The Recovery of Lu Xiujing’s Daughter: Family Ethics in Daoxue Zhuan 道學傳

Abstract

This paper re-examines the story of Lu Xiujing’s 陆修静 (406–477) abandonment of his ailing daughter, as recorded in Daoxue zhuan 道學傳 (Biographies of the Adepts of the Dao, hereafter DXZ), to challenge prevailing scholarly interpretations of this story that emphasize Daoist familial renunciation as a Buddhist-influenced complete rejection of Confucian ethics. Through close analysis of biographies in DXZ, Lu’s own writings, and the compiler Ma Shu’s 馬樞 (522–581) life, the study criticizes the habitual thinking of scholars that overemphasizes the tendency of early medieval Chinese Daoism to leave home, and argues that DXZ takes the protagonists in the biographies as models to convey the ethical concept of striving to reconcile the Daoist concept of leaving home to pursue religion aim with the family harmony advocated by traditional Confucianism, and it offers some feasible ideas for resolving the Confucian–Daoist ethical tensions. Ma Shu’s biographical strategy, reflecting his own Confucian-educated background engaged with Daoist belief, positions Lu as an exemplar of this balance. By contextualizing these accounts within social realities and compiler intentionality, the study advances a revised understanding of early medieval Daoist ethics, that is, an effort to pursue the harmonious coexistence of religious pursuits and family care.

Your servant Li Mi is now forty-four years old, and my grandmother is ninety-six. Thus the days I have left to serve Your Majesty are many, while those to repay my grandmother’s care are few. Filled with solicitude as the crow that seeks to feed its old parent, I beg to be allowed to support her to the end of her days…. I pray Your Majesty to have compassion on my sincerity and grant my humble wish, so that my grandmother may live out her remaining years in peace. While alive I will offer my life in your service, and after death I shall “knot a clump of grass’ for you1.”

臣密今年四十有四，祖母今年九十有六，是臣盡節於陛下之日長，報養劉之日短也。烏鳥私情，願乞終養。……願陛下矜湣愚誠，聽臣微志，庶劉僥倖，保卒餘年。臣生當隕首，死當結草。

(Fang 1974, p. 2275)

My opening remarks allude to the renowned “Chenqing biao” 陳情表 (Memorial expressing my emotions), a petition submitted by Li Mi 李密 (224–287), a noted literatus of the Western Jin Dynasty (265–317), to Emperor Wu of Jin (r. 266–290). The emperor, recognizing Li Mi’s literary talent, sought to recruit him into the imperial court. Though Li Mi was willing, he pleaded for deferment, citing his obligation to care for his elderly grandmother, who had raised him alone. He requested permission to attend to her in her final years before devoting himself to state service. Deeply moved by Li Mi’s filial devotion, Emperor Wu not only granted his plea but also bestowed upon him financial support and two maidservants to assist in his grandmother’s care, ensuring he could fulfill his duties without undue hardship. Li Mi entered imperial service after his grandmother’s passing, thus striking a delicate balance between loyalty to the sovereign and filial piety.

A similar dynamic, however, is often overlooked in Daoist studies. Scholars examining the renunciation of household life by Daoist priests tend to foreground the ethical tensions between individual and familial obligations—a perspective heavily influenced by Buddhist frameworks. Yet not all narratives frame religion and secular life as inherently antagonistic. This paper argues that certain cases, which superficially appear to reinforce conflicts between Daoism and Confucian family values, actually repair such rifts at a deeper level. By presenting some typical cases of how exemplary Daoist practitioners navigate familial relationships, these accounts provide believers with the confidence to persevere—much like the celebrated anecdote between Li Mi and Emperor Wu of Jin.

1. Introduction

This paper examines the case of Lu Xiujing (陸修靜, 406–477) as recorded in the Daoxue zhuan 道學傳 (Biographies of the Adepts of the Dao, hereafter DXZ), using his biography to expand upon the broader argument regarding Daoist familial ethics. A pivotal figure in early medieval Chinese Daoism, Lu Xiujing was not only a master ritualist but also the compiler of the earliest extant catalogue of Daoist scriptures. His legacy encompasses both institutional reform—particularly within Celestial Master Daoism (Tianshi dao 天師道)—and ritual contributions to the Lingbao 靈寶 (Numinous Treasure) tradition.2 Moreover, his close ties to the imperial court underscore his socio-religious influence.

