie 2013, pp. 101–4). Under the influence of this framework, the emphasis of Daoist ritual practice shifted in the fifth century from confession of transgressions toward the salvation of the dead (Nickerson 1996, pp. 175–239).

Daoism and Buddhism thus shared closely aligned religious functions about saving the deceased and transferring merit to the living. For this reason, people in the fifth and sixth centuries drew, without strict differentiation, upon both traditions, employing the practice of erecting merit stelae (venerating major Daoist and Buddhist deities such as the Lord Lao, Celestial Worthy of Primordial Beginning, and Śākyamuni) to deliver deceased relatives and to pray for the well-being of those still living.

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Popular Attitudes towards Daoism and Buddhism

Objectively speaking, Daoism and Buddhism were difficult to distinguish clearly from one another. When Buddhism entered China, it was not rejected; on the contrary, it was regarded as a “sister religion” of Daoism, and interaction between the two began almost immediately (Schipper 1994, p. 63). Especially for local populations, the two religions were closely intertwined and tightly integrated (Zürcher 1980, p. 146). The processes of borrowing and transformation between them were far more complex than might be imagined, and for early practitioners who drew upon both traditions, it may have been difficult to clearly determine whether what they were practicing was “Daoist” or “Buddhist.” (Mollier 2008; S. R. Bokenkamp 1983, pp. 434–86).

Subjectively speaking, for ordinary people who were not theoreticians of either Buddhism or Daoism, subtle differences in doctrine and thought were not important. What mattered instead were the commonalities and continuity between the two traditions (Kamitsuka. 1999, p. 485). As discussed above, Daoism and Buddhism offered similar religious functions in dealing with issues of “death” and “life.” For believers, it was sufficient that such practices could bring blessings and benefits to themselves and their families. Accordingly, we find in inscriptional records expressions such as “making the true images of the two sages, the Great Dao and the Tathāgata (造大道、如來二聖真容),”35 “reverently making images of Śākyamuni and Most High Lord Lao (敬造釋迦、太上老君),”36 as well as phrases like “offerings made with equal devotion (供養平等)”37 and “Buddha and Dao united in compassion (佛道合慈).”38

These factors together contributed to what may appear as an open and inclusive religious attitude. However, it was likely rooted in the practical and pervasive concern for numinous efficacy. For ordinary families, the primary criterion for venerating a deity—be it Buddhist or Daoist—was its perceived power to respond to prayers, provide protection, generate merit, and ensure salvation. This focus on efficacy, rather than doctrinal purity, created a religious landscape where deities from different traditions could be pragmatically venerated side-by-side. The inclusion of both Buddhist and Daoist figures on a single stele was therefore a means for a family to maximize its access to spiritual power, ensuring that no potential source of numinous benefit was overlooked. This motivation also helps explain the implicit competition suggested by some inscriptions, as families would naturally seek out and proclaim the most efficacious deities and rituals for their patronage.

5. Daoist Affiliations and Lived Religious Practices Behind Family-Sponsored Statues

The preceding sections examined the characteristics of statue-making among prominent clans and commoners, as well as the two belief structures of “whole family practicing Daoism” and “concurrent veneration of Daoism and Buddhism.” Building on this foundation, a closer examination of the inscriptional content and iconographic configurations of different family-sponsored statues reveals that behind them there often lie specific sectarian affiliations and ritual practices—namely, what may be termed “lived religious practices.”

