Knowledge Transmission and Transformation of Chinese Architecture by Expatriates and Missionaries in Late Qing English and Chinese Newspapers

Abstract

Expatriates and missionaries in China played a significant role in the development and transformation of Chinese architecture in the Late Qing period. However, a systematic comparison of their discourses and proposals on Chinese architecture has been hindered by a lack of historical literature and the complexities of fragmented data and methodologies. This article examines and compares the two most influential non-native newspapers: The North-China Daily News in English, edited by expatriates, and The Review of the Times in Chinese, founded by missionaries. By analyzing these two groups’ discourses and narratives on Chinese architecture, the study explores their similarities and distinctions, revealing the characteristics, strategies, attitudes, interests, and opinions of expatriates, missionaries, and non-missionaries in China on the transmission and transformation of architecture knowledge. The research highlights differences in their preferences for specific text types, subjects, and themes on Chinese architecture, as well as their attitudes toward native and foreign architecture, professional education, and architecture regulations in individual and official spheres. Despite these differences, overlapping characteristics and proposals existed among the three groups. The study further investigates the underlying reasons and mechanisms for their similar or divergent mindsets and behavioral patterns, drawing on human responsive psychology rather than relying on postcolonial or cultural theories.

1. Introduction

1.1. Literature Review

The Late Qing period represented a time of significant architectural transformation in China. Previous studies of Chinese Architecture during this period can be summarized on temporal and geographic dimensions.

On the temporal dimension, scholars of Chinese architectural history have completed considerable works on Late Qing buildings. Liang’s (1998) A History of Chinese Architecture and Lai et al.’s (2016) A History of Early Modern Chinese Architecture showcased the achievements in this field over the years. Notable breakthroughs included the works of Wang and Terunobu (1989) on Early Modern Architecture of China in the 1990s, as well as Wu’s (1997) A History of Century Architecture in Shanghai (1840–1949), which examined a century of architecture in Shanghai. Specialized studies focused on technology (H. Li 2004), education (Xu 2010), and the profession (Lai 2007).

On the geographic dimension, new or different “spaces” emerged—those that had not been considered “Chinese” in a classical sense. In addition, colonial–modern cities such as Shanghai were heavily studied (T. Li 2021).

In terms of studies abroad, notable research on historical architecture in China was conducted by German architect Ernst Boerschmann (1923), as well as by Japanese architectural historians Tadashi (2017), Tokiwa and Tadashi (1926), and Ito (2017, 2021) in the early twentieth century.

Gothic architecture in China, particularly Catholic churches, has been extensively studied by Thomas Coomans (2018). His work, Church Architecture and Church Buildings (Coomans 2023) included a chapter synthesizing the architectural history of Catholic churches in China, particularly during the period 1840–1949. Additionally, A. R. Sweeten (2019) thoroughly explored the history, architecture, and legacy of Catholic churches in Beijing, Tianjin, and Hebei Province.

The relevant research on Protestant buildings in China was the study of Christian universities conducted by historians Bays and Widmer (2009). As most Christian universities had Protestant backgrounds, all chapters were dedicated to the history of Protestant universities.

1.2. Research Significance

Expatriates and missionaries have played a significant role in shaping and transforming Chinese architecture during the Late Qing period. Nonetheless, due to limited historical documentation and methodological challenges posed by fragmented sources, a comprehensive comparison of their discourses and narratives regarding Chinese architecture remains to be undertaken.

This study systematically examines five key dimensions of expatriates, missionaries, and non-missionaries in China: their discursive characteristics, transmission strategies, epistemological attitudes, thematic interests, and architectural opinions. Their preferences for text types, subjects, and themes; their differing perspectives on native and foreign architecture, on professional education, and on architectural regulation are worth studying. The overlapping and cross-lapping discourses and narratives among these groups are also of research significance.

This study analyzes two influential non-native newspapers: The North-China Daily News in English, edited by expatriates, and The Review of the Times in Chinese, founded by missionaries, to examine and compare the discourses and narratives of expatriates and missionaries on Chinese architecture. By investigating their similarities and differences, it aims to reveal the characteristics, strategies, attitudes, interests, and opinions of expatriates and missionaries in China. Further, this study attempts to explore the underlying reasons and mechanisms that shaped their similar or divergent mindsets and behavioral patterns toward architecture.

1.3. Research Premises

In this article, the term “missionaries” refers solely to foreign missionaries in China, excluding Chinese missionaries as well as foreign missionaries outside China. Consequently, “expatriates in China” is a broader concept than “missionaries in China,” with the latter being a subset of the former. Missionaries in China constituted a significant portion of expatriates and played an important role, as they were not only early arrivals and settlers in China as proselytizing pioneers, but also well-educated and actively engaged in various activities in China. Generally, they possessed high degrees of education from their homelands, which enabled them to be capable and influential in China’s political and social reforms. Furthermore, missionaries had close relationships with the Chinese elite, including intellectuals, ministers, officials, and even the emperor. So, in a sense, “expatriates in China” is the general and unmarked label for “missionaries in China”, and “missionaries” is the marked signifier for the main group of “expatriates”.

Therefore, in this article, what has been revealed for expatriates and for missionaries can be interpreted respectively as the unmarked and marked discourses, narratives, features, attitudes, and proposals for the non-natives in China. Through comparison, the differentiation between expatriates and missionaries in China could be identified as what non-missionaries had in common, that is, what is unique for non-missionaries in China. The similarities between the two groups could be regarded as what missionaries in China had in common, which includes what is unique for missionaries and what is shared with missionaries and non-missionaries in China, whether in terms of discourses, narratives, features, attitudes, or proposals.

2. Comparison of Architecture Discourses Between Expatriates and Missionaries

2.1. Discourse Features on Architecture by Expatriates in China

Unlike long analytical articles on architecture in The North-China Daily News, shorter reports in the English newspapers did not carry political or social reform undertones. Building-related news reports were frequently adapted or translated from foreign newspapers, serving as informational or entertainment news items. Take a news report as an illustration:

A London paper tells us that Ex-President Balmaceda’s official residence is a particularly fine specimen of Spanish architecture of the seventeenth century (Ex-President Balmaceda’s Official Residence 1891).

