The Declining Sense of Belonging to the Church and Vocation Among Young Catholic Women in Lebanon: A Qualitative Study

Abstract

Despite their presence in the Church, women are often underrepresented in leadership roles. In particular, young people, especially young women, are becoming increasingly distant from the Church. They are less engaged, and fewer young women are opting for a life of consecration. However, according to Christian teachings, the involvement of all members is vital to the Christian community. This qualitative study relies on semi-structured interviews (N = 20) and explores the engagement of young Catholic women in Lebanon, focusing on two key concepts: vocation and sense of belonging to the Church. It examines how perceptions of vocation are associated with belonging to the Church. Findings indicate that social and ideological shifts, namely the rise in individualism and women’s empowerment and the decline of religious education in families, among others, have contributed to a decline in young women’s sense of vocation and belonging to the Church. The research also proposes a framework explaining the complex relationship between social change and the decline of vocation and belonging among women. The findings have implications for the Church and society, notably the need to bridge the existing gap between society and the Church and provide decision-making opportunities for women in the Church.

1. Introduction

Religion and Christianity have long played a fundamental role in shaping societies and cultures worldwide (Lobkowicz 1991). In certain Middle Eastern countries, where religious identity is closely tied to social and political dynamics (Vaughan 2018), Christianity has maintained a presence despite the numerous challenges it faced historically (Dib 1971). Lebanon stands out as a country where religious diversity, including Christianity, is central to social life. The Church, particularly the Catholic Church, holds a significant historical and cultural presence, influencing society, education, and governance (Abboud-Mzawak et al. 2025).

However, within this religious context, questions of representation and inclusion in the Catholic Church, especially regarding women’s roles in the Church and society, continue to be subjects of debate (Join-Lambert 2022). This is the case both worldwide and in Lebanon (Maronite Patriarchate 2023). Women, who make up an integral part of the Christian community, sense a lack of inclusion and influence within their Church (Yih 2022). While they contribute significantly to pastoral work, education, and community service, women have lacked presence in leadership or decision-making roles (Barón 2023; Abboud-Mzawak and Ibrahim 2025; Pew Research Center 2016). Historically, the governance structures of the Catholic Church worldwide have been predominantly male (Yih 2022). Given that women represent the largest portion of active participants in the Church, parishes, and religious institutions (Lummis 2004), their lack of involvement can mean that most members of the Christian community are not being allowed to participate fully and contribute in the most meaningful way. For the Church, recognizing and embracing the inherent value and significance of women within the Church is not merely a matter of equity but also a socio-ecclesial importance (Abboud-Mzawak and Ibrahim 2025).

The exclusion of women from key roles, observed worldwide in the Catholic Church, has also been evidenced in Lebanon (Maronite Patriarchate 2023). This most likely reflects broader societal patterns in Lebanon, where patriarchal norms limit women’s leadership opportunities (Smith 1995). These structural barriers, in both society and the Church, contribute to a sense of dissatisfaction and hinder women’s sense of belonging (Allen et al. 2021), ultimately distancing them from active participation. This lack of involvement can affect women’s sense of belonging to the Church and discourage them from taking on active roles. As a result, they may choose not to engage with the Church, pursue a life project related to the Church, or take on a mission associated with it, such as pursuing a consecrated life. This is particularly relevant for young women, who, at their stage in life, are at a crossroads and seeking to make important decisions about their future (Erikson 1994).

In light of these challenges, there were ongoing efforts to affirm the equal dignity of all the baptized, including women (Errázuriz 2020). Following the Second Vatican Council, the 1983 Code of Canon Law reaffirmed the fundamental equality of all the faithful, and recent canonical scholarship, emphasizes the juridical status of laypersons as rooted in justice, communion, and sacramental identity (Přibyl 2021). Pope Francis (2022) has furthered this trajectory through reforms such as Praedicate Evangelium, which opened the Roman Curia’s leadership roles to laypeople, including women. Pope Francis also created two non-ordinary positions open for women. In the Lebanese context, there were efforts to enhance the role of women in the Church. Indeed, the Maronite Church, through its recent synodal process and foundational synodal document entitled “The Vocation and Mission of Women in the Economy of God, the Life of the Church, and Society” has initiated conversations on the role of women and proposed reforms aimed at increasing their participation in decision making (Abboud-Mzawak 2012; Maronite Patriarchate 2023).

