The Religious Lives of University Students: The Case of Turkey

Abstract

This study is a qualitative study conducted in order to examine the religious lives of students studying in different faculties of (x) University in the academic year 2024–2025 and to understand their perspectives on religious beliefs and practices. The research data were obtained through semi-structured interviews with 20 students on a voluntary basis. In the study, students’ worship habits, such as prayer, fasting, reading the Qur’an, and praying, which can be considered as the basic worship practices of Islam, and the reflection of these habits on their lives were discussed. The data obtained show that the majority of the students attach importance to religious practices but have various difficulties in fulfilling these practices. In the study, it was determined that most of the participants evaluated prayer as a means of connecting with God, finding inner peace, and gaining a sense of responsibility, and fasting in the context of patience, self-training, empathy, and spiritual maturity. The majority of the participants embraced the Qur’an as the main source and sacred text of Islam, and they practiced reading the Qur’an in Arabic more than they practiced reading the translation. Praying was determined as the most common and continuous practice among the participants. As a result, it has been determined that although university youth do not have different results in terms of beliefs regarding worship, they do not show the same sensitivity in terms of practice.

1. Introduction: The Period of Youth and Religious Values

Undoubtedly, one of the most important phases in a person’s life is the period of youth. This stage marks the transition from childhood to adulthood, where individuals begin to take on numerous duties and responsibilities. Youth is not only one of the periods of fastest biological development but also a time of significant psychological and religious development. It is during this phase that individuals start to mature physically, mentally, and socially, seeking to discover their identity and find their place in society. Furthermore, youth is a period when individuals make important decisions that can shape their future lives (Arnett 2000; Zavalsız 2023; Yörükoğlu 1985).

According to Islamic tradition, the period of youth (puberty) is also considered a crucial stage, marking the beginning of religious obligations. At this point, individuals assume the responsibility of living according to religious commands and prohibitions and attain the status of an adult. From an Islamic perspective, it is evident that Islam places great importance on youth. The term “feta” in the Qur’an refers to young people (21:60; 18:13–14; 12:36; Kabakçılı 2011), and acts of worship performed during this period are considered particularly meritorious. The Prophet Muhammad also gave considerable importance to young people and honored them in various ways (Kocabaş 2019). Many of the early followers of Islam were also young individuals. Today, societies continue to view youth as the guarantee of the future and assign great significance to them.

When examined in terms of religious belief and worship, recent years have witnessed debates suggesting that—parallel to global developments (Inglehart 2021)—young people in Turkey may not be entirely abandoning religion, but are becoming more distant from it or are leaning toward alternative belief systems (Köse 2023). One of the most debated topics is the rapid spread of deism among youth. In Turkey, deism was first scientifically addressed in the 2018 workshop report titled “Youth and Faith” held in Konya. According to this report, the most frequently asked question among youth was the “problem of evil” (www.iktibasdergisi.com).

Although today’s youth may not be completely distancing themselves from religion or becoming deists as some media outlets suggest (Güner 2021, p. 1835; Menküç 2019, p. 6; Ermiş 2019, p. 63; Harmankaya 2020, p. 59), it is true that they are developing a new form of religiosity (Voas and Crockett 2005). This form of religiosity can be described as “individual spirituality” or “subjective religiosity.” Individual spirituality refers to the distancing from institutional religion by confining faith to a personal domain, along with the belief that religious norms should not dominate fields like politics, science, or economics (Roof 1999; Zavalsız 2023). “Subjective religiosity,” on the other hand, is defined as the preference to live one’s faith individually while remaining committed to the core beliefs and texts of religion, but detached from traditional religious institutions, authorities, and teachings (Meydan and Aydın 2020; Ysseldyk et al. 2010).

Today’s youth tend to adopt moral teachings rather than adhere strictly to religious rules and rituals, favoring a more emotional form of religiosity. Many young people believe that the essence of religion lies not in its form but in its meaning (i.e., sincerity and humility), and they consider someone to be religious if they deeply feel their faith—even if they do not participate in collective acts of worship (Meydan and Aydın 2020; Shimron 2018; Hackett et al. 2018; Ysseldyk et al. 2010). This indicates that young people tend to place less importance on the ritualistic and social aspects of religiosity (Smith and Denton 2005).

This issue was also emphasized at the 6th Religious Council held by Turkey’s Presidency of Religious Affairs (PRA-Diyanet İşleri Başkanlığı) from 25 to 28 November, 2019. The final report stated: “The transformation triggered by industrialization, urbanization, and rapidly advancing technological communication networks has profoundly shaken the social structure and significantly affected beliefs and religious practices. As a result, individual religiosity has come to the forefront, alternative interpretations of religion have become more expressible, and new religious movements have emerged with intensity” (DİB 2020).

All these developments have negatively influenced young people’s trust in religious groups, sects, and communities, as well as in religious institutions such as the Presidency of Religious Affairs, muftis, preachers, and religious education teachers (Zavalsız 2023, pp. 31–34). While no significant problems have emerged in terms of faith, there has been a notable decline in religious practices (Hardie et al. 2013).

2. Related Studies

In recent years, the number of studies focusing on youth in Turkey has increased rapidly (Abay 2020). In this study, we will highlight only a selection of the most recent research that aligns with our topic.

Taş (2010), in his study on the religiosity perceptions of university students, identifies three types of religiosity typologies: traditional/legalistic religiosity, modernist/humanist religiosity, and popular/superstitious religiosity. He states that university youth predominantly align with the “modernist/humanist religiosity” type. According to the author, this form of religiosity emphasizes universal moral values such as a clear conscience, honesty, kindness, and helpfulness. It does not require commitment to religious authorities, emphasizes humanism as a core value, and tends to place less importance on following religious rules or performing rituals.

Turan and İyibilgin (2018) conducted a study on 313 students from various faculties at (x) University to examine the relationship between their religiosity and their attitudes toward the Qur’an, the central source of Islam. They found that participants had high levels of religiosity and strong perceptions of the Qur’an. Female students had higher averages in both religiosity and interest in the Qur’an compared to males. Moreover, being able to read the Qur’an in Arabic emerged as a factor influencing both religiosity and interest in the Qur’an.