Among statues sponsored by prominent clans, in addition to venerating the supreme Daoist deity Laojun, they frequently include specific references to Zhang Ling and Yin Xi. For example, on the reverse side of the Feng Changshou Made Daoist Stele from the Northern Wei Dynasty, three figures are carved: the left is labeled “Master Yin,” and the right “Master Zhang Ling.” The votive prayer on the Wu Hongbiao Stele records: “Master Zhang and Master Yin, through refining essence, manifested their traces; they contributed money and rice to aid the creation of the statue, ceasing only upon achieving the Dao.” The obverse inscription of the Daoist Yao Boduo Stele (496 CE) states: “The illustrious Master Yin, in subtle accord with profound principle.” The joint appearance of Zhang Ling, founder of the Way of the Celestial Masters, together with Laojun and Yin Xi strongly suggests that these families were adherents of the Way of the Celestial Masters and likely followed its beliefs and ritual practices. A similar association between Laojun, Yin Xi, and the Scripture of the Conversion of the Barbarians (Huahu jing 化胡經) also resonates with the doctrinal framework of the Celestial Masters tradition (Raz 2014). The emphasis on the Scripture of the Way and Its Virtue and its transmission further indicates that the associated ritual practice—the family’s lived religion—may have been an ordination ritual centered on scriptural transmission. This context may help explain both the erection of the stele image and the content of its inscription. Since the Scripture of the Way and Its Virtue constituted the principal text transmitted in the most basic ordination of the Celestial Masters tradition (Schipper 1985), the Yao Boduo stele in particular may reflect the Yao family’s intention to transmit this scripture specifically to “foreigners,” or non-Daoists.

In contrast, the Li Yuanhai Made Celestial Worthy Stele of 572 CE presents a different sectarian orientation. Its votive prayer opens with a cosmological exposition: “Accordingly, the Primordial Beginning (Yuanshi) set in motion transformative teaching, universally instructing without limit, ferrying and benefiting those with affinity, upon whom both the living and the dead rely.” It further explicitly states that the stele was made for his deceased parents, expressing the wish that “the departed souls may ascend and be delivered, receive transformation within the celestial court, dwell freely in non-action, and unite in virtue with the Perfected.” Under the broad influence of the Southern salvation tradition on Daoist statuary of the Northern Dynasties, these expressions closely align with the salvific doctrines articulated in the Lingbao tradition’s core scripture, the Book of Salvation (Duren jing 度人經) (Y. Zhang 2022). This evidence suggests that both the stele and its sponsoring family were affiliated with the Lingbao tradition, and that the monument likely commemorates a Lingbao mortuary ritual—that is, the family’s lived religious practice. As is well known, the Lingbao tradition incorporates numerous Buddhist elements; accordingly, this family appears to have adopted a comparatively inclusive approach to its lived religious practices.

The Stele for Lord Lao Made by the Male Official Jiang Zuan in 565 CE presents an even more complex configuration. Although its votive prayer records the commissioning of a Daoist deity image, it extensively employs Buddhist terminology, including expressions such as: “The numinous radiance sets in the west; the ultimate principle moves east,” “the six paths and the four modes of birth,” “Carving sandalwood and cutting and shaping it, Persia is put to shame by its marvels; engraving gold and carving stone, Udayana gradually excels in skill,” and “All that have form together accomplish perfect awakening.” This phenomenon indicates that although the Jiang family maintained Daoist identities—the father and son holding the respective ranks of “Male Official” and “Pure Believer”—their religious practice had nonetheless deeply absorbed Buddhist concepts of merit-making and salvific ideals, thereby presenting a highly syncretic form.

Moreover, in some family-sponsored stelae—sponsored by families with both Buddhist and Daoist members living together and venerating their respective deities (e.g., the Zhu Qi Brothers Stele of 512 CE, the Li Tanxin Stele of 562 CE, and the Governor-in-Chief Fan Nuzi Stele of 532 CE)—a different dynamic is observable. While no specific scriptures or ritual activities are mentioned that could suggest a particular purpose, the syncretic veneration of multiple deities itself merits scholarly attention. This pattern suggests another form of ritual practice associated with the erection and sponsorship of stelae, one that was perhaps more Buddhist in its orientation, despite the patrons’ Daoist identities. The patrons of these Daoist images take up concurrently the worship of Buddhas, there- after choosing one deity, term or image from category B and one from category D, as suited their particular local cultic allegiances and without reference to established school of religion (S. R. Bokenkamp 1996–1997).