Worldwide, women feel less included in the Church (Barón 2023), and young people report less adherence to religion (Pew Research Center 2018). The drastic decline in consecrated women in Lebanon can illustrate this decrease in belonging and adherence to the Church. The congregation of the Lebanese Maronite Sisters went from 104 vows (1939–1989) to 51 (1990–2018), the Family of the Holy Trinity from 225 vows (1912–1962) to 5 after 2014, the Antonines from 201 (1932–1982) to 87 (1983–2024), and the Sisters of Saint Theresa from 142 (1935–1985) to 23 (1986–2018) (Khoury 2018). This substantial decline in consecrated women or vows may be linked to the understanding of Christian vocation, the sense of belonging, and the perception of the Church in society. Understanding how vocation is perceived and shaped within this context is essential, as it plays a crucial role in guiding young women’s choices and their relationship with the Church.

The research centers on the two important concepts of vocation and mission, and their overlap with belonging to the Church among lay and consecrated young Lebanese Catholic women. All in all, it aims to (1) explore the perception of vocation and sense of belonging among young Lebanese Catholic women, both lay and consecrated, (2) examine how sociocultural elements have shaped these perceptions, and (3) explore the social factors explaining why fewer women are opting for a consecrated commitment to the Church. To this end, this study adopts a qualitative design based on semi-structured interviews with a diverse group of Catholic women, including both consecrated and lay participants, selected to capture varied experiences of vocation and belonging. The interviews were analyzed using inductive content analysis, allowing themes to emerge directly from participants’ narratives.

2. Literature Review

2.1. Sense of Belonging to the Church

In social sciences, the sense of belonging is defined as the subjective, deep connection with a group or community (Allen et al. 2021). It is “the experience of personal involvement in a system or environment so that persons feel themselves to be an integral part of the system or environment” (Hagerty et al. 1992). The sense of belonging encompasses the feeling, belief, and expectation that one fits in the group and has a place there, a feeling of acceptance by the group, and a willingness to sacrifice for the group (Raman 2014). According to Baumeister and Leary (1995), belonging is crucial in human lives, and belonging somewhere can increase a person’s motivation and engagement in this setting (Allen et al. 2021).

People often seek a community or institution to which they can belong, and the Church represents such a place (Pospíšil and Macháčková 2021). For people, youth in particular, this desire to belong is crucial (Olcoń et al. 2017). However, it is important to note that the Church is not solely a space in which individuals find a sense of belonging; it is also an institution that actively seeks to strengthen the belonging of its members, including young women (Leszczyńska 2019). As Pope John Paul II (1988) highlighted, true belonging to the Church is not limited to passive membership. Instead, it involves an active commitment and engagement with the faith community. It goes beyond mere membership in the Church and emphasizes the contribution, responsibilities, and participation of the individual.

From a theological perspective, Baptism confers incorporation into the Church. St. Paul emphasized that the equal dignity of all baptized is grounded in the unity of all Christians in Christ (Galatians 3:28). Paul states that, just as a body comprises many distinct parts, with each serving a unique function yet contributing to the body’s overall unity, so too does the Church consist of diverse members, each endowed with unique gifts and roles, all integral to the body of Christ: “For as the body is one and has many members, and all the members of that one body, being many, are one body, so also is Christ” (1 Cor. 12:12). All Christians are part of this body regardless of their status, sex, ethnicity, or life circumstances. The Second Vatican Council, in Lumen Gentium, emphasizes that through Baptism, individuals are incorporated into the Body of Christ and become members of the People of God (Pope Paul VI 1964). According to the Catechism of the Catholic Church, this sacramental initiation is deepened by the Eucharist and Confirmation, which sustain and strengthen one’s communion with the Church (Holy See 1992). Belonging to the Church is not merely a matter of social integration or identification; it is fundamentally rooted in grace, faith, and the sacraments. Ecclesial belonging, thus, entails active participation in the sacramental life and a spiritual communion with Christ and the faithful.

In terms of role, people can belong to the Church in different ways. On the one hand, they can belong in the form of a statutory belonging, where they hold a defined role, such as in consecrated life or other official positions. On the other hand, people can belong in a non-statutory manner to the Church. This refers to a form that engages with the faith and the community without formal recognition or responsibility.