Meydan and Aydın (2020), in a qualitative study conducted with 30 students aged 19–25 from 21 departments at Zonguldak Bülent Ecevit University, examined youth perspectives on institutional and subjective religiosity, as well as the factors shaping and differentiating these perceptions. The study concluded that students showed a strong tendency to define themselves through subjective religious understanding. This tendency was significantly influenced by their perception of religious institutions and officials, as well as the university environment.

In a study conducted by Güner (2021) with 1572 students (801 female and 771 male) from various faculties at Adnan Menderes University, 70.5% of students identified as Muslim, while 3.4% identified as Sunni, 6.7% as Alawi, 7.8% as deist, 5.4% as atheist, 2.3% as agnostic, and 3.8% adhered to other belief systems. Additionally, 44.3% reported occasionally performing prayers, while 48.1% never prayed; 25% fasted regularly, 42% occasionally; 10% regularly attended Friday prayers, whereas 49.7% never did; 40.3% prayed regularly, 42.7% occasionally, and 17% never; and 68.8% believed in the Qur’an, 17.6% did not, and 13.6% were unsure.

Koç (2021), in his master’s thesis conducted in Başakşehir district of Istanbul, examined high school students’ perceptions of deism. The findings revealed that students maintained a distant stance toward religion. While they believed in the existence of God, they questioned practices such as worship, religious rituals, divine revelation, and prophethood (Koç 2021, p. 158).

Zavalsız (2023), in his field study titled “Youth Perspectives on Religion: A University Sample,” examined the religious perspectives of students aged 18–25 during the 2022–2023 academic year at (x) University and (x) University. Using a quantitative method with 29 questions and 763 students, the study found that most youth hold theoretical religious beliefs. However, a decline in religious practices was noted. Despite respecting religious values cognitively, students were found to possess an eclectic understanding of religion, independent of religious authority.

Based on these sample research findings, the following general observation can be made: although the majority of youth do not appear to have fundamental issues regarding belief, approximately 20% tend to align with belief systems such as deism, atheism, or agnosticism. Their levels of engagement in religious practices such as five daily prayers, fasting, attending Friday prayers, visiting mosques or cemevis, praying, or reading the Qur’an appear to be relatively low.

3. Discussion and Comment

Prayer, fasting, zakat, and pilgrimage, which constitute the basic conditions of Islam, as well as behaviors such as sacrifice, prayer, reading the Qur’an, and giving charity are the most famous examples of worship (Koca 1999, p. 240). These acts of worship are obligatory for every intelligent Muslim who has reached the age of puberty. Worships such as zakat, pilgrimage, and sacrifice, which require a certain financial power, were excluded from our study (taking into account the financial situation of university students) and prayer, fasting, reading the Qur’an, and prayer were selected. Let us now look at these data in more detail.

3.1. University Students’ Perspective on Five Daily Prayers

According to Islam, prayer is an obligatory worship that must be performed five times a day for every Muslim who has reached the age of puberty and is of sound mind and health (Yaşaroğlu 2006, p. 350). Compared to other acts of worship, prayer is more frequently repeated, can be performed by individuals of all social statuses, and develops a sense of responsibility by providing a continuous contact with Allah (Şentürk 2009, p. 87). Therefore, it can be said that all of the participants are qualified to fulfill the worship of prayer and are the addressees of this worship.

In the study, the participants were asked what they thought about prayer, how often they prayed, how they felt when they did or did not pray, and how prayer affected their lives. First of all, when we look at what they think about prayer, some of the answers are as follows:

“I think it is a physical and spiritual worship that our religion obliges us to perform, that it provides peace in the inner journey of human beings, and that it is a gateway to spiritual communication with God.”

(P3)

“Although I have neglected it recently, I think it is one of the indispensable worships in religious life. I think it should be integrated into normal life, and I think it is a worship that provides inner peace when you are alone, as in other worships, which relaxes people and makes them feel good. I think it is a worship that allows us to take a mental break during the day by separating certain hours from daily life.”

(P20)

“It is one of the prayers of Muslims, something that gives people peace and makes them happy, like meditation”

(P8)

“I think prayer is very necessary. Because it helps you achieve a very organized life. For example, if I start with the morning prayer, my productivity increases on that day. It also fills your soul spiritually. You start a little happy. You remember Allah. You remember why you live with prayer.”

(P2)

As can be seen here, the participants especially emphasized that prayer is a peaceful worship, that it provides a connection with Allah, that it gives order to human life, and that it is an obligatory worship in Islam. When we look at the frequency of prayer of the participants who attribute these meanings to prayer, it is seen that most of them include prayer in their lives in some way. As a matter of fact, 6 of the participants stated that they always make an effort to pray, 11 stated that they pray occasionally (especially on holy days and nights, during Ramadan, and in times of distress), and 3 participants stated that they never pray. In another study that can be considered similar to these results, it was observed that 159 of the university students prayed occasionally, 138 of them always, 110 of them mostly, 64 of them rarely, and 32 of them never prayed (Yürürdurmaz 2019, p. 46). Again, in the “Youth in Turkey” research conducted by SEKAM, 24.3% of the participants stated that they regularly pray five times a day, while 49.6% stated that they pray occasionally. On the other hand, 26.2% stated that they do not pray at all (SEKAM 2016, p. 339).

When we look at the results regarding the status and frequency of prayer in terms of the gender of the participants, the number of female participants among those who stated that they always pray is higher, while there are no female participants among those who stated that they never pray. As a matter of fact, in the study conducted by Öztürk on the religiosity attitudes of university students, the gender variable created a significant difference in terms of “Worship Dimension Scale Score”, and this dimension was determined to be higher in women than in men (Öztürk 2022, pp. 41–42). Again, in the study conducted by Pancar in a sample of young adults, the attitudes and behaviors of female individuals towards continuous orientation to worship were found to be higher than those of male individuals (Pancar 2024, p. 163). In fact, this change and differentiation between genders is not limited to prayer worship, but it is a differentiation that has been identified and confirmed in many studies in a wider framework in matters of faith and in the fulfillment of other worships. Studies conducted on different samples in Turkey show that women are more religious than men. In a study conducted by Ayten on a sample of university students using a unidimensional religiosity scale, it was found that the average religiosity of women (mean 27.4) was higher than the average religiosity of men (mean 25.9) (Ayten 2013, p. 18). Again, in a study conducted by Kızılgeçit and Vural in the sample of Rize, Güneysu, it is seen that women have higher averages than men in both general religiosity and belief-impact and worship-knowledge dimensions (Kızılgeçit and Vural 2017, p. 269). Similar results were also found in the study conducted by Şentepe and Güven, in which it was observed that women had higher scores than men in both general religiosity and the belief-impact and worship dimensions of religiosity (Şentepe and Güven 2015, p. 35).