To accommodate to the public’s taste for entertainment, news reports deliberately emphasized anecdotes. By incorporating interesting stories and unusual events, they aimed to attract lower-class readers. The above report continued with a humorous anecdote about Balmaceda’s building in Chile, recounting a curious mix-up in which plans for a new mint in Mexico were mistakenly sent to Chile due to a clerk’s error. As a result, the Moneda was built before the mistake was discovered. The news report concluded with a humorous remark: “no doubt it was living in a mint which gave Balmaceda his taste for coin” (Ex-President Balmaceda’s Official Residence 1891).

2.2. Discourse Features on Church by Missionaries in China

The Review of the Times1 was edited and organized by missionaries, with Young J. Allen2 as its proprietor and founder. Short reports and brief news items were the dominant format for its discourse on architecture. Illustrations were not included as frequently as in The North-China Daily News, and The Review of the Times could not match the latter in architectural expertise and its limited imagery predominantly consisted of overview photographs of foreign buildings. For example:

A picture of Canterbury Cathedral in Great Britain (Figure 1. Canterbury Cathedral in Britain), which was constructed a thousand years ago, was prominently featured at the top of the newspaper (Canterbury Cathedral in Britain 1889).

Architectural drawings in The Review of the Times were limited compared to those in The North-China Daily News, with few found, such as the two construction drawings from the Shanghai YMCA as below (Figure 2. Construction Drawing 1 from the Shanghai YMCA 1906 and Figure 3. Construction Drawing 2 from the Shanghai YMCA 1906). Long essays or analytical articles appeared infrequently. Commonly included were brief news reports, typically under 200 Chinese characters. Shorter entries often consisted of a single sentence, such as the one titled “波里加利: 修理教堂” (Polygali: Repairing Churches 1880) from the column “Recent Events in Various Countries”: “It has been reported that the Russian has sent 78,000 rubles to repair churches in Polygali that were damaged in wars and fightings”.

Topics in The Review of the Times mostly focused on churches, particularly the construction of new ones, either in other provinces or foreign countries. For example, the column “Ecclesiastical Affairs” featured a report “教会建筑: 贵州新设教堂” (Ecclesiastical Architecture: Newly Established Churches in Guizhou 1871), copied from a newspaper in Min Province:

A new church was established in the Guiyang prefecture of Guizhou Province, allowing the clergy to focus on their preaching without disturbances. The churchmen were well-settled, creating an excellent opportunity for proselytizing.

News reports on overseas architecture in The Review of the Times primarily focused on church construction or completion. These articles typically provided details about the location, size, and structure of the churches. A common feature was reporting of donations, including donors, specific amounts of donation, and building funds. For instance, in the article “大日本国事: 教堂告成” (Japanese Events: Church Completed 1877), it noted that “the construction cost of the Japanese Church was largely self-funded, with Westerners contributing 518 silver and 77 cents, along with 389 silver and 27 cents from the Japanese. Western missionaries in Kobe, Osaka, and Tokyo collectively donated 129 silver and 50 cents.”

Churches were funded either by donations from the lower class or by contributions from those in power. As highlighted in “大德国: 教堂落成” (Greater Germany: Church Completion 1893), it was the German Kasier who had been financing the renovation of the church for several years. Another interesting similarity was the coverage of the opening or completion ceremonies, particularly the attendees’ attire. For example, “大日本国事: 教堂告成” (Japanese Events: Church Completed 1877) described how the celebration of the church completion was attended by 250 church members, all dressed in fine clothes and shoes, seated in the hall, immersed in an atmosphere of excitement. Similarly, “大德国: 教堂落成” emphasized the grandeur of the ceremony, stating that “the King and ministers all adhered to rituals and dressed splendidly” (Greater Germany: Church Completion 1893).

To sum up, missionary newspapers predominantly featured brief news items, and seldom included long essays, analytical articles, or commentaries on architecture. In contrast, foreign newspapers featured both long and short forms, covering a wider range of topics beyond church-related issues. Missionary newspapers tended to focus on church architecture and typically provided brief coverage of the building and funding process. Notably, donations were frequently mentioned, as missionaries promoted self-funding and charitable contributions.

The comparison of the two newspapers could also reveal the architectural interests of non-missionaries, which can be categorized into serious readers as well as casual readers. Serious readers demonstrated a marked preference for comprehensive, long in-depth articles on architectural knowledge, while casual readers gravitated toward anecdotes, stories, and jokes about famous buildings and notable figures.

3. Missionary Lecture Report and Transmission of Chinese Architecture

Missionaries organized lectures on Chinese architecture at various meetings and for diverse audiences. A notice in The North-China Daily News read:

We understand that Dr. Edkins has arranged to deliver a lecture on ”Chinese Architecture“ at the next meeting of the China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, to be held on Friday the 21st instant, and should advise all art students and others interested in the subject to make a note of the date in their engagement book.

(Edkins’ Lecture on Chinese Architecture 1890)

The Royal Asiatic Society and students, especially art students, were the target audience of missionary Edkins. Dr. Edkins’ lecture on “Chinese Architecture” was praised as “exceptionally instructive and interesting, and should attract a large audience.” In the lecture, Dr. Edkins divided “Chinese Architecture” into four periods under the headings of the Classical Period, the Mythological Period, the Buddhistic Period, and the Modern Period.

Dr. Edkins characterized the first period, which he called the Classical Period, as an era of geometric masonry, defined by straight lines, the mason’s rule, the plumb-line, and astronomical observations with the view of making buildings exact in regard to the cardinal points. He remarked, “There is no arch in the buildings of this period, but slight attempt at pictorial ornament” (Edkins’ Lecture on Chinese Architecture 1890).

In the subsequent Mythological Period, dating from 400 B.C. to 200 A.D., Edkins noted the continued absence of the arch but observed an increasing use of animal shapes and historical scenes in architecture. Bridges of this time were built without curves, relying instead on horizontal and slanting beams. Monstrous shapes occasionally replaced pillars in supporting roofs. Edkins concluded: “there is evidence of the great influence of poetry and current mythology, and there are many marks of foreign ideas, as seen in buildings constructed entirely or almost entirely of stone.”