2.2. Vocational Commitment

In Christianity, vocation refers to a responsorial relationship between the individual and God. Simultaneously, it is a relationship between the individual and the world, society, and humanity, all through the lens of their relationship with God. The New Testament frequently uses the terms “calling” and “call” to refer to vocation (Lefeuvre 1999). This calling connects each person to God and the Son of God, making them an adopted child and brother of Christ. It is through the Holy Spirit that this call is made known, interiorly discerned, and lived out. The calling encourages them to model their lives after Jesus Christ and shape their identity in response to this call. There is a distinction between the two forms of vocation: global and particular (Abboud-Mzawak 2018). These forms are not mutually exclusive but exist simultaneously. The global form of vocation is addressed to all people, while the particular vocation is one that is unique to each individual (Schiotz 1944).

The global Christian vocation consists of expanding within each person the characteristics of their being as a child of God. By becoming a child of God, every human being is called to take Him as a model and to build their identity with Him and through Him by responding to His calls. In this sense, the global form of vocation is universal, directed to all people (Fédou 2018). According to John Paul II (1988), all the faithful share in the Church’s mission and are called to holiness through various states of life, including lay life, priesthood, and consecrated life. The Christian vocation is also global because it involves the entire person in all their constitutive dimensions. God’s call is not directed at just one aspect of the person but at their whole being (Schiotz 1944). According to Abboud-Mzawak’s (2018) conceptual framework, the structure of the global Christian vocation is threefold: (1) it consists of a threefold call to love, holiness, and apostleship, (2) it is identified through the sacraments of Baptism, Confirmation, and the Eucharist, (3) it leads the Christian to a threefold participation in Christ’s priestly, prophetic, and royal roles (Figure 1).

First, according to the Catechism of the Catholic Church, every believer’s call to love roots them in both “horizontal” relationships with others and a “vertical” relationship with God (Holy See 1992). When love is embraced as foundational, it shapes all dimensions of vocation; when neglected, the entire vocational identity weakens. Second, the call to holiness reminds Christians that “the desire for God is written in the human heart because man is created by God and for God” (Holy See 1992). Third, the call to apostleship extends beyond the Twelve to every member of the Church, commissioning all the faithful to “make disciples of all nations” (Matt. 28:19) and to bring others to the knowledge and love of Christ.

This global vocation is sacramentally sustained by the sacraments of Baptism, Confirmation, and the Eucharist (Holy See 1992). In Baptism, one is reborn as a child of God and integrated into the Body of Christ, thus receiving the foundational identity that undergirds every call (Holy See 1992). Confirmation then strengthens this identity, enriching believers with a special strength of the Holy Spirit (Holy See 1992). Finally, the Eucharist completes Christian initiation, making present Christ’s paschal mystery and perfecting the believer’s communion with Him and with the Church (Holy See 1992).

Through these sacramental foundations, every Christian participates in Christ’s priestly, prophetic, and royal functions. The priestly dimension invites all Christians to offer their lives as a spiritual sacrifice, “bridging the earthly and the divine” in their daily actions (Holy See 1992). The prophetic dimension calls them to “proclaim the word of God” in both word and deed, bearing witness to the Gospel in every context. The royal dimension empowers believers to confront sin, cultivate justice and peace, and foster the reign of God in society.

Vocation is also particular, in the sense that for each person, a specific path is outlined. This particular vocation thus involves responsible diversity and diverse co-responsibility. In the Christian sense, the particular vocation leads each person to an awareness of their place in the Church and society through a relational dynamic between God’s will and human will. This awareness is necessary for each person; it encompasses diversity as a constituent of global vocation, which, in turn, guarantees vocational identity (Abboud-Mzawak 2018). In this regard, the Catechism of the Catholic Church suggests several paths through which vocation can be expressed, including marriage, ordained ministry, and consecrated life (Holy See 1992). The particular vocation thus outlines a specific path for each person so that, through it, they can live and make others live the global vocation. This path, therefore, carries the content of global vocation through a particular identity that gradually forms. It is important to note that vocation or commitment is not an abstract concept, but one that translates practically into daily life (Abboud-Mzawak 2018).

3. Materials and Methods

3.1. Study Design

To capture in-depth personal experiences, a qualitative approach using semi-structured interviews was adopted. The interviews were guided by an interview protocol that was developed based on the literature review (

Table 1. Interview protocol.