There are also some studies showing that male religiosity is high (Mehmedoğlu 2004, pp. 161–2; Onay 2004, p. 103; Turan 2017, p. 142; Uysal 2006, p. 199). However, it is possible to say that women’s religiosity stands out in most of the studies conducted in Turkey. The following explanations are given for the psychological explanation of the higher level of women’s religiosity compared to men: Women are more at risk in social life than men and are more naïve than men in terms of self-protection, women attach more importance to the afterlife and are more afraid of being held accountable and punished after death, they have more feelings of guilt and regret, and they have different personality traits than men (such as dependency, passivity, and anxiety), which may cause women to be more religious than men. In addition, the patriarchal social structure may also affect this situation. It is argued that, within this structure, feelings of obedience and responsibility in girls and feelings of trust and independence in boys are supported, and therefore women’s religious commitment is affected by this upbringing. The fact that women are more open to persuasion and guidance, and that women are more disadvantaged than men in terms of many socio-economic characteristics, especially economic independence and having a profession, can be considered as approaches that allow the explanation of female religiosity (Turan and İyibilgin 2018, pp. 413–4; Köylü 2003).

Another question asked to the participants about prayer is the emotion they feel when they pray. Participants who stated that they prayed all the time or occasionally stated that they felt relieved, spiritually cleansed, and had fulfilled their responsibilities and therefore felt happy and peaceful when they prayed:

“I feel refreshed and spiritually cleansed. I think it reduces my troubles. Especially in congregational prayers, I feel that spiritual feeling more”

(P11)

“I feel good with the beauty of fulfilling my duty.”

(P17)

“Actually, it is very peaceful, but I am too lazy to pray. This situation makes me sad. I would like to get more flavor from my prayers, but I think my ego gets in the way.”

(P2)

“I feel very happy when I pray, especially if I pray early, especially for night prayer. Then I feel like I’ve accomplished something, like I’ve passed an exam or turned in an assignment. As if the day was not wasted. Otherwise, it feels like the day is wasted.”

(P1)

In the study conducted by Sayın to examine the effect of prayer on character development in a sample of university students, it was found that the most intensely felt emotion was “the lightness and comfort of fulfilling my duty to Allah” with a rate of 37.8%. This was followed by “spiritual peace and happiness” with 35.6%, “spiritual satisfaction and fulfillment” with 12.4%, “sadness caused by not doing my duty properly” with 6.6%, and “the feeling that prayers and gratitude were answered” with 6.4% (Sayın 2003, p. 97).

While it was accepted by all participants that it is an obligatory act of worship in Islam as a responsibility, they expressed their feelings in case of not praying as follows:

“When I don’t pray, I feel very empty. I feel very guilty. But I try to suppress that guilt. I say I was very tired.”

(P1)

“When I don’t pray, I hold myself accountable. Why didn’t I do it? What was more valuable than going to Allah?”

(P17)

“I feel sad when you can’t or don’t pray, something is bothering me. I wish I had done it. I tell myself what if you die at a time when you don’t pray like this.”

(P12)

Participants described their feelings of guilt and regret in the case of not praying. There are also participants who stated that they do not pray even though they feel guilty in this way and that the guilt in question does not affect them in terms of orientation to worship:

“Sometimes I feel guilty for not praying unless my mother forces me to. But unfortunately, this feeling of guilt does not make me pray.”

(P7)

Here, it is also necessary to examine the reasons that prevent the individual from praying despite experiencing feelings of guilt. In a study conducted by Çelik in 2024 examining the religious lives of young people under the influence of popular culture, the participants stated the following as reasons for not performing their prayers: laziness; losing interest in worship by getting carried away with things like TV, internet, etc.; not finding time for worship due to the intensity of the courses; being alone in worship due to the lack of a suitable circle of friends; not being motivated by schools and teachers in worship; not fully believing in the necessity of worship; and the family not giving importance to worship (Çelik 2024, p. 81).

On the other hand, two of the participants who stated that they had never prayed stated that they did not have any negative feelings and thoughts because they did not pray:

“I do not feel its deficiency.”

(P14)

“Actually, I thought about it when you mentioned it, I guess I don’t feel the lack of it when I don’t do it because I never include it in my life. Prayer is not my only way of contact with Allah.”

(P8)

When the answers given by these participants not only to this question but also to other questions were analyzed in general, it was determined that they were indifferent to religion and other worship, and for this reason they expressed that they did not feel any regret for not praying and that they did not feel any deficiency.

The participants were also asked about how prayer affects human life, and it was found that prayer was evaluated as a worship that affects human life in terms of contributing to time management, organizing life, being good for human psychology, and constantly remembering Allah:

“It organizes my life, makes me who I am, reminds me of my priorities.”

(P15)

“First of all, the fact that prayer is a routine is a healing, anxiety-controlling factor. I think that these simple actions can also have an effect on depression. I think that praying regularly and finishing the prayer can contribute to the feeling of success and dopamine secretion.”

(P2)

Most of the participants gave similar answers, stating that prayer has a positive effect on human life. Again, in the study conducted by Kımter on the relationship between prayer and psychological well-being, it was found that both five daily prayers and supererogatory prayers have a positive effect on people’s psychological well-being, and that five daily prayers are relatively more effective than supererogatory prayers (Kımter 2016, pp. 325–26).

On the other hand, there were some participants who did not know how it would affect them because they did not pray or did not think that prayer would have any effect. Their answers are as follows:

“I don’t know exactly how it will affect my life since I have never prayed before, but I think it will change my social environment the most.”