The earliest surviving biography of Lu appears in the DXZ, compiled by Ma Shu 馬樞 (522–581).3 Among its passages, one anecdote has drawn significant scholarly attention:

Lu Xiujing, styled Yuande, was a native of Dongqian in Wuxing of Song times. He retired to Mount Yunmeng, cultivated the dao. [When] he descended for a short while to seek medical herbs [and] came upon his native village and made a halt [in his] family for several days, a daughter unexpectedly [contracted] a sudden disease. [When her fatal] destiny lay within a sundial’s notch, and a member of the family strongly begged [him] to help and treat [her], the Master sighed, saying: “I originally gave up and broke off [relations with] wife and children, [to] devote [my] life to the limits of the mysterious. Today [I] pass through the family and what happens is the same as [in] an inn! How [can I] again have a mind concerned with affections!?” Whereupon, shaking out [his] clothes, he left, departing straightaway, and not [even] turning [his] head. One day after [he had] left, the daughter’s disease was immediately healed.

陸修靜，字元德，宋時吳興東遷人也。隱雲夢山修道，暫下尋藥，進過故鄉，停家數日，女忽暴病，命在晷刻，家人固請救治。先生歎曰：我本委絕妻子，託身玄極，今之過家，事同逆旅，豈復有愛著之心？於是拂衣而出，直逝不顧，去後一日，女病即愈也。

(Bumbacher 2000, pp. 207–8)

Zhong Guofa characterized Lu Xiujing’s actions as a “reckless departure” that demonstrated a “devoid of family affection”. He argued that this “such a decisive attitude is quite different from the traditional Chinese spirit of valuing life and loving others, and obviously accepts the influence of Buddhism” (Zhong 2005, p. 531). Franciscus Verellen similarly contextualizes this narrative within Buddhist parallels, though with a different emphasis. Rather than asserting direct Buddhist influence, Verellen suggests the story reflects a growing convergence between Daoist and monks’ social roles: “Daoist should assume a role in society comparable to that of the Buddhistsangha, who procured the salvation of their parents not by engaging in conventional acts of filial piety, but by meditating and performing rituals in the seclusion of the monastery” (Verellen 2019, pp. 211–12). Stephen Bokenkamp’s analysis offers greater nuance. While noting similarities with Buddhist narratives, he refrains from claiming that Lu was influenced by Buddhism. Instead, he interprets Lu’s actions as “exemplary models of religious giving”, characterized by “here no negotiation, no emotional calibration, nothing but the seemingly heartless self-assurance of the religious individual who knows that personal concerns will be resolved through transcendent deeds” (Bokenkamp 2006, p. 69). Gil Raz’s interpretation, while perceptive, remains somewhat ambiguous and vague. He suggests, ”The main point of this narrative may be the daughter’s miraculous cure in response to Lu’s complete renunciation of his family. This emphasis of complete renunciation indicates a major shift in Daoist practice, and the beginning of Daoist monasticism” (Raz 2012, p. 247). Although Raz identifies the daughter’s recovery as the story’s focal point, he does not fully explicate the causal relationship between Lu’s renunciation and her healing, that is in what sense or aspects his daughter’s miraculous cure was “in response to” Lu.

While existing analyses have predominantly focused on Lu Xiujing’s act of familial renunciation—an interpretation that logically supports the view of early medieval Daoism encouraging detachment from household life—this reading captures only one dimension of the textual evidence. What remains overlooked is the compiler’s intentionality: We must distinguish between Lu Xiujing’s words and deeds and what Ma Shu, the editor of DXZ, sought to communicate through his biographical construction. This study proposes an alternative hermeneutic approach to these narratives. Rather than viewing Lu Xiujing’s story in isolation as an exhort to the Daoists on their monastic renunciation, I argue that the DXZ presents a deliberate sequence of didactic accounts showcasing Daoist adepts inner negotiating between religious commitment and family obligations. Through these carefully curated biographies, Ma Shu appears to have constructed some feasible models for the practitioner—household relations—not to advocate complete abandonment, but to demonstrate viable reconciliations4 that would alleviate practitioners’ anxieties about familial responsibilities and reinforce their confidence in pursuing the Daoist path.