Themes	Questions
Theme 1: Vocation	How do you perceive the Christian vocation in general? In your opinion, what are its main components?
	How would you describe your own vocation? How do you live this vocation in your daily life?
Theme 2: Consecrated life	How would you describe the way of life in consecrated life? What are the enriching aspects of consecrated life, and what are its main challenges?
	In your opinion, what are the main differences between consecrated life and secular life?
	Why do you think more young women are choosing secular life instead of consecrated life?
Theme 3: Belonging to the Church	To what extent do you feel that you belong to the Catholic Church? What are the main challenges of belonging to the Church?
	What drives or motivates you to take on your current role within the Catholic Church? And what demotivates you in your role within the Church?
	What aspects of the Catholic Church do you find most meaningful for your personal identity? Are there specific principles, values, practices, or rituals of the Catholic Church that hold particular significance for you?

).

The interviews were conducted between November 2024 and February 2025 with Lebanese women of various profiles. Interviews were conducted either in an adequate face-to-face setting or using a video call, which is a frequently used technique in qualitative research (Opdenakker 2006) and is the closest method to recreating the in-person experience of interviews (Bertrand and Bourdeau 2010). The Zoom platform was used in this study. The interviews lasted 25 min on average. Both written and verbal consent were taken before the interview. All measures were taken to ensure the confidentiality and anonymity of the participants, like replacing names with codes to protect their identities and personal information throughout the research process (Saunders et al. 2015).

3.2. Participants and Data Collection

Considering that individuals from specific profiles were needed, participants from pertinent profiles were actively selected. In this sense, the study sample was a convenience sample (Stratton 2021). To capture a range of perspectives, the researchers aimed to select a sample with diverse profiles, each representing different affiliations to the Catholic Church and demographic characteristics.

First, the sample for this study included young consecrated women between the ages of 18 and 35. Their participation was essential, as they could provide firsthand insights into the experiences and perceptions at this age. Additionally, the sample included sisters responsible for novitiates, meaning that they are tasked with supervising and guiding young consecrated entrants in the early years of their religious journey. Their perspective is also valuable in understanding the experiences of perceptions of youth, as they are in close proximity to many young women. Also, mother generals, who oversee entire religious orders, were also included to offer a broader perspective. Lastly, a young consecrated laywoman was included in the study’s sample. Her perspective was valuable, as her role sits at the intersection of both consecrated and lay lifestyles.

Beyond consecrated life, the study also included young lay women aged 18 to 35, representing diverse levels of Church engagement. Some were selected for their active statutory roles in the Church, such as involvement in parishes or dioceses. Others were chosen for their non-statutory engagement or absence of engagement, as they identified as Catholic or Christian but had no formal engagement in the Church.

Table 2. Participants description.

Participant	Profile Description
1	Young consecrated woman in the Congregation of Our Lady of Perpetual Help. She is a missionary involved in social action.
2	Responsible for the novitiates and a missionary within the Antonine Congregation, with a primary focus on apostolate, especially for future consecrated individuals.
3	Responsible for the novitiates and a social worker with 22 years of consecrated life. She has participated in various missions, including social services to support families, apostolate in mixed communities in Beirut, and social work in a school.
4	Young consecrated missionary in the Congregation of the Daughters of Charity.
5	Young consecrated woman in the Congregation of Our Lady of the Rosary and serving in a school in Beirut.
6	Young consecrated woman in the Antonine Congregation, engaged in social and healthcare services.
7	Young consecrated woman, a member of the Lebanese Maronite Order.
8	Member of the Congregation of Saint Thérèse of Lisieux, serving as secretary and general counselor in her congregation. Her mission focuses on healthcare services and social action.
9	Young consecrated woman of Our Lady of Charity of the Good Shepherd. She is also a social worker involved in addressing social and family issues.
10	Consecrated woman of Our Lady of Charity of the Good Shepherd for 34 years. Her mission is focused on addressing social and family issues.
11	General Mother with over 30 years of experience in missions.
12	Young Christian woman not engaged in the Church and without a statutory affiliation.
13	Young Christian woman with a statutory role in her parish and diocese.
14	Young consecrated woman who joined a congregation less than a year ago.
15	Young Christian woman not engaged in the Church and without a statutory affiliation.
16	Young consecrated laywoman.
17	Young Christian woman with a statutory role in her parish and diocese.
18	Young Christian woman without a statutory role in her parish, who was engaged in the Church when she was younger.
19	Young Christian woman with a statutory role in her parish and diocese.
20	Young Christian woman with a statutory role in her parish and diocese.

below provides a detailed description of the profiles from the sample.