(P3)

“I don’t think praying will affect my life.”

(P8)

Another participant stated that praying made him happy, but the feeling he would experience would be regret because he did not pray regularly. In fact, the fact that he had the thought that he would regret it is valuable in terms of his understanding of the necessity of prayer and being aware of its importance:

“I don’t think it affects my current life much, even if I am happy when I pray sometimes, it doesn’t change anything in my life, but I have a feeling that I might regret not praying more often in the future.”

(P9)

When the approaches of university students to prayer, the most basic act of worship in Islam, are examined in general terms, it is seen that almost all of the participants agree on the necessity of prayer, but not all of them show the same sensitivity in fulfilling this necessity. In particular, those who see prayer as a process of communication with God, a means of spiritual relaxation, and a refuge have higher rates of prayer, while participants who have not received such an education from their families or have never experienced it seem to have lower rates of prayer. Of course, there are a number of reasons behind these preferences of the participants. In a qualitative study conducted by Kalenci, it was stated that the factors that contribute positively to the acquisition of prayer behavior include the family praying and encouraging the individual to pray, having exemplary models who pray in the social environment, having the experience of praying with the congregation, benefiting from holy places and experts, and the formation of a sense of responsibility in the individual, while the situations that have a negative impact on the acquisition of prayer behavior are summarized as the wrong attitudes and behaviors of the family, the negative impact of the social environment, laziness, and boredom (Kalenci 2016).

3.2. University Students’ Views on the Worship of Fasting

Like prayer, fasting is obligatory for every Muslim who is of sound mind and has reached the age of puberty. The goal of fasting is to help people attain taqwa (see 2:183–184). Fasting is one of the most effective acts of worship in developing values such as constant remembrance of God, self-control, loyalty, gratitude, patience, compassion, and responsibility. On the other hand, it is a worship with a much higher rate of fulfillment in all segments of Turkish society compared to other worships (Nişancı 2023; DİB 2014).

In the study, the participants were asked about their thoughts on fasting, their fasting status, and their feelings when they fasted or did not fast. Accordingly, 13 participants stated that they fasted regularly every Ramadan, 3 stated that they usually fasted, 2 stated that they fasted occasionally, and 2 stated that they never fasted. Although fasting is a worship with a high rate of fulfillment in society compared to other worships, there has been a significant decrease in the rate of those who fast in recent years. In a 2007 study conducted by Uysal with a sample of 1450 people, it was determined that 91% of the participants fasted continuously, 6% fasted occasionally, and 3% did not fast at all (Uysal 2007, p. 27). In 2014, in a study titled “Religious Life in Turkey”, the rate of those who said that they fasted during Ramadan when their health permitted was around 83% (DİB 2014, p. 72).

In 2016, SEKAM’s research on “Youth in Turkey” found that 85.1% of respondents fasted regularly, 12.2% fasted occasionally and 2.7% never fasted (SEKAM 2016, p. 343). In a study conducted by Nişancı in 2023, the rate of those who stated that they always or frequently fasted decreased to 75%, while the rate of participants who stated that they rarely or never fasted increased to 16% (Nişancı 2023, p. 48).

When these rates are examined in terms of the gender variable, there are studies that have found that gender creates differentiation in fasting worship as in prayer worship and that women have a higher rate of fulfilling worship compared to men. In the “Youth in Turkey” research, when the factual status of the participants in terms of whether they fast or not is analyzed, it is seen that women fast at a slightly higher rate and regularly compared to men (SEKAM 2016, p. 344). Similarly, in a study conducted by Nişancı, it was observed that women in Turkey fast more regularly than men, 77% of women stated that they fasted “often” or “always” during Ramadan, while this rate was 74% among men (Nişancı 2023, p. 48).

In the study, the participants were asked about their thoughts on the worship of fasting. Accordingly, when their answers were analyzed, it was seen that they defined fasting within the framework of concepts such as patience, ego control, empathy, and will training:

“It is one of the most important acts of worship after prayer in order to get rid of one’s ego and unnecessary thoughts and to turn towards the truth.”

(P16)

“Fasting increases one’s willpower. It should definitely be kept.”

(P5)

“It is one of my favorite acts of worship that allows one to control one’s ego, because it is always worth the wait.”

(P12)

“I think it is exactly empathy.”

(P19)

On the other hand, the statement of the participant who stated that although he accepts the mentioned features of fasting worship, it has moved away from its purpose in social life is as follows:

“I find fasting refreshing and I love that feeling of Ramadan. But I think it has gone beyond its meaning in this period you are living in. It has deviated from its purpose. It has become like preparing a big table for the evening and thinking about the food we will eat in the evening all day, and I think this is far from its purpose.”

(P17)

Many of the participating university students stated that fasting made them feel healthy, vigorous, happy, and good:

“A little tired and hungry. But when you keep in mind who you are doing it for and why you are doing it, it is not difficult and I am happy in the end.”

(P12)

“I feel positive because I am fulfilling my duty of servitude and I am disciplining my ego.”

(P18)

“As a person who loves to eat, I think it gives me self-control. I also feel healthier and more vigorous.”

(P16)

“Although I have difficulties during fasting, I like iftar and sahur time very much. It makes me feel good and I feel better when I do my prayers and fast during Ramadan.”

(P11)

Despite these generally positive thoughts and attitudes about fasting, there are also participants who consider fasting as a torture for human beings and do not consider it necessary:

“I know that fasting is an important condition, but if God doesn’t prescribe sin, I will tell the truth, it doesn’t make sense to me, I don’t understand its purpose, I don’t think fasting is the only way to understand the poor.”

(P9)

“When I was a child, we used to keep it, sometimes we were enthusiastic, but now it feels like a torment to oneself and I don’t keep it at all.”

(P8)

The majority of participants expressed positive opinions about the effects of fasting on human well-being. As a matter of fact, the effect of fasting on human well-being has been determined in different studies. In a study conducted by Kaya and Küçük examining the relationship between university students’ worship attendance and the meaning of life and psychological well-being, it was observed that there was a significant positive relationship between fasting worship and psychological well-being (Kaya and Küçük 2017, p. 38). Similarly, Kımter, in a study conducted on a sample of 100 people, found that fasting provides better coping with stress and benefits well-being and happiness (Kımter 2015; Haque 2004).