2. The Family Affection in Daoxue Zhuan

Robert Campany’s research on Shenxian zhuan 神仙傳 (Biographies of Divine Transcendents, hereafter SXZ) provides a valuable reference point for our discussion. In his study of transcendent biographies, he observes the following:

“It is clear that the short-term challenge of the transcendence quest to filiality worried the makers of stories about adepts, for the hagiographies seem at pains to explore this problem. More broadly, they reveal various facets of the tension between self-cultivation and family life.”

(Campany 2009, p. 190)

However, when applying this framework to Ma Shu’s DXZ, I propose a slight but crucial modification. Rather than merely “exploring the problem”, the DXZ hagiographies actively demonstrate how Daoist adepts successfully navigated these ethical tensions. The text does not simply “reveal various aspects” of the dilemma but instead presents practical models for resolving it—models that practitioners would naturally seek to emulate, given the hagiographies’ normative function. This distinction arises from a fundamental difference between the DXZ and Ge Hong’s 葛洪 (283–343) SXZ. While the SXZ often portrays idealized transcendents in mythic narratives, the DXZ—as Bumbacher has also noted—reflects a closer connection to the lived realities of Daoist practitioners:

When the DXZ was compiled a series of Daoist collections of Lives, such as the Liexian zhuan 列仙传 (Arranged biographies of immortals) or the Shenxian zhuan did already exist. However, they almost exclusively dealt with immortals, as their titles already indicate. The DXZ, on the other hand, seems to be the first compilation of Daoist biographies whose protagonists for the most part were mortal beings; some of them even have entries in the standard dynastic histories.

(Bumbacher 2000, p. 2)

The protagonists in SXZ are portrayed as already perfected transcendents whose final departure from family life typically occurs through extraordinary means like shijie 尸解, (liberate oneself by means of corpse) or celestial ascension. While these dramatic exits represent idealized outcomes for Daoist practitioners, they remain unattainable models for emulation in daily practice. In striking contrast, the DXZ presents its subjects’ separation from household life through ordinary, replicable actions: quietly leaving home, refusing arranged marriages, or composing farewell letters. Notably, even when DXZ records figures possessing supernatural abilities, these powers are conspicuously absent in narratives dealing with family matters. This deliberate narrative choice suggests DXZ’s conscious effort to address familial tensions on a practical, human level rather than through miraculous solutions. This distinction carries significant guiding implications. By grounding its narratives in realistically achievable behaviors, DXZ provides tangible models for resolving the perennial tension between religious commitment and family obligations. Ordinary practitioners through these accounts could reasonably envision themselves following similar paths, thus making the text’s didactic purpose far more immediate and actionable than the fantastical solutions offered in SXZ.

2.1. Spousal Relations: Diverse Approaches in Daoxue Zhuan

An important analytical distinction must be made regarding how DXZ portrays adepts’ relationships with different family members. While many entries simply note practitioners’ detachment through generic terms like lijia 离家 (leave the family) or shejia 舍家 (give up the family) to signify their ascetic status, the text reveals more nuanced treatment when providing detailed narratives of familial separation. Significantly, in these elaborated accounts, the primary relational rupture usually occurs between practitioners and their spouses rather than other family members. A paradigmatic example appears in the biography of Xu Mai 许迈, who composed a formal farewell letter to his wife several months after retreating to the mountains. This case demonstrates the following:

He intended to seek after the dao of immortality. [When] he entered the mountains west of Lin’an, for several months he did not return and people, too, did not know where he went. Prior to that, he had taken a daughter of Cavalier Attendant-in-ordinary Sun Hong of the Wu commandery as [his] wife. [While] Mai dwelt in the mountains of Lin’an, he wrote [her] a letter, [in which] he excused [himself politely] and sent his wife away [back to her parents]

志求仙道，入臨安西山，經月不返，人亦不知其所之。先娶散騎常侍吴郡孫宏女為妻，邁居臨安山中，為書，謝遣其妻。

(Bumbacher 2000, p. 142)

The case of Xu Mai’s formal farewell letter to his wife months after departing represents one of the most definitive examples of marital separation within the extant DXZ text. This deliberate, post-departure communication stands in marked contrast to the abrupt and often unexplained actions of abandonment in SXZ narratives,5 demonstrating DXZ’s more measured approach to leave the family.

Some stories reveal a pattern when documenting practitioners who committed to the Daoist path prior to marriage. They typically chose direct refusal of marital arrangements rather than subsequent separation. The case of Chu Boyu 儲伯玉 exemplifies this approach:

[When his] father made [him] take a wife, [and his new] wife entered through the front door, Boyu went through the back door and left. He went to Yan [district], dwelt on Mount Pubu, and cultivated the dao.