3.3. Data Analysis

Interviews were transcribed verbatim. The main ideas were then extracted from the transcriptions. Subsequently, the content analysis was performed to organize the ideas into categories and sub-categories. It is an inductive method that allows the identification of patterns within the dataset. This analysis involved a detailed reading of the transcriptions and the establishment of codes that referred to specific ideas. These codes were then grouped into broader categories and subcategories, enabling a structured interpretation of the participants’ perspectives (Bardin 1977).

4. Results

Based on the content analysis, four principal themes or categories emerged from the data, with each consisting of multiple sub-categories.

4.1. Theme 1: Sense of Belonging to the Church

4.1.1. Family, Upbringing, and Socialization

For many respondents, belonging to the Church was influenced by their upbringing and early socialization within a Christian family or community. Being raised in a religious environment, participating in faith-based fraternities, or engaging in childhood activities such as scouting has fostered their sense of attachment to the Church (n = 6). These formative experiences provided the foundation for their spiritual connection and ongoing engagement in religious life.

“Growing up in a Christian family increased my belonging”;

(Participant 12)

“Growing up in fraternities [and parishes] increased my belonging”

(Participant 12)

4.1.2. Faith, Values, and Belonging

A deep personal connection with Jesus and alignment with the moral teachings of the Church significantly contribute to a sense of belonging (n = 5). For some, Jesus is the central figure in their faith journey, and their relationship with Him serves as a motivating force (n = 2). Core values such as honesty (n = 1), authenticity (n = 1), self-congruence (n = 1), and pardon (n = 2) further reinforce their identification with the Church. Additionally, many believe that Church institutions should prioritize Biblical teachings and moral principles inherited from Jesus to foster a stronger sense of belonging (n = 4).

Also, many respondents associate their sense of belonging with the Church’s mission of love, altruism, and service (n = 10). Acts of charity, helping the poor, and embracing others with openness and compassion were key motivators for their engagement. The love of Jesus, the call to preach His message (n = 2), and the desire to contribute spiritually to the Church (n = 1) strengthen their sense of belonging: “The Church is part of me. It is my home. Sometimes, I used to spend more time in the Church than in my own house” (Participant 19).

4.1.3. Community, Engagement, and Active Participation

Belonging to the Church is also associated with communal experiences and active participation. Respondents emphasized the importance of living in community, experiencing brotherhood (n = 5), and feeling that the Church is their home and place of inner peace (n = 1). Having a role in Church activities, contributing their opinions, and being engaged in its mission were seen as key elements that reinforce their belonging (n = 6). Actively participating, taking on responsibilities, and feeling valued by the Church community enhance their commitment and sense of identity within the Church: “I enjoy being engaged in the Church, I feel an adrenaline rush afterwards” (Participant 16).

4.1.4. Challenges, Critiques, and Demotivators

Despite having a strong attachment to the Church, some respondents mentioned barriers that diminished their sense of belonging. Institutional and cultural factors, such as a negative perception of consecrated life (n = 7) and a lack of encouragement for missions in families and schools (n = 4), contribute to disengagement. Criticisms include the Church’s perceived patriarchal and capitalistic structures, its stance on discrimination and sexism, and its judgmental attitudes towards groups that are different (n = 8). Indeed, these perceptions were shaped by participants’ personal experiences and observations; for example, a few reported hearing priests express discriminatory views toward other religious or ethnic groups during sermons, or uphold traditionalist views that they perceived as marginalizing women. The political involvement of the Church and interpersonal experiences of exclusion or discrimination were also noted as deterrents to engagement. Some respondents even expressed a preference for belonging to communities outside the Church where they feel more accepted (n = 2): “I would prefer to be engaged elsewhere, where I feel like I belong” (Participant 11).

4.1.5. Women Leadership and Belonging

Leadership, particularly the role of women in the Church, was highlighted as a factor that influences belonging (n = 1). Respondents expressed that increased female leadership would enhance their engagement and motivation to participate actively in Church life (n = 2).

4.2. Theme 2: Perception of Vocation

4.2.1. Divine Calling and Relationship with God

Vocation was commonly understood as a ‘divine calling’ from God or a deeply personal relationship with Him (n = 11). Many participants described vocation as a direct call from God, an invitation to draw closer to Him, and to prioritize this relationship in their lives. This call is not tied to a particular action, but rather about a state of being (n = 1): “It is not directly a call to do something, but a call to be a good person” (Participant 1). Since a call is involved in vocation, a response will undoubtedly be implicated. The person can choose to either respond to the calling or not (n = 4): “It is ideal to follow the vocation or calling” (Participant 18).