On the other hand, there are also participants who focus on the spiritual dimension of fasting, its spiritual benefits beyond its material benefits, and its reward in the hereafter, considering that fasting is tiring for the human body. These participants explained their views as follows:

“Physically tired but spiritually vigorous.”

(P20)

“I can understand the reasons for most of the requirements of religion, but I cannot understand fasting, so I can only look at it from the aspect of reward and heaven. I feel good only in these points.”

(P7)

In cases where fasting, which was accepted as obligatory by almost all participants, was not practiced, they described themselves as guilty, indebted, unhappy, and regretful:

“I would feel very guilty, even ashamed of myself if I were to eat something.”

(P13)

“I think not fasting is different from not praying. It is already like that in society. Many people fast. They are willing to fast, but prayer is not the same. As if not praying is more innocent. It is five times a day and you can start it every day anyway, but if fasting is not kept temporarily during Ramadan, it cannot be kept at any other time.”

(P6)

One participant stated that fasting had no meaning for him, but he was afraid of being judged by his family and social circle:

“It is a big problem for my family and social circle, if they know that I don’t fast, they will think that I have done something bad, but unfortunately I feel like nothing much has changed, it doesn’t affect me.”

(P9)

Here, it is seen that the participant explains what his family and his environment will think before himself while explaining the feelings he feels when he does not fast. It is also clear that his family and environment put religious pressure on him. Here, it is necessary to discuss why the participant moved away from worship despite the preferences of his family and environment. Since the family is the first institution where religious education begins, it is known that the nature of the education, and especially parental attitudes, play an important role in shaping the religious development of the individual. In the qualitative study conducted by Bilecik with 25 participants, it was determined that individuals raised with democratic parental attitudes develop a healthier religious attitude, while authoritarian, overprotective and indifferent parental attitudes are more insufficient in terms of forming religiosity in individuals. It was emphasized that individuals who grew up with authoritarian parental attitudes and received religious education in this style fulfilled their religious obligations while the authority figure was dominant in their lives during childhood and adolescence, but then they stopped (Bilecik 2017, pp. 27–28). Here, the fact that the participant hid the fact that he did not fast from his family may be because he was raised in an authoritarian attitude.

In general, when we look at the perceptions and attitudes of university students towards the worship of fasting, it is seen that fasting is a worship practiced by the majority of the participants; it is evaluated in the context of patience, self-training, empathy, and spiritual maturity. On the other hand, fasting is perceived as an important religious practice that reinforces the sense of social solidarity and sharing as well as being a means of individual discipline and moral development. Although the meaning of fasting is questioned by some participants due to the negative impact of social changes on religion, religiosity, and religious worship, and this worship is perceived as a physiological burden or social pressure, its importance is still accepted by the majority.

3.3. University Students’ View of the Holy Qur’an

According to Islamic belief, the Qur’an is a miraculous word in Arabic that was revealed to the last prophet Muhammad by Allah through Gabriel in an unknown way, written in mushafs, transmitted by tawatur, worshipped by reading, and others are incapable of bringing the like (Birışık 2002). In the study, the participants were asked questions about their thoughts on the Qur’an, the holy book of Muslims, their reading of the Qur’an, and their preference for reading the Qur’an in Turkish or in Arabic. First of all, when we look at the way the young participants define the Holy Qur’an, it is seen that the most preferred definition by the participants is “the holy book of Islam”. In addition, there were also participants who made definitions using concepts and analogies such as miracle, guide, or guide and source of healing. Some of these statements are as follows:

“A miracle book sent by Allah through Gabriel, containing rules that are valid at all times.”

(P11)

“I think it is full of valuable information. It is a book that guides people at every moment of their lives”

(P16)

“It is something that heals the soul, nourishes and relaxes people spiritually.”

(P20)

Apart from these definitions, there were also participants who defined the Holy Qur’an as God’s means or way of communicating with people:

“Words are inadequate. It is as if my God is writing us a letter.”

(P2)

“In the Holy Qur’an, Allah literally speaks to us.”

(P5)

On the other hand, definitions emphasizing the dimension of guiding human life were also made:

“It is the book of life sent by Allah to His servants.”

(P6)

“I think that the Qur’an explains the purpose of our lives, so I think it is very important.”

(P20)

In the study conducted by Dağcı and Kartopu on university students, examining their metaphorical perceptions of the Holy Qur’an, the concept of “guide” was the most preferred metaphor in the guiding category, such as guide, road map, compass; metaphors such as life, life source, water were the most preferred metaphors in the life source category (Dağcı and Kartopu 2017). In our study, some of the participants explained their thoughts about the Qur’an in a similar way to these metaphors.

Another issue examined within the scope of our research is the Qur’an reading habits of the participants. Reading and listening to the Qur’an has been a basic form of worship that all Muslim societies have shown great sensitivity to throughout history, around which they have created various institutions and cultural richness, and reading and listening to the Qur’an without understanding its meaning has been seen as worship, even if it is not at the level of reading by understanding its meaning and thinking about it (Şener 2002). This can also be seen in the frequency of Qur’an reading of the participant students. Four of the students stated that they read the Qur’an frequently, while 12 stated that they read it occasionally. Four participants stated that they never read the Qur’an. Again, the number of participants who stated that they read the Qur’an only in Arabic is seven, the number of participants who stated that they read both in Arabic or in the text is five, and the number of participants who stated that they only read the text is four. Some of the participant statements on this issue are as follows:

“I read in Arabic, but I think the translation should also be read, but reading in Arabic gives me more peace.”

(P6)

“It is easier and more understandable to read the translation, but it is also fun to try to read it in Arabic. I read both ways.”

(P18)

“Since I don’t know how to read Arabic very well and I don’t find it right to read Arabic with its Turkish spelling (transcription), I read the translation. Besides, reading like this is a better guide for me.”