父為取婦。入前門間，伯玉從後門而出，往剡居瀑布山修道。

(Bumbacher 2000, p. 202)

The DXZ demonstrates that female devotees employed similar strategies of marital refusal, though often facing greater societal opposition. The case of Song Yuxian 宋玉賢 exemplifies this gendered challenge and its successful resolution:

[As her] years advanced and she was about to be marriageable, and [her] father and mother were about to give [her] in marriage to the Xu clan, she secretly prepared the ‘garments of the law, and mounted the carriage, [and] when she reached [her] husband’s gate [and] the time came for the ‘six ceremonies [of marriage], she changed [her clothing] and put on a yellow linen skirt and very coarse woollen [clothes], held a ‘magpie-tail’ incense burnerin [her] hands, and did not attend in person the wife’s ceremonies. Guests and hosts were startled. [As] the husband’s family was not able to bend [her will] by their efforts, [they] abandoned [her] and let [her] go and return to [her] own family. She subsequently achieved leaving [her] family.

年及將笄，父母將歸許氏，密具法服，登車既至夫門時，及六禮，更著黃布裙褐，手執鵲尾香鑪，不親婦禮，賓主駭愕，夫家力不能曲，棄放還本家，遂成出家也。

(Bumbacher 2000, pp. 295–96)

Song’s decision to leave her family was clearly premeditated. Although her and her fiancé’s family were initially opposed, they eventually accepted her choice. The story emphasizes that even when familial and social pressures were most intense—during the actual wedding ceremonies—determined women could successfully assert their religious commitments. Song’s case serves as a model for female practitioners, demonstrating that steadfast devotion could overcome conventional expectations.

It is worth noting that in these cases, although Ma Shu describes several practitioners resolutely embracing celibacy and rejecting marriage, he does not mention any direct conflicts arising between them and their blood relatives (parents or children). In fact, Ma Shu never depicts any Daoist devotees engaging in outright confrontations with their parents or children. The aforementioned cases are better characterized as instances of “escaping marriage” rather than “leaving the family.”

From these cases, we can see the prevalence of celibacy and asceticism in early medieval Chinese Daoism. However, abandoning the spouse or rejecting marriage is not the only option for Daoist practitioners. The DXZ also documents successful integrations of spiritual and family life, with the biography of Liu Ningzhi 刘凝之, the contemporary of Lu Xiujing, demonstrating how Daoist practice could coexist with harmonious family life:

Liu Ningzhi, styled Zhi’an, [with] child name Changnian, was a native of Zhijiang of Nan prefecture. Princes and dukes bestowed presents [on him], [but] there was not a single one that he accepted. He entirely divided up [his] family’s wealth and enterprises (事業) and gave [them] to [his] younger brothers and nephews. He went out into the wilderness and made a chamber with an encircling wall. [When something] was not made [by his own] effort, he would not take [it]. [As] the purposes of the husband [Ningzhi] and [his] wife were on a par, they were able by means of maintaining moral integrity to be at peace with themselves unrestrained by trifles. Regularly-together with [his] wife-he took a carriage [filled with] hay and went through the market gates. They sold [their] ware according to their true value, the remainder of [their] whole food then was given to people begging [for food]. Although repeated years of drought interrupted [the production of] grain, they did not give up their principles. [As his] wife was the daughter of the Regional Inspector of the Liang prefecture, Guo Quan, [her] dowry was abundant and luxurious. Ningzhi [on the other hand] entirely divided [it] up and supplied [it] to [his] relatives, not stopping till he had givenit all away. And the woman did not begrudge it either.

劉凝之，字志安，小名長年，南郡枝江人也。王公贈遺，一無所受，家財事業，悉分與弟姪，出於蒿萊之中，而為環堵之室，非力作不取也。夫妻齊操，能以苦節自安，不拘小節，常與妻共取莢車入市門，隨物貴賤而賣之，周食餘便以乞人，雖復荒年絕粒，不革其操。妻梁州刺史郭詮女，遣送豐華，凝之悉分贍親屬，以盡為限，婦亦無吝心也。

[As] by nature he was fond of mountains and water, he accordingly took along wife and children and they passed over cliffs and went over mountain ranges. [He] made a small thumbleweed hut. Wife and children all followed [him]. It is not known where they ended.