Regarding the Buddhistic Period (A.D. 200–900), Edkins identified pagodas of foreign origin as distinctive architectural features. This period witnessed the introduction of gate lions and saw pagodas incorporate both the arch and curved-roof style, while Feng-shui principles became firmly established in Chinese architectural practice. Edkins further documented an extensive use of images, such as the laughing, teaching, sleeping, ascetic, and guiding Buddha, all of them usually gilded to enhance devotional experiences.

According to Edkins’ classification, the Modern Period spanned from A.D. 900 to the time of his lecture in 1890. In his view, this last period was chiefly characterized by the combination of styles, the best illustrations of which were found in the Peking temples and tombs. Feng-shui ideas remained influential despite the accelerating impact of Western architectural traditions, accompanied by a marked increase in the use of sculptures.

For a subject like Late Qing missionaries and Chinese architecture, the mention of one figure is inevitable: Joseph Edkins. As the author of the renowned Chinese Architecture, Edkins was a well-known scholar in this field, making him the qualified lecturer on the subject. He not only possessed historical and technical knowledge of Chinese architecture from ancient to modern times, but also understood it with such depth that he could periodize its evolution rigorously, delineate each era’s defining features, and analyze the internal and external influences driving its development.

In his lecture, Edkins could not avoid making comparisons between Chinese and foreign architecture, owing to his unique bicultural identity and bilingual background. Although these comparisons were not explicitly stated, subtle implications in the report could expose the comparisons made in the actual lecture. For instance, in his discussion of the Mythological Period, he noted that “there are many marks of foreign ideas, as in buildings entirely or almost entirely of stone.” Foreign influence was more emphasized in the part of the Buddhistic Period, as “the Buddhistic period dates from A.D. 200 to A.D. 900, and in this pagodas of foreign type form a marked feature.” When discussing the modern period, Edkins stressed Western influence as the developing trend: “Western influence may be said to be extending fast, and there is an increasing use of sculpture.” These observations suggested that, for Edkins, Chinese architecture was inseparably linked to foreign architectural elements, styles, and impact. His framework for understanding Chinese architectural periods was thus defined by reference to Western architecture, underscoring an outsider’s perspective in interpreting the architectural development of China.

The notice and report on Edkins’ lecture illustrated the scholarly role that missionaries played in Late Qing China. Even when addressing a topic as locally focused as “Chinese Architecture”, missionaries not only delivered lectures but also attracted large audiences, garnering respect and applause.

However, throughout the report, there was no mention of Edkins’ missionary identity or any reference to Christianity. The North-China Daily News deliberately presented him solely as “Dr. Edkins”, omitting his religious background. This strategic choice by both The North-China Daily News and Edkins was likely due to their aim to appeal to a broader audience. By selecting a general, non-religious topic and expanding the target audience from art students to more inclusive “others interested in the subject”, the report distanced itself from religious connection.

However, a closer examination of the text revealed frequent reference to terms such as “mythology”, “Buddhistic”, “Buddha”, “Feng-shui”, “foreign ideas”, “foreign type”, “worshipper”, “Peking temples and tombs”, and “Western influence”. These terms suggested connotations of religious and cultural themes. Despite the seemingly secular focus, the content of the lecture still intertwined with religious implications.

4. Foreign Narratives and Transmission of Shanghai Architecture

4.1. Early Architecture in Shanghai

Thomes W. Kingsmill (1893) delineates Shanghai’s architectural evolution through several distinct phases, transitioning from modest rudimentary structures to sophisticated forms reflecting foreign influences. Initially, when the port opened in 1843, architectural requirements were just basic. The initial regulations for the Settlement, led by Captain Balfour, only planned for basic facilities, envisioning a few houses and limited infrastructure for trade. Streets were narrow and followed native paths or creeks, exemplified by early roads like the future Nanking Road.

As demand increased, compromise was necessary to expand beyond narrow lanes. The settlement saw basic houses, typically influenced by Southern Chinese styles from Canton and Macau, most notably incorporating wide verandas with round brick pillars. Early houses, such as those by Jardine, Matheson & Co., and Dent & Co., exemplified this style, while other foreign firms contributed to an emerging compradoric architectural style unique to the Shanghai Bund.

The architectural landscape began developing a distinct style through architecture aid from the South and the contributions of local workmen. The arrival of contractors like “Chop Dollar” and the planting of foreign trees signaled a shift to more organized construction. Public buildings gradually appeared, including consulates, small churches, and houses for municipal police. Despite the sparse public infrastructure, the British Consulate was an early architectural focal point.

Finally, with the arrival of Shanghai’s first architect, Mr. Strachan, in 1849, a more cohesive architectural style emerged. Strachan introduced a modified Greek style to buildings, further professionalizing the construction in Shanghai (Kingsmill 1893).

It is noteworthy that the closest architectural parallels to the great buildings in Shanghai could be found in the Chinese quarter of San Francisco, for the early history of that city was deeply connected with China, and it was indebted for its first buildings to China, not the States (Kingsmill 1893). The architectural styles in Shanghai and in overseas Chinese quarters were strikingly similar, often more so than those found between the Chinese quarter and non-Chinese residences abroad.

And vice versa, as highlighted in the article “上海建筑” (Architecture in Shanghai 1901): “the domestic style of Queen Anne, so generally in vogue at home3, has been adopted here4, lending itself more easily to variety of design and ornamentation, than the severe lines of the Italian school; the old blue bricks are giving way to the more cheerful appearance of the red brick and green stone structures, with a more artistic treatment of their various details and designs” (Architecture in Shanghai 1901). Migrant buildings tended to maintain the domestic style. When Italian style was popular early in the West, Italian buildings were so much favored by foreign settlers in Shanghai that remnants of these early Italian buildings could still be found in the city in 1901.

This demonstrated that, as far as architecture was concerned, custom and tradition exerted a greater influence than the surrounding environment or local circumstances. No matter how distant or different the setting, residents instinctively maintained and followed their native architectural styles and habitual building practices.

4.2. Development of Architecture in Shanghai

About seven years after the issue of “Early Architecture in Shanghai”, an updated article on “Architecture in Shanghai” was published in the same newspaper on 7 January 1901. In it, Shanghai was congratulated upon its rapid architectural progress within the prior few years. The prosperity of the city could be evidenced by its architecture as Shanghai’s early buildings were appraised as meeting the requirements of the city’s pioneers, and its development was illustrated through the extensive factories, wharves, suburbs, villa residences, mansions, and well-maintained roads (Architecture in Shanghai 1901).