(P16)

In the study titled “Religious Life in Turkey”, 54% of the participants between the ages of 18 and 24, who are in the same age range as the participants in our study, stated that they read the Qur’an in Arabic “every day, once a week or a few days”, 23% “once a month”, 18.6% “a few times a year” and 1.8% stated that they “never” read the Qur’an (DİB 2014, p. 90). In the same study, 19.4% stated that they read the Turkish translation “every day, once a week or a few days”, 19.3% stated that they read the Turkish translation “once a month”, 29% stated that they read the Turkish translation “a few times a year”, and 30.5% stated that they “never” read the translation (DİB 2014, p. 94). When the relevant data are analyzed, similar to our study, the rate of participants who prefer to read the Qur’an in Arabic is higher than the rate of those who read the Qur’an in Turkish. In the study titled “Youth in Turkey” conducted by SEKAM with a sample of 5541 people, the rate of participants who stated that they regularly read the Qur’an was 13.7%, the rate of those who stated that they occasionally read the Qur’an was 57.2%, and the rate of those who stated that they never read the Qur’an was 29.1% (SEKAM 2016, p. 347).

Respondents who stated that they read the Qur’an frequently and occasionally were also asked when and under what circumstances they prefer to read the Qur’an. Ramadan, holy nights, or Fridays were the most preferred times for participants to read the Qur’an. In addition, participants who stated that they prefer to read the Qur’an in times of distress, funerals, illnesses, exam periods, etc., and in their free time, when they feel the need or when they feel the need without any time limitation, expressed their views as follows:

“I read after prayers or generally when I feel like it, there is no specific occasion, but sometimes when I feel depressed and unhappy, it makes me feel good afterwards.”

(P2)

“I read in times of illness, death and when I feel a great distress.”

(P4)

“Whenever I got stuck on something, I would open the translation and read it. But I have also read the Arabic at funerals, during Ramadan, etc.”

(P11)

“I usually try to read at least 2–3 times a week. But I try to read more often, especially on special religious days and months, during exam weeks, in case of illness, etc.”

(P12)

In the study conducted by Turan and İyibilgin, which examined the religiosity levels of university students and their attitudes towards the Qur’an, the participants stated that “reading the Qur’an will relax them spiritually, and the topics covered by the Qur’an and the exegesis will arouse curiosity. Although their perceptions of the Qur’an in the theoretical dimension, which includes behaviors such as “reading the Qur’an would be interesting”, were high (4.08), their mean scores in the practical dimension, which includes behaviors such as “putting the provisions of the Qur’an into practice in life, reading the Qur’an and commentary on the Qur’an”, were much lower (2.86). This situation has been interpreted by researchers as showing that the participants have a traditional understanding of religiosity and that it strengthens the understanding that religion is predominantly formal (Turan and İyibilgin 2018, p. 413). As a matter of fact, in our study, the fact that the rate of reading the Qur’an in Arabic was higher than the rate of reading the Qur’anic translation, and the fact that reading the Qur’an was limited to certain times and situations by many participants, supports this interpretation.

3.4. University Students’ View of Prayer

Prayer is defined as the confession of the servant’s helplessness in the face of Allah’s greatness and asking for His grace and help in feelings of love and reverence (Cilacı 1994). Flexibilities regarding time, place, and the way it is done make prayer more preferable than other acts of worship in terms of establishing contact with Allah. As a matter of fact, in our study, when the participants were asked whether or not they prayed and how often they prayed, 7 participants stated that they always prayed, 10 participants stated that they prayed frequently, 3 participants stated that they prayed occasionally, and there were no participants who stated that they never prayed.

It is possible to see similar results in different studies. In a study conducted by Horozcu on a sample of 507 people, 6% stated that they do not pray, 79.1% stated that they pray frequently, 20.3% stated that they pray occasionally, and 0.6% stated that they never pray (Horozcu 2010, p. 210). In 2014, the results of the “Religious Life in Turkey” survey conducted by the DİB showed that the rate of participants who stated that they never prayed was 0.2% in the general average and 0.5% in the 18–24 age group (DİB 2014, p. 100). In the study titled “Youth in Turkey”, the rate of those who pray regularly is 71.2%, the rate of those who pray occasionally is 27.8%, and the rate of those who state that they never pray is 1% (SEKAM 2016, p. 345). Again, in the qualitative study conducted by Hız, which examined the motivations of individuals to pray through interviews with 25 participants between the ages of 18 and 60, 52% of the participants stated that they prayed “very often”, 28% “often”, 12% “neither a little nor a lot”, and 8% sometimes, but no participant was found who stated that they never prayed or rarely prayed (Hız 2024, p. 47). Therefore, it is possible to say that people care about prayer and that prayer has an important place in their lives despite their different religiousness, occupation, gender, age, and tendencies.

In addition to the frequency of prayer, the times and situations of prayer were also among the questions asked to the participants in our study. Accordingly, answers such as exam time, distressful situations, happiness, always, every night, after prayers, as it comes to my mind, and as it comes from my heart express the times or situations that the participants prefer to pray:

“I actually feel the need most of the time. It can be when I am unhappy, when I am sick. During exam times. I also feel the need to be very thankful when things go well.”

(P2)

“I usually feel the need to do so when I and my loved ones face a difficult situation.”

(P3)

“When I feel helpless, restless, like I am suffocating, and at the same time when I am very happy.”

(P5)

“Although I give thanks and pray in every situation, of course, I pray the most when there is a situation that I am afraid or worried about and after the prayer.”

(P10)

“For me, praying is something I can do at any time of my life, so I pray for every subject at many times of the day.”

(P20)

In the “Religious Life in Turkey” survey, 88.7% of the participants between the ages of 18 and 24 stated that they pray all the time without a specific time and situation, 54.3% when they want to be thankful, 46.3% when they are in material and spiritual distress, 41.7% when they lose a relative, 39.8% when they are afraid, 38.6% when they are happy, 37.7% when they have a worldly request, and 33.2% when they have an otherworldly request (DİB 2014, p. 100). In a study conducted by Doğan and Özcan in 2022, the reasons that motivate young people to pray are “stress, distress, hardship, and fear” with 88%, followed by “after prayers” with 36%, “exam times” with 32%, “when they have any request” with 28%, “before going to bed” with 20%, “situations that require gratitude” with 12%, “in case of happiness” with 8%, and “when someone else asks for prayer” with 4% (Doğan and Özcan 2022, p. 1062).