性好山水，乃携妻子跨崖越嶺為小蓬室，妻子皆從不知所終也。

(Bumbacher 2000, pp. 195–96)

Liu Ningzhi lived during approximately the same period as Lu Xiujing. According to his biography, the author provides a detailed account of Liu’s harmonious family life, in which he distributed his property to his brothers and nephews while living a life of charity and seclusion with his wife and children, showing no indications of celibacy. His wife, coming from a noble family background, strongly supported her husband’s Daoist beliefs. Such accounts provide important counterpoints to the more radical separation narratives, offering practitioners multiple pathways for balancing religious and familial obligations.

These cases demonstrate that the Daoists recorded in DXZ held varying attitudes toward spousal relationships. When marriage and spouses posed obstacles to religious practice, Daoists would naturally sever or reject the marital bond. However, when spouses were supportive of the Daoist faith, maintaining harmonious relationships was not considered unacceptable for Daoist practitioners.

This opinion, in fact, differs from the radical celibacy advocated in Buddhism. In Ma Shu’s accounts, the choice to renounce marriage or to maintain it lies with the practitioners themselves—both paths could serve as models for Daoists. Such a stance undoubtedly mediates, at least in part, between traditional familial ethics, which emphasize the importance of marital bonds, and the religious inclination toward celibacy. Moreover, Ma Shu does not present a single case in which celibacy leads to irreconcilable conflict between the protagonists and their blood relatives. This absence of tension is related to the attitude toward filial piety in DXZ, which I will examine next.

2.2. Resolving Tensions with Family and Demonstrating Filial Piety

While the DXZ documents various Daoist attitudes toward spousal relationships, it contains few detailed accounts of severed ties between practitioners and their blood relatives. When describing interactions between Daoists and their blood relatives, the narratives typically emphasize not the abandonment of family for religious pursuits, but rather the reconciliation of faith and familial obligations to ease tensions between these two aspects.

Kong Lingchan 孔靈產 (fl. 465–471), a contemporary of Lu Xiujing, was similarly favored by Emperor Ming of the Song Dynasty宋明帝 (r. 466–472), who established monasteries for both of them, respectively. Kong received an official position and continued to enjoy imperial patronage under Qi Dynasty (479–502) rulers after the fall of Liu Song (420–479). According to DXZ records, he abstained from meat and delicacies following his mother’s death. When his father returned from the capital and found him emaciated, he prepared fine foods for his son. Though Kong reluctantly complied, he became ill after eating these rich dishes. Recognizing his son’s unwavering inner nature, Kong’s father ceased insisting he consume such delicacies:

Kong Lingchan, styled Lingchan, was a native of Shanyin in Kuaiji. [When] he was sad [because of the death of his] mother and in mourning, he became known because of [his] filiality: he from then on broke off eating and drinking delicacies, [his] rice gruel was vegetable, [his] linen [clothes] were colourless, and he determined to fully maintain [this] till the end of [his] life. [His) father being in the capital did not yet know this. [But] later, [when] he left the city and settled in [his home-]province, he saw [that his son] suffered fromemaciation. [Since his] father felt pity, he ordered refined dainties from the kitchen, and conferred upon [him dishes of] the same flavour [-category] On his father’s kindly instructions (慈訓), [Lingchan] forced [himself] and put [the food into his] mouth and swallowed [it], because of which [he] subsequently fell ill. [His] father had thought he was being kind, but innate nature (天性) cannot be changed, and he did not again press [his son to eat against his will].

(Bumbacher 2000, pp. 275–76)

孔靈產，字靈產，會稽山陰人也。遭母憂居喪，以孝聞，讌酌珍羞自此而絕，饘蔬布素，志畢終身。父在京師，未之知也。後出都定省，見有毀瘠，父惻然，命廚精饌、賜與同味，即奉慈訓，勉彊進口而嚥，遂以成疾。父以仁也，天性不可移，不復逼也。

This account reveals that Kong Lingchan’s relationship with his family remained intact, even displaying mutual understanding and warmth. His dietary habits had become fundamentally different from his father’s to the point of causing illness when consuming ordinary food, demonstrating his spiritual transformation. Meanwhile, his father continued expressing paternal care through conventional means. After witnessing his son’s compromise and subsequent illness, the father came to understand and accept Kong’s spiritual path. Ultimately, Kong became one of the most eminent Daoist priests of his era.6 This narrative illustrates the tension between religious devotion and family bonds, yet the DXZ presents this conflict as resolvable without complete estrangement. The story suggests that total renunciation of familial ties is not the sole path for Daoist practitioners, and advocates instead for mutual understanding and compromise that maintains both spiritual boundaries and family connections, culminating in a heartwarming resolution.