Many participants reported that vocation means striving to live according to the example of Jesus (n = 12).

“Vocation is a call to be in the image of God, nothing more”;

(Participant 1)

“I live my vocation by thinking what Jesus or Mary would do in my place in a particular situation”

(Participant 5)

4.2.2. Universal Nature of Vocation

Several responses highlighted the universal nature of vocation (n = 9). Participants articulated the idea that every Christian has both a general and a particular vocation, which they must discern and live in their own way.

“There is also a particular vocation that the person has to find out”;

(Participant 16)

“[There is a] vocation for everyone, because God loves everyone”;

(Participant 8)

“We all have a vocation, not only consecrated people”

(Participant 17)

4.2.3. Personal Identity and Self-Development

On a personal level, vocation was described as central to identity and self-development. Indeed, many interviewees framed vocation as a way of living life fully and finding one’s purpose (n = 5): “Call to live life to the fullest” (Participant 1). Additionally, vocation is associated with a person’s potentiality (n = 1), meaning that vocation was perceived as a path that a person can go through to reach a better version of themselves, a version that can self-actualize and serve society in an impactful manner: “Vocation is not related to what you are capable of, but the potential that God sees in you” (Participant 18).

4.2.4. Components of Vocation

Participants mentioned several components of vocation denoted by Abboud-Mzawak (2018). A central element of vocation for participants was faith and spirituality. In multiple instances, they underscored the role of faith (n = 4), becoming closer to God (n = 1), and understanding what God wants (n = 1) as elements of vocation. Another recurring component was apostolate, which participants described as being expressed through both behavior (n = 1) and values (n = 2). Closely related to this is the concept of the selfless nature of service and help of the other (n = 1), emphasizing that vocation is lived out through acts of generosity and giving without expecting anything in return. This is related to two values in Christian vocation that were highlighted by participants as crucial elements of vocation: love (n = 2) and respect (n = 3). Participants also mentioned the relational and communal aspects of vocation. Some emphasized the importance of family (n = 2) as a space where vocation is nurtured, while others extended this to society (n = 1) and schools (n = 1), indicating that vocation is lived within various social contexts. Another essential aspect highlighted by participants was freedom, specifically the freedom of accepting it or not (n = 3). This goes back to the idea of responding to the calling mentioned in a previous section. This is also tied to the awareness of vocation (n = 2). Lastly, participants referenced theological dimensions such as baptism (n = 1) and the Kingdom of God (n = 2) as components of vocation.

4.2.5. Family and Background Influences

A few responses also noted the role of family and background in shaping the perception of vocation. Some participants claimed that their upbringing and family traditions were a key influence in their sense of vocation, particularly those who grew up in religiously practicing households (n = 3): “My vocation started thanks to my family background, which was Christian and engaged” (Participant 5). Others expressed concerns that vocation is diminishing within families (n = 5), and pointed to it as a principal cause of the decrease in levels of vocation today.

4.3. Theme 3: Factors Influencing the Choice of a Consecrated Life

Broader social challenges also impact consecrated life, as shifting ideological and cultural perspectives have led to a decline in young women pursuing this vocation (n = 3). Negative societal perceptions towards consecrated individuals add to the difficulties, with some respondents mentioning the negative image of consecrated women in Lebanese society (n = 2).

Some participants emphasized the importance of personal calling and intrinsic motivation when choosing a consecrated life (n = 2). They noted that vocation remains a deeply personal experience: “If I didn’t have a vocation (or calling), I wouldn’t have stayed in consecrated life” (Participant 20). The key perceived difference between lay and consecrated vocation is that consecrated have given their entire life to God (n = 2).

4.4. Theme 4: Decreasing Vocational Commitment and Belonging to the Church

4.4.1. Changing Social, Cultural, and Familial Contexts

One of the primary reasons cited for the decline in religious vocations is the broader shift in social and ideological values (n = 10). Participants noted that contemporary society has become more secular, with young women demonstrating less interest in religion or prioritizing it less in their lives (n = 4). A growing emphasis on individualism has also altered the way religion is practiced, making it more personal rather than communal or familial (n = 1). At the same time, religious influence within families and educational settings has weakened. Participants pointed to a noticeable decline in religious education, with parents and schools placing less emphasis on faith formation (n = 7). Lastly, smaller family sizes were also mentioned as a contributing factor, as they may lead to fewer children being encouraged to pursue religious vocations (n = 3).