When we look at the content of young people’s prayers, demands such as an auspicious future, health, success, money, forgiveness of sins, and happiness in the afterlife come to the fore:

“What is good and beautiful for me, what is auspicious”

(P5)

“I pray for general things such as health, the health of my family, abundance, fertility and for my personal wishes.”

(P3)

“It is usually materialistic.”

(P8)

“That my sins be forgiven.”

(P14)

“Whatever comes to my mind at that moment. For the Ummah, for the forgiveness of my family, for the forgiveness of my sins, for the gratitude to be able to surrender my life with faith.”

(P17)

“To be a beloved servant of my Lord, a good servant in his way, a good son for my homeland. To be successful at school.”

(P1)

As can be seen, in this study, the participants’ worldly or otherworldly requests are at the forefront of their prayers. Similarly, when the answers given by Hız in the study examining the motivations of individuals to pray were examined, it was stated that the participants mostly preferred prayers of request; in addition to many worldly blessings such as health, success, and sustenance, spiritual requests such as guidance, faith, morality, good life, good generation, love, and respect were expressed. In the same study, prayers of praise and glorification were ranked second and prayers asking for forgiveness were ranked third (Hız 2024, pp. 64–65).

On the other hand, in terms of Islam, a Muslim’s prayer for another Muslim is considered more valuable. As a requirement of this, some of the participants stated that they also included others in their prayers:

“I want the best and the most beautiful of everything both for my loved ones and for myself.”

(P6)

“I ask for something I want on behalf of my friends and others first.”

(P10)

Regarding the acceptance of prayers, 16 of the participants stated that their prayers were accepted, 3 stated that they were partially or sometimes accepted, and 1 stated that he did not know this.

“Yes. I see that my prayers that I ask Allah for and that are good for me are eventually given to me.”

(P11)

“It is hard to explain, but I feel that most of my heartfelt prayers after the prayer are accepted.”

(P2)

“Partially. Because there are issues to be patient with.”

(P17)

“I don’t know.”

(P8)

When we look at the feelings of the participants in cases where their prayers were accepted, it was found that the feelings of peace, happiness, trust, and gratitude were frequently emphasized:

“I am happy, of course, both because my prayer was answered and because I think that my Lord did not turn away from me.”

(P2)

“I am very happy and I believe it is for the best because I know it comes from God.”

(P6)

“Of course, I am very happy, I feel peaceful and thankful once again.”

(P17)

“I always think that I should trust God more.”

(P18)

One participant stated that Allah’s acceptance of his prayers despite all his mistakes and sins made him feel ashamed:

“I think that I am God’s beloved servant and he is embarrassed when he fulfills my wishes while I do not fulfill his wishes.”

(P9)

Participants’ perspectives on their unanswered prayers are also important here. Most of them stated that, even if they feel sad when their prayers are not accepted, they think that this is a good process for them and that it is not possible for every prayer to be accepted:

“If my prayers are not accepted, I think it is not for the best or it is not the right time yet. I do not despair because my prayer is not accepted.”

(P6)

“Some of them are not accepted, so I say it was not destined or that was it.”

(P7)

“If it doesn’t happen, I give thanks in the future and understand why it didn’t happen.”

(P16)

“If it is something I want very much, I feel a little sad, but I say that maybe it is not good.”

(P12)

“It is unhappy, but I always think that the process afterwards is beneficial for ourselves.”

(P15)

There were also participants who questioned their own behavior when their prayers were not accepted and stated that their prayers were not accepted because they considered themselves guilty:

“I think it is not accepted because I did something wrong and I look for the problem in myself.”

(P7)

“I feel that I have committed a sin. I think I am doing something that God would not like.”

(P13)

“I am already a bad servant, normal”

(P3)

Again, the statements of the participants who stated that they continue to pray to Allah even when their prayers are not accepted and emphasized that unaccepted prayers are necessary to maintain faith in Allah are as follows:

“Before I used to resent a lot, but now I don’t feel anything because if every prayer was answered, there would be no reason for us to believe in God.”

(P20)

“I continue to pray even when it is not accepted.”

(P16)

In our study, it is noteworthy that the participants stated that they believe that their prayers are generally accepted, that they feel happy and secure when they see their prayers accepted, and that they do not despair when their prayers are not accepted. As a matter of fact, in the study conducted by Çarkoğlu and Kalaycıoğlu in which religiosity in Turkey was examined, approximately 85% of the participants thought that their prayers were fully or partially accepted, 8% stated that they did not know whether their prayers were fully accepted or not, and 1.3% stated that their prayers were not accepted (Çarkoğlu and Kalaycıoğlu 2009, p. 30). In the study conducted by Hız, it was determined that the participants expressed feelings such as peace, relaxation, relief, hope, communication with God, being psychologically healthier and more resilient, and trust through prayer (Hız 2024, pp. 47–51).

Prayer is not only a religious ritual; it is also a powerful psychological coping mechanism. When the desire to pray arises in a person’s mind, it also means that there is hope, and thus the person feels that he/she is in complete security both during and after prayer (Kımter 2002; Koenig 2012). The statements of the participants in our study support this finding.

4. Research Method

4.1. The Problem and Sub-Problems of the Research

The main problem of the research is “What is the level of the thoughts and practices of young people studying in different faculties of (x) University regarding worship such as prayer, fasting, reading the Qur’an, and praying?” Within the framework of this basic problem, answers to the following sub-problems were also sought:

• How do university students evaluate prayer and how often do they perform it?
• How do university students evaluate the worship of fasting and how often do they fast?
• What do university students think about the Qur’an and how often do they read it?
• What do university students think about prayer and how often do they pray?

The interview form of the research was formed within the framework of these basic questions.

4.2. Research Method: Sampling, Data Collection Techniques, and Data Analysis

As the study aims to examine university students’ perceptions of worship, their participation or non-participation in religious practices, and the reasons behind these behaviors, a qualitative research method was used.