The DXZ explicitly documents Kong Lingchan’s reputation for filial piety despite being a Daoist priest, and this is not an isolated case. The text contains multiple references to Confucian filial values, demonstrating that the tension between Daoist and Confucian ethics was not irreconcilable. For instance, Yan Junping 嚴君平 (86 BCE-10 CE) frequently spoke of filial piety to people’s sons (Bumbacher 2000, p. 186); Wu Meng 吳猛 (d. 374) was renowned for his filial piety, famously refusing to drive away mosquitoes in summer to prevent them from biting his parents (Bumbacher 2000, p. 172); and Gu Huan 顧歡 (420–483) would place a Classic of Filial Piety (Xiaojing孝經) by patients’ pillows when treating them (Bumbacher 2000, p. 232). These examples collectively show that the DXZ acknowledges Confucian filial values while seeking to reconcile them with Daoist practice, promoting a pragmatic ethical approach rather than insisting that severing familial bonds represents the optimal path for practitioners.

2.3. Leaving the Family

The DXZ frequently employs formulaic and undetailed expressions such as “left the family”, “gave up the family”, or “abandoned the family” to describe practitioners who departed to pursue Daoist cultivation or undertake ritual retreats (zhai 齋). Superficially, these phrases suggest a binary opposition between familial and religious commitments, seemingly advocating complete severance of family ties for spiritual pursuits. However, this interpretation potentially exaggerates the antagonism between household life and religious devotion, as the expression “leaving the family” does not necessarily imply permanent cessation of all familial interaction. The DXZ’s account of Zhang Daoling 张道陵 (34–156), the first Celestial Master (tianshi 天師), serves as an illustrative case in point:

[When] the Heavenly Master Zhang [Daoling] abandoned [his] family [to] learn the dao, he, with the scriptures on [his] back, moved and entered a stone room [on] Mount Songgao and fasted in seclusion [for] nine years. He travelled around to the Five Peaks, meditated and accumulated [good deeds] and moved [heaven] [so that] the7 perfected descended [from Heaven to meet him], and [his] dao [was] accomplished. [People] called [him] ‘Heavenly Master’.

張天師棄家學道，負經而行，入嵩高山石室，隱齋九年。周流五嶽，精思積感，真降道成，號曰：天師。

(Bumbacher 2000, pp. 145–46)

The extant fragments of Ma Shu’s DXZ contain only two brief references to Zhang Daoling, providing minimal information about his family relationships. This limited account contrasts sharply with the comprehensive biographical details found in other early Daoist sources. Other historical and Daoist records clearly document that Zhang Daoling’s son Zhang Heng 張衡 (96–179) held the title “Successor Master” (sishi 嗣師) and his grandson Zhang Lu張魯 (d.216) was known as “Continuing Master” (xishi 系師), with both succeeding him as leaders of the early Celestial Master movement. Their wives were collectively venerated as “The Three Masters’ Ladies” (san shijun furen 三師君夫人).8

As a Daoist priest himself, Ma Shu would certainly not contradict the established tradition regarding the Zhang lineage, which occupies a central position in Daoist history. If Zhang Daoling having “abandoned his family” implied the complete severance of familial ties, his descendants would have lost their legitimate claim to leadership, thereby undermining the entire foundation of early Daoist institutional history. Therefore, we may reasonably conclude that the phrase “abandoned his family to learn the Dao” here refers to temporary separation during the initial training period to avoid distractions, rather than permanent renunciation of all family connections.

This interpretation finds support in Yan Jizhi’s 嚴寄之 story within the DXZ, and he also abandoned his family when he entered the Dao:

Yan Jizhi, styled Jingchu, was a native of Jurong in Danyang. [When] he gave up [his] family and entered the dao, he [ate] vegetable food, [wore] linen clothes, and on his body there was not a single inch of silk.