4.4.2. Educational and Socio-Economic Factors

Educational and economic factors also play a crucial role in shaping young women’s life choices. Higher educational standards and career aspirations have become central, leading many to prioritize professional development over religious commitment (n = 4).

4.4.3. Desire for Personal Freedom, Autonomy, and Alternative Lifestyles

A strong emphasis was placed on the desire for personal freedom, autonomy, and alternative lifestyles (n = 7). Many participants noted that young women today seek flexibility in their lives, preferring lay paths that allow them to maintain relationships with friends and family while still living their faith: “Women are choosing lay life because they want freedom in lifestyle” (Participant 9). Empowerment and autonomy were highlighted as major influences, with many believing that they can live out their religious vocation without taking vows (n = 11). The ability to disagree with Church values and retain the option to change one’s path was also seen as a factor in choosing lay life. Additionally, the desire for romantic relationships was frequently mentioned as a reason for rejecting consecrated life: “Women are choosing a lay path because they can live their vocation outside of being consecrated” (Participant 19).

4.4.4. Perceptions of Consecrated Life and Institutional Issues

Finally, a barrier is the perception and testimony of consecrated life. Many young women are deterred by negative portrayals of religious life and unappealing testimonies from older consecrated women (n = 3). Criticism of the Church’s institutional and structural aspects was another major sub-category. Participants pointed to leadership issues, generational gaps, and a perceived failure to evolve in response to societal change. The Church’s inability to align with modern values was seen as a demotivating factor, as was the lack of inspiring role models within religious congregations. Some young women feel that they are looking for something that the Church no longer provides, leading them to seek alternative ways of expressing their faith. Some participants noted that the Church’s mistakes and rigid structures alienate younger generations (n = 5). As such, pressure and restrictions associated with consecrated life are seen as burdensome rather than fulfilling. Similarly, interviewees think that older consecrated women cannot attract young women to become consecrated (n = 3).

“The pressure and restrictions in consecrated life weigh heavily on young women, which does not attract them”

(Participant 10)

Also, a number of participants feel like women’s congregations are not evolving, which does not motivate young women to join and consider consecrated life (n = 3). It is also perceived that the Church has, to a certain extent, distanced itself from its religious principles: “Young women perceive that the example of Jesus is away from the Church [today]” (Participant 7).

5. Discussion

To our knowledge, this study is the first to investigate how young Catholic women perceive their vocation and sense of belonging to the Church in Lebanon. It also examines how sociocultural factors have influenced these perceptions, particularly within a Lebanese or Middle Eastern context.

Overall, the findings suggest that social and ideological changes influence the sense of belonging within the Church by altering societal values, norms, and the role of religion in one’s life. This trend mirrors global patterns of religious disengagement and shifting spiritual priorities among youth (Mandes and Rogaczewska 2013; Kasselstrand 2015). A multinational study of 41 countries found that youth around the world are becoming less religious in several aspects, including practices and beliefs (Pew Research Center 2018). Similar patterns of religious disengagement have been observed in several Arab countries, including Tunisia, Libya, Algeria, and Yemen, throughout the last decade (Arab Barometer 2023). This trend can be explained by the gradual increase in secularization within these societies, which has contributed to the disengagement observed among youth (Wu 2007). In our study, this pattern was especially apparent in the reported roles of families and upbringing in the development of this sense of belonging. As secularization, individualism, and shifting gender norms become more pronounced in many contexts, they challenge traditional forms of engagement, thereby affecting how women perceive their place within the Church (Davis and Williamson 2019).

Similarly, the social and ideological changes influence the perception that young women have of the Church, particularly women’s congregations. As shown in the interviews, young women tend to perceive them as rigid, traditional, and not in line with their social experiences. This is a clear influence of these changes on the perception of the Church. Women’s congregations face criticism for rigidly maintaining traditional norms rather than adapting to contemporary expectations (Abboud-Mzawak and Younes 2025). A few participants viewed the Church as patriarchal (Ruether 2014), noting women’s absence from leadership positions. These perceptions most likely reflect broader shifts associated with secularization, whereby traditional religious institutions are viewed through the lens of individual freedoms and gender equality (Patsch 2022). In this context, the participants’ perception may not solely reflect doctrinal positions, but also broader societal expectations and cultural changes, which can lead to the Church being perceived as exclusionary or outdated.