Qualitative research is defined as “a process that involves the use of qualitative data collection techniques such as observation, interviews, and document analysis, aiming to present perceptions and events in a realistic and holistic manner within their natural context” (Yıldırım and Şimşek 2008). Such studies enable deeper insights into lived experiences, personal narratives, and relational dynamics (Neuman 2012).

While relevant literature was occasionally referenced, the primary data were obtained through interviews with a sample of 20 university students. To ensure objectivity and inclusivity, students were selected from four faculties representing the fields of science, health, and social sciences: the Faculty of Engineering, Faculty of Education, Faculty of Dentistry, and Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences. A face-to-face interview was conducted with 20 students from various faculties, all of whom participated on a voluntary basis. The interviews were held during the most convenient periods for the students, between November and February of the 2024–2025 academic year, with consideration for their exam schedules.

The study population consisted of approximately 51,466 students enrolled at (x) University, while the sample group included 20 students from the four aforementioned faculties. During sample selection, efforts were made to include students of diverse age groups, genders, socioeconomic backgrounds, and types of high school education. In the analysis process, students were assigned codes (e.g., P1, P2) to protect their identities and present findings anonymously.

Table 1. Demographic characteristics of the students participating in the study.

Number of Participants	Age	Gender	Graduated High School	Faculty and Grade Attended
P1	22	Female	Science High School	Dentistry/4
P2	22	Female	Anatolian High School	Faculty of Education/3
P3	21	Male	Social Sciences High School	Humanities and Social Sciences/3
P4	23	Male	Anatolian High School	Faculty of Education/4
P5	20	Male	Science High School	Faculty of Engineering/2
P6	19	Male	Imam Hatip High School	Faculty of Engineering/2
P7	21	Female	Anatolian High School	Faculty of Education/2
P8	23	Male	Science High School	Dentistry/3
P9	22	Female	Social Sciences High School	Humanities and Social Sciences/4
P10	23	Female	Anatolian High School	Human and Social Sciences/4
P11	20	Female	Anatolian High School	Faculty of Engineering/2
P12	23	Female	Science High School	Dentistry/4
P13	22	Male	Science High School	Dentistry/3
P14	24	Male	Anatolian High School	Faculty of Engineering/3
P15	18	Female	Science High School	Faculty of Engineering/1
P16	20	Female	Anatolian High School	Human and Social Sciences/1
P17	25	Female	Imam Hatip High School	Faculty of Education/4
P18	21	Male	Anatolian High School	Faculty of Education/2
P19	23	Male	Anatolian High School	Humanities and Social Sciences/4
P20	21	Female	Imam Hatip High School	Faculty of Education/3

is a summary table of key demographic features of the participants:

Data collection was carried out through semi-structured interviews and literature review. As noted by Yıldırım and Şimşek (2008), interviews in qualitative studies may be structured, semi-structured, or unstructured. In this research, the semi-structured interview method was preferred. Accordingly, each participant was asked four main questions related to the core religious practices of prayer, fasting, Qur’an reading, and supplication, beyond basic personal information.

After completing the interviews, the audio recordings were transcribed. The data were analyzed using the descriptive analysis technique, in which responses are grouped, summarized, and interpreted according to pre-determined questions and themes while preserving the original wording as much as possible. Repetitive or identical expressions were omitted for clarity.

5. Conclusions and Suggestions

This study, which was conducted with 20 participants from different faculties studying at (x) University in the 2024–2025 academic year, was conducted to determine the behaviors of university students regarding prayer and fasting, reading the Qur’an, and praying. Looking at the opinions of young people about prayer, it was found that most of the participants saw prayer as a means of establishing a connection with Allah, finding inner peace, and gaining a sense of responsibility, but although they accepted the importance of prayer, they exhibited different attitudes towards performing this worship regularly. It was determined that there were participants who experienced feelings of guilt and regret when they did not pray, as well as participants who did not see this situation as a problem.

When the perceptions and attitudes of university students towards the practice of fasting are analyzed, it is possible to say that the majority of the participants fulfill the practice of fasting regularly and evaluate this practice in the context of patience, self-training, empathy, and spiritual maturity. In general, although the practice of fasting has a high rate of adoption among university students, the ways in which it is internalized and its perceived meanings vary according to individual and social contexts. This suggests that the relationship young individuals establish with religious practices should be evaluated on the basis of both personal belief systems and social interactions.

Regarding their reading of the Qur’an, the interviews revealed that the participants embraced the Qur’an as the main source and sacred text of Islam and considered it as a guide for life, a divine miracle, and a source of healing. Although the practice of reading the Qur’an in Arabic is more widespread than the method of reading the Qur’an in translation, according to the participants, the use of both methods together is important in terms of deepening religious understanding and practice. Behaviors towards reading the Qur’an are mostly concentrated within the framework of religious days and individual needs, reflecting the formal and ritual-oriented character of traditional forms of religiosity.

Praying was identified as the most common and continuous practice among the participants. Therefore, it can be said that prayer has an important place for young people, both as a religious worship and as a powerful psychological coping mechanism. All of the participants stated that they pray regularly or occasionally. This reveals that praying has a common place among the religious practices of individuals in Turkey and that this worship is an important indicator of individual religiosity. When the times of prayer were analyzed, it was observed that prayer was used in times of difficulties such as exams, stress, illness, and despair, as well as in positive situations such as happiness, peace, and gratitude. This diversity shows that prayer is seen as a means of both need and gratitude.

Based on the data of this study conducted in the sample of university students, the following suggestions can be made regarding the worship habits of youth:

• In this study, we tried to examine the attitudes and behaviors of university students only regarding religious worship. The situation of young people regarding faith should also be analyzed, because there is a close relationship between faith and worship. When the views of young people regarding faith and worship are examined as a whole, more accurate and healthy information can be obtained.
• Instead of providing religious information based on religious knowledge based on catechism and memorization, religious education should be provided in a critical, thought-based, caus–effect framework in both formal and informal religious education institutions. Young people should be aware of why they worship.
• In order to obtain more comprehensive and objective information about the attitudes and behaviors of university students regarding religious beliefs and worship, this should also be done in universities with different socio-cultural characteristics.