The author’s use of “our” to describe settlement infrastructure versus “Chinese” for local elements strongly suggests an expatriate perspective because whatever was local was referred to as Chinese, whereas the things in the settlement were modified with “our”, for instance, “Chinese shops”, “Chinese workmen” vs. “our public subscriptions”, “our community”, “our architects”, etc. From all these “ours” in the context, it can be inferred that buildings in Shanghai were mostly designed by foreign architects and constructed by “the Chinese workmen”. From the use of “our” in “the Shanghai Nursing Home and Diamond Jubilee Memorial, to which the proceeds of our public subscriptions are devoted, will be of public interest when completed,” it can be inferred that the two buildings were funded by foreign public subscriptions. By the usage of “our” in “the offices of the Imperial Railway and those adjoining are evidences of the superior class of buildings now required by our community, a class which allows the architect some scope for his ability,” “one of our most notable features of the Nanking Road” (Architecture in Shanghai 1901), a sense of superiority and self-appreciation was implied by this linguistic distinction that underscores the spatial hierarchy.

There were two relations for the old and new architecture. One was to rebuild the new above or in place of the old. To build new from scratch, the focus was on the needs and locality. Newly erected buildings were listed as “the Drill Hall and Markets”, “new premises now being built for Messrs. Carlowitz and Co.”, “Liddells’ new premises”, “The offices of the Imperial Railway”, “Hall and Holtz’s new shops and premises” (Architecture in Shanghai 1901). The other way was to renovate the old to renew it. In “Early Architecture in Shanghai” (Kingsmill 1893), Dent and Company, true to the old traditions, constructed a house in the traditional style featuring wooden columns, which has since vanished. About seven years later, massive granite was used as the building material for the Russo–Chinese Bank occupying the site of the garden of Messrs. Dent and Company. From wood to massive granite, “it is evident that no expense is being spared to make this a noticeable structure.”

4.3. Narratives of Church Development in Shanghai

The nomenclature of Church Street—derived from its function as the site of the Consular Chapel—epitomizes the constrained development of public infrastructure in early Shanghai. Besides the Custom House, Consulate, and Municipal Police, churches made up the rest of the public structures.

In the earliest days of the Settlement, English residents erected a modest church. The small, plastered-brick building with a square tower lacked architectural refinement and was so poorly constructed that its roof eventually collapsed, and more signs of structural weakness soon appeared. In response, the church was temporarily relocated to a corner of the compound until a new, more robust building was constructed.

Other early religious structures included a small church established by the Mission of the Protestant Episcopal Church of the United States in Hongkew, which was still standing in 1893, and a chapel on the grounds of the London Mission. This chapel served for many years until the eventual construction of a larger Union Church.

Regarding church development in Shanghai, Messrs. Dowdall and Moorhead had been entrusted with various church and mission projects. The new school, lecture hall, and teachers’ quarters on Soochow Creek were completed and formed a valuable extension to the adjoining Union Church. The new German church, opposite the German Consulate in Hongkew, was “an erection of some importance and a feature in the view from the public gardens” (Architecture in Shanghai 1901).

The above brief narratives from The North-China Daily News exemplified expatriates’ discourse on the gradual establishment of churches within the expanding Shanghai settlement. In comparison to the detailed accounts of secular architectural developments, coverage of church construction in Shanghai was minimal, lacking focus and detail, indicating that The North-China Daily News placed little emphasis on religious buildings in its architectural discourse on Shanghai. The limited attention accorded to these structures likely reflected the prevailing historical tensions of the time. Around 1900, when the articles were published, the Boxer Rebellion had gained momentum, with churches as prime targets of its anti-foreign violence5. To avoid sensitive topics and to appeal to Chinese readers, news-writers likely minimized references to missionaries and churches.

4.4. Lecture Reports on Architecture in Shanghai

In contrast, churches were very active in joining The North-China Daily News in offering premises or holding lectures on Chinese architecture, particularly concerning Shanghai architecture. On 28 January 1903, near the traditional Lantern Festival, a notification was published in The North-China Daily News for a Lantern Lecture associated with the Literary Society, titled “Shanghai Architecture”. The lecture was “to be given in the Union Church Hall tonight at 8:45 by Mr. George Rowe Mitchell of the Municipal Council office.” The newspaper promoted the event, noting that over 50 slides of Shanghai’s most prominent buildings would be displayed and that an open invitation was extended to all interested (Lantern Lecture on Shanghai Architecture 1903).

Another lecture titled “Different Civilizations, Different Architectures” was delivered by Rev. H. L. W. Bevan, M.A., as part of a series on “Educational Problems” at the International Institute. The North-China Herald and Supreme Court & Consular Gazette reported on it under the headline “教育问题: 建筑演说” (Educational Problems: A Lecture on Architecture 1906). Mr. Bevan first gave an outline of different kinds of architecture in various lands. He then showcased a diverse selection of architectural examples spanning England, Egypt, Greece, ancient Rome, and modern Italy, including Venice and Florence, along with a few from China, Germany, France, and India. The views were explained one by one, providing both academic insights and entertainment for the audience. In the end, Dr. Reid expressed gratitude to Mr. Bevan not only for his lecture but also for his efforts in bringing the lantern6 and organizing the exhibition. The lecture was highly engaging and well-received by the audience that crowded the lecture room of the Low Memorial Hall.

The honorific title “Rev.” in the report indicated that Mr. Bevan was a missionary. Both Bevan’s and Edkins’ lectures demonstrated how missionaries, through newspapers, became key advocates and documenters of the history and modernization of Chinese architecture, particularly focusing on the development of settlement Shanghai in their public discourse. Although Mr. Bevan could have presented the lecture in Shanghai colloquial, he chose to deliver it in English and let Dr. Reid interpret it into Mandarin. The newspaper noted his capability with the local dialect but did not provide the reasons for his preference in interpretation.7

The topic of Shanghai architecture emerged as a prominent focus of scholarly discourse, as demonstrated by the frequency of lectures and the extensive coverage of articles and notices in newspapers. For instance, The North-China Daily News published articles on Shanghai architecture, including “Early Architecture in Shanghai”, in both 1901 and 1903. Notably, just two days after the article “上海建筑” (Architecture in Shanghai 1901) was released, a reader’s letter was published in the same newspaper. The letter, signed anonymously as “MARINER”, began by referencing the article: “whilst reading the able article in your issue of yesterday ‘The Architecture of Shanghai,’ in which you point with just pride to the vast strides that Shanghai is making towards becoming a handsome City, it has occurred to me, that the floating specimens of Mediaeval Architecture that lie moored opposite our Bund could be vastly improved” (Mariner 1901). This correspondence reflected that Shanghai architecture sparked interest and discussion among a diverse readership. Not only did the mariner engage with the article, but he approached the topic from the perspective of naval architecture, effectively linking the two fields while emphasizing the broader implications of architectural development in Shanghai.