According to Allen et al.’s (2021) model of belonging, this lack of women’s representation can undermine their sense of connection to the Church, leading them to seek fulfillment elsewhere. This points to the need for women’s congregations to evolve in response to social and ideological shifts (Abboud-Mzawak and Younes 2025). Many young women perceive religious congregations as adhering to outdated norms, which can create a disconnect between contemporary aspirations and traditional models of consecrated life. Congregations can explore ways to modernize their approach, making consecrated life more relevant to their social realities (Hughes 2013).

There is a widening disconnect between the Church, particularly women’s congregations, and society. Many young people perceive the Church as distanced from their everyday realities, especially those shaped by modern understandings of gender equality. Women may struggle to see themselves reflected in the Church’s structures, narratives, and leadership, which in turn diminishes their sense of belonging and perceived relevance of the institution in their lives (Dorr 2019).

In terms of vocation, there appears to be a shift in perceptions. The decrease in vocations among young women today echoes previous findings that youth only partially integrate Christian values into their lives (Abboud-Mzawak 2012). This distancing from Christian values and principles has likely increased since. A more recent worldwide study examining youth religiosity found that young adults are less religious by several measures, being less attached to their religion and considering it less important in their daily lives (Pew Research Center 2018). In line with this trend, research has found that religiously practicing young adults are more interested in belonging to the religion or participating in rituals for social reasons than in engaging with the religious values and principles taught by the Church (Kasselstrand 2015). Some sociologists suggest they are more interested in belonging to a community rather than finding a spiritual path (Day 2011). This explains why most lay young women in our sample were engaged in the Church but lacked a profound understanding of vocational commitment and its components.

Collectively, these challenges, combined with changing personal understandings of vocation, seem to significantly contribute to the decline in consecrated life among young Catholic women. This shifting perception is further evidenced by how lay participants believe Christian vocation now extends beyond consecrated life into work, family, and community service (Dik et al. 2014; Lund et al. 2021). The declining interest in consecrated life reflects these broader sociocultural changes, with many young women preferring religious engagement without committing to a consecrated lifestyle. Instead, they seek to balance their religious identity with career and family aspirations (Gregor and O’Brien 2015).

Lastly, it is important to note that, according to the participants, among women who have a strong sense of belonging and vocation, those who choose to follow a consecrated life are the ones with strong intrinsic motivation or those who have experienced a personal ‘calling’ (Lefeuvre 1999).

To sum up, the complex relationship between all these social factors and components is illustrated in Figure 2, which proposes a framework explaining the relationship between them.

6. Conclusions

This study explored the perceptions of vocation and the sense of belonging to the Church among Lebanese lay and consecrated women and provides a comprehensive explanation of the socio-cultural factors contributing to the decline of both. Additionally, based on the qualitative findings, it proposes a holistic framework that explains the influence of these factors on belonging to the Church and vocation among young Catholic women. To our knowledge, this study is the first to explore this socio-religious research question in Lebanon. In terms of implications for the Catholic Church, the study highlights the necessity of expanding leadership opportunities for women. It also suggests that women’s congregations, especially in Lebanon, must adapt and modernize in response to social and ideological shifts to maintain relevance in the social realities of young women.

This study is grounded in a qualitative and interpretive methodology using a convenience sample to explore the lived experiences and subjective meanings that young Catholic women in Lebanon attribute to vocation and belonging. As such, the findings remain preliminary and do not aim to represent a complete, infallible understanding of the phenomenon or a comprehensive institutional or regional reality of the Catholic Church in Lebanon. Future quantitative large-scale studies would be valuable to complement or build upon these qualitative findings (Ertl et al. 2020).

While the participants’ narratives collected in this study offer valuable insights into numerous personal and cultural factors that affect vocation and belonging, they may not have captured certain potentially relevant factors, such as political instability, regional security challenges, or the multi-confessional religious landscape that also shapes religious identity and institutional belonging in Lebanon (Durand 2004). Moreover, interfaith and ecumenical dimensions, while highly relevant to the Lebanese context, were not raised by participants and thus remained outside the scope of this study (Haddad and Fischbach 2015). These elements limit the scope of the findings and pave the way for future research.

Overall, despite some limitations, this study offers important initial insights into the relationship between vocation and the sense of belonging to the Church among Lebanese women. It enhances our understanding of how faith, identity, and vocation interact in a rapidly changing religious landscape.