In sum, the Daoist-practicing families of the Guanzhong region during the Northern Dynasties were by no means monolithic. Beneath the shared appearance of “whole families practicing Daoism,” different households, according to their respective sectarian traditions, adopted distinct modes of religious practice: some continued the ritual traditions of the Way of the Celestial Masters; others followed Lingbao liturgical models; still others deeply integrated Buddhist ritual elements within a Daoist framework. These differences demonstrate that families adopted varying degrees of Buddhist adaptation in their lived religious practices—ranging from antithetic to synthetic to fully syncretic forms—often in relation to the ritual context surrounding the erection of the statue. A household’s social status, sectarian affiliation, and particular ritual need collectively shaped the religious configuration expressed through its statue-making practices.

6. Conclusions

Although Daoist-practicing families of the Northern Dynasties are largely untraceable in extant historical texts and Daoist canons, their overall conditions, social stratification, belief structures and lived religious practices can nonetheless be reconstructed through the evidence of family-sponsored statue remains. The family constituted one of the principal organizational forms of Daoist practice adopted by the populace during the fifth and sixth centuries. With respect to social stratification, Daoist practice encompassed both prominent clans and commoners. Commoners constituted the primary agents of statue-making in local society, corresponding to the dominant family structures of villages and local communities. Although clan-sponsored statues were fewer in number, they played a significant role in local society by mobilizing statue-making projects and disseminating religious teachings. In terms of belief structures, the evidence reveals both families devoted exclusively to Daoism and families that venerated both Daoism and Buddhism. Regardless of form, these practices reflect the parallel esteem and flexible appropriation of religious resources from both traditions within a specific historical context. This tendency was likely shaped by a broader contemporary climate of dual veneration, functional similarities between the two traditions, and the populace’s shared concern for numinous efficacy. Regarding the concrete configuration of lived religious practices, beneath the shared appearance of “families practicing Daoism exclusively,” different households exhibited distinct sectarian Daoist affiliations and religious practices. Some households continued the Celestial Masters tradition, their statue-making potentially linked to ordination rites centered on the transmission of the Scripture of the Way and Its Virtue; others adhered to the Lingbao tradition, with the statues functioning as integral components of mortuary salvation rites; still others, while maintaining Daoist identities, substantially incorporated Buddhist concepts of merit-making, thereby presenting a markedly syncretic form; and yet others comprised members who venerated both Daoist and Buddhist traditions, each adhering to distinct ritual commitments, thus producing a pluralistic religious configuration within the household. These variations demonstrate that households adopted differing degrees of Buddhist adaptation in their lived religious practices, their choices often contingent upon the particular ritual exigencies surrounding the erection of the statues.

The study of family relations—the central focus of this paper—is therefore essential to the interpretation of the Shaanxi Daoist statues and their inscriptions. By reconstructing kinship networks, identifying generational continuities, distinguishing between prominent clans and commoner households, and examining the religious identities and commitments of family members, this study moves beyond the formulaic language of the inscriptions to illuminate the specific social contexts that shaped these monuments. By demonstrating how family relations shaped—and were in turn materially inscribed upon—the Shaanxi Daoist statues, this study argues that these statues are not merely records of devotion but also artifacts of social organization, kinship dynamics, and the negotiation of religious identity within the domestic sphere. The family, in this sense, emerges as a fundamental analytical unit for understanding the production, meaning, and social function of Daoist statuary in the Northern Dynasties. Examination of family-sponsored statue remains thus offers an important cross-sectional perspective on the social life of Northern Dynasties communities and their grassroots society. By employing archeological materials, this study provides a perspective beyond textual records for the study of early local religion—an area in which historical sources are relatively scarce—and thereby helps to supplement gaps in historical texts and Daoist canons.