5. Proposals for Architecture Education Reform by Expatriates

5.1. Proposal for Non-Professional Architecture Study in the West

Discourse promoting the non-professional study of architecture in a broad manner can be found newspapers in English like The North-China Herald, but not in newspapers in Chinese like The Review of the Times, for newspapers in English catered to foreign readers and covered a wide range of topics. In contrast, The Review of the Times aimed to propagate Christianity among Chinese readers, with the ultimate goal of converting as many people as possible. Therefore, it focused on subjects that were either directly related to religion or could be interpreted as such. Even articles promoting reforms in various fields in China had implications to religious teachings and preaching.

The Shanghai courier emphasized the importance and benefits of architectural studies and recommended that schools should incorporate architecture knowledge into their teachings for young students. It argued that basic architectural knowledge would enhance the appreciation of foreign tours and make previously wearisome local sites more engaging. It also maintained that the non-professional study of architecture brought pure enjoyment with only advantages and no drawbacks.

The article was sourced from Builder, a foreign architectural journal, suggesting that its author was either an architecture enthusiast or an architect. Compared with the study of literature, the history of the Greeks and Romans, medieval English history, or past political and social systems, it was asserted that architectural education would be more beneficial and relevant for future generations because of its closer ties to the present and greater impact on people’s lives. For the author, the advantages of non-professional study of architecture could not be overrated. However, the architecture of ancient times was largely overlooked, with little consideration given to its character, relationship to the people, or its impact on future generations. There was a lack of effort to teach its principles and a lack of qualified instructors to provide that knowledge in most foreign educational institutions (The Non-professional Study of Architecture 1879).

5.2. Proposal for Professional Architecture Education in Britain

The debate on professional architectural education resurfaced in British periodicals three decades later. According to The North-China Herald and Supreme Court & Consular Gazette (Chinese Architecture 1890), the first proposal for establishing an architectural school in the university came from Cambridge. With this object, a syndicate was appointed in June 1907 to draw up a scheme for the Senate’s consideration. But opposition against the scheme was published in The Times by three distinguished scholars8. Even before the author’s persuasive letter reached the Senate, a quick decision of veto was made known by the Cambridge Senate.

The process indicates that Westerners’ perceptions of architecture education remained consistent over three decades. It also indirectly reflected that, domestically and internationally, the professional study of architecture had not been prioritized or implemented over the past 30 years, and was largely limited to the realm of newspaper discussions and suggestions from foreign experts.

In China, traditional methods of architectural knowledge transmission persisted as the dominant paradigm, with the master–apprentice model of knowledge transmission remaining largely unaffected by the influx of Westerners and Western architectural theories and pedagogical approaches. Unlike other Western disciplines, which, after comparison with Chinese learning systems, sparked in China an urgency to learn from the West, architecture did not elicit the same response. As an integral part of daily life, much like the other basic necessities of food, clothing, and transportation, shelter (architecture) had become a habitual and indispensable dimension of everyday existence. Just as the saying “east or west, home is best” conveyed, dissatisfaction, criticism, or abandonment of traditional construction practices lagged behind other disciplines and the learning of Western architecture was late to come to Chinese minds. Consequently, this discipline’s significance was not recognized and addressed until the approach of the New Culture Movement.

This inertia in professional education reform of architecture was similarly evident in Western public perception. Thus, when the University of Cambridge initiated this experiment9, it faced trenchant criticism addressed to The Times by three signatories of distinguished position and authority. Their argument was that training for an architect-to-be was too technical and specialized, and that technical schools were sufficient for that. Cambridge was meant to produce the best minds for general liberal thought. This also demonstrated that even at Cambridge—an open-minded, advanced institution—advocacy for architectural education remained non-professional 30 years later. The author clearly stated that:

Their criticisms are seen to be based on a misconception of the Cambridge project. For the moment there is no idea either of establishing a tripos or conferring diplomas. It is suggested merely that a new branch be added to the general and special examinations for the ordinary degree. This course, in supplying what is done by technical schools, would also extend to architectural students the general advantages of a University career for which their parents could not otherwise afford them the time.

There were no diplomas, no degree, no tripos, no architectural school, but only a new branch or a course to add. The benefits given by the author were a savings of finances and time, and the prospect of the university label. The author was even reluctant to relate the aim of establishing an architectural school with improving the current architectural situation, only tentatively saying “This10, we believe, is the inequality which Cambridge seeks to remove while feeling its way to a more elaborate scheme, and with a secret desire, perhaps, of raising the general level of British architecture from its present depths” (Chinese Architecture 1890). Despite all the expectation and persuasion from foreign architects like the author, the initiative was totally refused.

5.3. Professional Regulations and Transformation of Architecture in China

The proposal had no effect in Britain, but in Shanghai on the same day that mail arrived, the Municipal Council published an amendment to Land Regulation XXX for consideration at the Ratepayers’ Meeting, which had an important bearing on the future of local architecture. Therefore, the idea must have influenced the amendment that appeared in the Municipal Gazette on 5 March 1908. The amendment proposed that the Council, with the authority to make rules regarding the construction of new buildings and ensuring public safety and convenience, “may further provide for the observance of such Rules by enacting therein provisions as to notices, as to the deposit of plans and sections of proposed buildings, as to architects, as to the superintendence of and responsibility for the proper construction of buildings, and as to inspection by the Council” (Regulations for Architecture 1908a).

It should be noted that, on August 16 of the previous year, proposals were presented at a special meeting of the Shanghai Society of Engineers and Architects, advocating for the registration of individuals practicing architecture in Shanghai. There was a clear connection between these proposals and the new amendment, which became more apparent considering that the suggestion had originated from the Municipal Engineer. The registration of architects in Shanghai immediately led to the idea of forming an advisory committee aimed at promoting good architectural taste and preventing the defacement of public structures.

Although the proposal for professional architectural study at universities was not approved back in Britain, professional regulation of architecture was enacted by foreign architects within their settlements in Shanghai. The equivalent effect of guaranteeing the professionalization of architecture was achieved in Britain. The article “Regulation for Architecture” documented the coincidental timing that mail arrived in Shanghai on the very day on which the Municipal Council had published an amendment to Land Regulation XXX, highlighting the global transmission of architectural policy and regulation across oceans during the Late Qing period. Remarkably, even by contemporary standards, the rapid transnational diffusion and implementation of these regulatory measures demonstrates exceptional efficiency in policy transfer. This achievement appears particularly extraordinary given the technological limitations of 1908. Such rapid response can be attributed to a convergence of institutional urgency between the Municipal Council and the Municipal Engineer, whose coordinated and prompt actions sought to guarantee professional architectural standards. Relevant observations can be found in the article: “the complete reconstruction of those streets is so nearly within the scope of the immediate future, that we cannot be justified in the eyes of posterity if we forgo any occasion to eliminate the discrepancies which now unpleasantly divide the back view of Shanghai from the front”; “an opportunity, moreover, which comes at a time when the laying out of new streets and the reconstruction of old ones in view of the growth of population and business are matters of continual attention” (Regulations for Architecture 1908b).

6. Comparison of Foreign Attitudes to Chinese Architecture

6.1. Imitating Chinese Architecture

Chinese architecture had always attracted sustained interest among Westerners—both within and beyond China—extending well beyond missionary circles. In Late Qing, studies on the architecture of China had been carried out by Westerners, either in foreign lands or in China. However, Westerners’ attitudes to Chinese architecture differed significantly depending on their locations. The attitudes held by Westerners in their home countries was largely the opposite view of those in China.

Such is a case in Britain. A “very interesting paper on the architecture of China”, by Mr. F.M. Gratton, was read “at a recent meeting of the Royal Institute of British Architects” by Mr. Kidner, in the absence of the author. In that paper, Mr. Gratton attributed much of what was admired in Japanese art to Chinese origins. On reading the paper and discussing China’s credit with Japanese art, British architects at the meeting raised the question whether the Chinese style of architecture could be adopted in Western countries. During the discussion, Mr. Woodward shared from his own experience that he had recently seen a suite of apartments in the Queen’s palace at the Hague furnished in the Chinese style and he appraised the effect as most beautiful. He argued that while Westerners could not replicate Chinese pagodas and other buildings, they might adopt Chinese decorative and furnishing styles. He ended with the joking remark that “he would only observe that if a certain nation pursued its excursions much further there would be very little opportunity left them of studying Chinese architecture. (Laughter)” (Interesting Paper on the Architecture of China 1895).

The paper and meeting discussions focused on timber construction systems, especially the use of small-scantling timbers for large-area roofing. Temples, palaces, pagodas, towers, pavilions, memorial arches, gateways, and bridges were addressed in turn. Experts from the Royal Institute of British Architects expressed interest in Chinese architecture and extended their thanks to the author of the paper. Through the newspaper report, it is clear that Chinese architecture was viewed as a model to imitate among leading British architects.

Although foreign architects fancied Chinese architecture, they alluded that the iconoclastic influences affecting China contributed to its lack of architectural monuments. They avoided the contentious topic of the “tent theory” and refrained from discussing the reasons behind features such as curved or hollow roofs, heavy projecting eaves, fluvials and arabesques, as well as the intricate terminals of hips and ridges (Interesting Paper on the Architecture of China 1895). These divergences and allusions can be traced back to differing cultures and customs between China and the West. Both appreciation and criticism, attraction and aversion coexisted, resulting in a complex and contradictory response, which was reflected in newspaper reports on architecture.

6.2. Guarding Against Chinese Architecture

Regarding Chinese architecture near foreign buildings in the settlement, expatriates in China held opposite views. They considered not only the style of the buildings but also their location and connections to policy-making, particularly to Chinese officials like magistrates. Judging the building itself, the newspaper described the New Mixed Court as “an architectural wonder in the Foreign Settlement. While it was better than the average native structures, it still fell short of the standard of some first class yamêns and temples”. According to European standards, its ornamentation was deemed “miserably tawdry and execrable in taste”. It can be inferred that expatriates in China ranked European buildings as the finest, followed by first-class yamêns and temples, with the New Mixed Court in the settlement rated next. All of these surpassed the average Chinese native buildings. In the view of expatriates, the Imperial Custom House had been the sole representative of the national architectural style, while the Mixed Court was seen as an addition to the settlement’s architectural wonders. Although modifiers like “grace”, “magnificence”, “gorgeousness”, “splendour”, and “wonder” were used to describe the Chinese buildings, it maintained “when we leave England, we have most of us vague ideas of the gorgeousness of Chinese palaces, but directly we set foot inside the native city we are disillusionized—but had he seen the one, or read the other, his ardour would have been changed into disgust” (Another Specimen of Chinese Architecture in The Settlement 1867).

From the foreign perspective, the positioning of the architecture placed them at a disadvantage and created an unfavorable situation. It was a step of doubtful policy on the part of the Chinese and would be “a blunder pregnant with unfortunate consequences”. The article warned that the gaudy building was strategically placed by the Chinese as part of a grave plotting and scheming. The newly constructed Mixed Court was disconnected from the Supreme Court, the Consulate, and other public buildings associated with the British, making it distinctly Chinese. Previously, the Mixed Court had been sheltered by its proximity to other foreign tribunals, but the new plan permanently severed this connection. Although the English gaol would be near the new edifice, the English gaol was not equivalent to the English Consulate, so practically the step taken severed a union of much significance. The author asserted, “The pages of this journal have never been filled with vague denunciations of the policy of consuls and officials generally, neither have we affected an unsleeping apprehension of Chinese subtlety and Chinese aggression” (Another Specimen of Chinese Architecture in The Settlement 1867).

Architecture was seen as a strategic move in a larger agenda rather than merely an artistic building. The North-China Daily News transmitted an alert message from expatriates in China to the international community outside, while simultaneously performing dual discursive functions: articulating architectural commentary alongside sophisticated political and diplomatic analysis through the medium of newspaper.

7. Comparison of American and Chinese Architecture Conditions and Transformation

7.1. Bad Condition and Badly-Needed Transformation of Churches in China

Regarding the construction of the new Trinity Church, opinions varied on its architectural style, reflecting the diverse sentiments surrounding the edifice. Some viewed the completed structure with pride and satisfaction, while many deemed it excessively costly and large. The church garnered substantial criticism from the public press, and its merits and demerits became a popular topic for after-dinner discussions.

In The North-China Daily News, problems about the Trinity Church were indicated and solutions was proposed. As the church grounds had been a vast swamp, they were haunted by a chorus of frogs day and night. In the eyes of missionaries, such a sacred enclosure as Trinity Church should have never been desecrated by unhallowed clamors. The church’s tangled shrubs had harbored snakes and thieves; its ill-selected trees, pack of pariah dogs, and the noisome waters of its pond all had been a cause of perpetual nuisance and complaint. The area was plagued by filth, debris, and decay. Hordes of coolies had accumulated their nuisances about the ground. It had been amusingly named “the howling wilderness” (Different Opinions of New Trinity Church 1869). A committee was formed to deal with the nuisance and make reform. The article put forward a rough outline of the scheme which was considered simple and sensible, but difficult to implement.

Buildings in London and Shanghai were compared, indicating that English public structures were often located in crowded streets, limiting their visibility. Many prominent edifices in London were situated in unfavorable corner locations, and the architectural qualities, including the balanced proportions, elaborate ornamentation, and classic elegance of these buildings, were compromised by adjacent commercial establishments. In contrast, Shanghai benefited from a series of fortunate circumstances, enabling the Trinity Church to be positioned in one of the best locations within the settlement.

7.2. Transmission of Foreign Architecture and Transformation for Chinese Architecture

7.2.1. Good Condition of Church Architecture in America

Whenever Western churches were reported in the news, the language used was typically commendatory rather than negative. The sacred and magnificent atmosphere was presented as “really spectacular” and “elegant scenery”, as described in “Church Anecdote translated from American Newspaper”.

Religious miracles were narrated as:

Queen Mary of Portugal made a wish before the Lord that if she had a son, she would build the Lord’s Church. After the birth of a son, the church was built in fulfillment of Queen Mary’s wish” and “a poisonous gecko wanting to take advantage to bite the sleeping pedestrians, the Virgin Mary manifested herself and awakened the pedestrians to subdue the gecko.

(Church Anecdote Translated from American Newspaper 1880)

7.2.2. Good Condition of School Architecture in America

According to The China Press, if a schoolhouse served as an indicator of educational status, the educational landscape across America appeared to be in a commendable state, as evidenced by its thousands of well-equipped and sanitary school buildings distributed throughout the country. In terms of architectural design and functionality, modern school buildings in various towns in America compared favorably to the best structures used for other purposes. Architects and builders quickly adapted the latest innovations in ventilation, heating, and safety to meet the needs of public schools. Issues related to lighting, fire safety, auditoriums, conservatories, school lunches, darkening control, furniture, laboratories, art rooms, and multifunctional spaces were systematically addressed. Furniture was generally provided in American schools, and significant attention was devoted to the hygiene and comfort of school furniture, as well as its suitability for educational purposes. Given the availability of necessary items from various manufacturers at competitive prices, there was little justification for any school building to be inadequately furnished. From kindergarten to college, a wide range of needs had been considered. A significant development in school architecture was underway in St. Louis, where USD 1,700,000 had been allocated for improvements, with the expectation that the completed project would be among the best in the world (Haskin 1911).

As far as America is concerned, in the field of architecture, only commendatory words were found in news reports and articles in either The North-China Daily News or The Review of the Times. No negative expressions were related to American architecture in the two newspapers. The reasons were twofold. First, as English language editors of these two newspapers primarily comprised Western expatriates in China, they consciously or unconsciously aligned themselves with what they perceived as civilized nations in order to establish themselves as experts or scholars in front of Chinese natives. Consequently, America was labeled as the advanced and civilized nation while China was portrayed as less developed by comparison, and African nations as backward and uncivilized. The second reason is that America served as an aspirational model to persuade the Chinese to convert to Christianity or to change and transform individuals or the country in a broader sense. Therefore, a model like America was needed. These publications required such a reference point, otherwise, their preaching or teaching would lack a civilized country as a reference.

7.2.3. Progress of Architecture in America

In The Review of the Times, news reports with titles like “Architecture Progress” or “Architecture Daily Progress” were common, reflecting newspapers’ preoccupations with technological advancement. Though they were all entitled with “Architecture Progress”, the progress described in the news was dramatically different. One news of “Architecture Progress” traced back from the ancient earth cave and juniper nest to the origins of “building” concept. It reported the recent major progress in architecture was the replacement of wood and stone with iron and steel, especially in American houses, where almost all wooden doors or gates were substituted by copper and steel for the sake of fire safety and for solid and economic reasons. In the past, American houses, usually tall, easily caught fire (Allen and Van 1905).

Only 20 issues afterwards, another news entitled “Architecture Daily Progress” reported on the much-advanced facilities of an American building. The new building was as high as 612 feet with a total of 41 floors, each of which was inhabitable. There were 16 elevators on the bottom floor and 4 on the top. It was constructed in a circular shape to minimize the impact of strong winds. Though it was not as high as the Washington Monument and the Paris Eiffel Tower, it surpassed the two owing to its inhabitability (Allen and Van 1907).

In comparison, it is clear that the architectural periods reported in the two news reports must have spanned more than two years—the interval between the publications. Western knowledge, including architectural concepts, was transmitted from west to east in a condensed manner and over a shortened time frame. Knowledge exchange did not adhere to its original path or follow the natural order of its development, which typically progresses at a gradual pace; instead, the knowledge transmission facilitated by newspapers and magazines was most likely abrupt.

8. Discussion and Conclusions

By examining the discourses and narratives on Chinese architecture in two main newspapers, the relations between the discourses and narratives by expatriates and missionaries in China could be unfolded in the following three aspects.

One aspect of the relations centered on discourses and narratives. In comparison, the similarities between missionaries and expatriates could uncover missionaries’ characteristics, whether in terms of interests, attitudes, or opinions. Conversely, the differences between the two would reveal the unique features of non-missionaries; that is, non-missionaries’ characteristics exclude the similarities between missionaries and non-missionaries.

The differences between the discourses of missionaries and expatriates were illustrated through various types of newspaper texts, including news reports, lecture notices, general introductions, and academic articles on topics such as Chinese architecture history, Shanghai’s early architecture and development, building progress, construction materials, and infrastructure. The texts also addressed specific constructions like churches and schools, as well as architecture education reform, covering both professional and non-professional studies, along with regulations in architecture. This comparison revealed differing attitudes towards Chinese architecture among Westerners, both in their homelands and in China. While Westerners at home appreciated traditional Chinese architecture (particularly its decorations and furnishings), intending to imitate them, expatriates in China were much concerned about the positioning of the New Mixed Court.

Shared discourses and narratives between the two groups highlighted unique aspects of missionary concerns. For instance, brief news articles about churches, both within and outside China, often focused on donations, funding, building processes, and opening ceremonies. The bad conditions of churches in China contrasted sharply with the superior conditions of schools and churches in America. Both missionaries and non-missionaries exhibited similar attitudes toward anecdotes in news reports, acknowledging the general advancements in building materials, facilities, safety, and habitability in Western countries.

The distinctions between the two groups revealed the interests and topics that appealed to non-missionaries. These included the political implications of the New Mixed Court in settlements, the need for enhanced supervision and regulation in architectural construction, professional education reform in their home countries, the history of Chinese architecture, the development of Shanghai’s architecture, and a comparative analysis of Chinese and foreign architectural merits and shortcomings.

Another aspect of the relations concerned identity. Besides missionary identity, missionaries in Late Qing could also adopt a broader cultural identity as expatriates. They had the flexibility to switch between the two identities based on circumstance, altering their titles or honorifics from missionary to foreigner as needed. For instance, Edkins was addressed as Dr. Edkins, while Bevan was introduced as Rev. Bevan, despite both being missionaries, both lectures focusing on Chinese architecture, and both reports published in the same newspaper—The North-China Daily News. The key difference lay in the eventful times and individual preferences: Edkins’s lecture was delivered in 1890, while Bevan’s was in 1903, a gap of 13 years. During this period, historical events such as the Boxer rebellion had taken place and had left lasting impacts and enduring shadows for some missionaries like Bevan. Bevan might have been a full-blooded missionary, had seen many of his fellow Christians died in the Boxer rebellion, and could have changed from being reluctant to more willing to display his religious identity to the public. As for Edkins, he was representative of the civilizational impact of the West, and furthermore possessed a genuine interest in learning from China and other Asian societies, which was manifested by his paper on opium. Earlier, Edkins’s religious identities were often invisible in the press; the discourses and narratives contained subtle references to Christianity. For example, Dr. Edkins‘s lecture inevitably incorporated religious terminology and implied Christian themes. The visibility or invisibility of a missionary’s identity hinged on whether they signed as a missionary, an expatriate, anonymous, with the academic title “Dr.”, or with a Chinese name. Although the two lecturers held different titles, the content of their lectures revealed their connections to religion in one way or another.

In contrast, non-missionary writers of “Early Architecture in Shanghai” and “Architecture in Shanghai” presented the subject academically, with minimal reference to churches and a deliberate distance from religious connotations. As foreign architects, these writers focused on construction features, plans, practices, and trends in a scientific and objective way. Their articles on Shanghai architecture emphasized various non-religious structures, with sparse references to churches and chapels.

On the contrary, the two missionary lecturers aimed to highlight the superiority or inferiority of the advanced and backward religions and civilizations of Western and Eastern countries, respectively. Notably, although Edkins was labeled as Dr. rather than Rev., his lecture inevitably drew comparisons between Christianity and Chinese concepts such as Feng-shui and Buddhism. In contrast, the non-missionary foreign writers concentrated on building itself, avoiding discussions of churches. While the missionary lecturers did not explicitly preach Christianity, they indirectly suggested its themes—one referring to traditional Chinese religions and the other evaluating Eastern and Western civilizations11.

The third aspect of the relations pertained to location. Foreign architects in Britain regarded Chinese architecture as a model and desired to learn from it. However, for those British who settled in Shanghai, the newly constructed Chinese building was seen as a political threat and a potential blunder. The reason underneath could also explain why migrants, whether Chinese in America or British in Shanghai, tended to build their houses abroad in their native architectural styles and practices. The shared reason could also explain the deep-rooted inertia against architectural reform in Britain, which contrasted sharply with the swift changes that took place in foreign settlements like Shanghai. The architecture regulation in foreign lands was issued as fast as it was vetoed in native lands. These seemingly unrelated phenomena shared the same fundamental cause, that is, it is human nature to view and treat things differently when they are in native lands or foreign lands. When residing in native lands, ingrained traditions and habits withdrew people from changes or reforms. In contrast, in foreign lands, changes or reforms were imposed upon others rather than themselves. As a result, architectural education reform at home was stagnant, while regulations in Shanghai were implemented swiftly.

Both missionaries and expatriates in China held similar mindsets and behavioral patterns as they moved between home and abroad, adapting their behavioral strategies toward both Chinese communities and their compatriots. These shifts in thinking and behavior occurred instinctively and were followed unconsciously. Wherever they were, their own habits and familiar modes remained constant, enabling them to influence and effect changes in foreign environments. However, impacts were passively imposed onto the other party, and resistance is the natural reaction of that party. To take the resistance into consideration, expatriates in Shanghai settlement were cautious of the possible scheme behind the new building.

The mindset of superiority and inferiority also emerged as a natural outcome of shifting locations. While expatriates in China did not evaluate home churches in the same way missionaries did, they did express admiration for the school architecture and building advancements of their homelands. The self-esteem of superiority was similar to that of missionaries, except that their ultimate goal was not proselytizing.

Expatriates in China not only accelerated architectural reforms in Shanghai but also advocated for architecture education reform back home. This demonstrated that variation in location tended to activate individuals to affect changes both in their homelands and in foreign lands. Such is human nature and instinctive reaction, irrespective of nationality, religion, or cultural background.