嚴寄之，字靜處，丹陽句容人也。捨家入道，菜食布衣，體無寸帛也。

(Bumbacher 2000, pp. 245–46)

This account follows a brief, formulaic structure typical of many Daoist biographical openings. However, the DXZ provides detailed records showing that after becoming a Daoist priest, Yan continued to demonstrate filial devotion to his mother.

Yan Jizhi… As an ordained Daoist he served [his] relatives and was very filial. [When] he took residence at the Shizhu Monastery (石渚館), [as his] mother was old and did not dare being distant and separated [from him], he accordingly invited [his] mother to the monastery. At [its] side he erected a small house in order to fully keeping [her] warm [in winter time] and keeping [her] cool [in summer time]. [When his] mother [‘s life] ended, [his] emaciation [due to his mourning] went beyond the ceremonial [custom]. Those who knew [about it] admired him.

嚴寄之…… 為道士，事親至孝。住石渚觀，母老，不敢遠離。乃迎母於觀，邊立小屋，以盡溫清。母終，毀瘠過禮，識者嘉之。

(Bumbacher 2000, p. 246)

Yan Zizhi’s case clearly demonstrates that in DXZ, Daoists “renouncing their families” does not signify complete severance of familial relations, either emotionally or practically. Although Yan abandoned his family when entering the Daoist path, this did not conflict with his filial devotion. He achieved a balance between religious practice and family obligations by residing in a monastery while arranging for his mother to live in adjacent quarters, thus maintaining both spiritual pursuits and ethical responsibilities. Notably, Yan not only fulfilled his filial duties but also exhibited profound grief after his mother’s death, so that affected his health, which is similar to the recorded situations of many Confucian scholars and officials during the Six Dynasties period.9

Similar examples exist beyond Daoist biographies. The Biographies of Eminent Monks (Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳) records how Faxian 法顯 (337–422), the renowned Buddhist monk who journeyed to India for sutras, demonstrated similar filial devotion. Ordained as a novice at three and later living in a temple, Faxian constructed a hut outside the monastery to visit his mother and alleviate her longing. After her passing, he returned to monastic life following her funeral rites. Significantly, the biographers portray Faxian’s conduct positively, rather than critically, throughout this account (Takakusu and Watanabe 1924–1935, T50, no. 2059, p. 337b19-27). This case reveals that Chinese Buddhism does not require a believer to sever all ties with his family completely once he has converted and entered a temple in all circumstances. Rather, Buddhist hagiographers celebrate the successful reconciliation of religious and filial duties as exemplary monastic behavior.

These accounts directly challenge Verellen’s assertion mentioned in the introduction. Both Daoist and Chinese Buddhist traditions preserve biographical records that affirm conventional filial piety and worldly familial responsibilities. The striking parallels between Yan Jizhi’s and Faxian’s experiences, along with their biographers’ evident approval, suggest these traditions actively encouraged practitioners to emulate such balanced approaches to resolving ethical dilemmas between religious pursuits and familial commitments.

A comprehensive analysis of all extant stories in DXZ reveals that Ma Shu’s descriptions of protagonists “leaving home in his/her youth” 少年出家 are often brief and formulaic, whereas he elaborates in greater detail on how Daoist practitioners navigate conflicts with familial ethics and maintain mutual support with their relatives. Moreover, many so-called “leaving the family” narratives actually refer to renouncing marriage to embrace celibacy and may simply indicate a temporary departure from the family during the early stages of religious training—after which these protagonists might well resume interactions with their family members. Most significantly, Ma Shu never explicitly depicts Daoists completely severing ties with their blood relatives, suggesting a deliberate avoidance of such portrayals. This reflects his intent to reconcile, rather than exacerbate, the potential tensions between religious pursuits and familial obligations in his work.

3. Curing Diseases and Merit: The Effects of Daoist Practice

Returning to Lu Xiujing’s case, we must examine two key questions: first, whether his Daoist practice contributed to his daughter’s recovery, and second, more broadly, whether Daoist religious practices conferred health benefits on practitioners’ family members.

At face value, Lu’s refusal to provide conventional medical treatment for his daughter appears to support interpretations of him as lacking familial affection. However, the absence of any action does not mean that there is no therapeutic relationship. Drawing upon cases documented in the DXZ and considering the doctrinal development of Daoism in early medieval China, we may speculate that the recovery of Lu Xiujing’s daughter might be correlated with her father’s spiritual attainment and intentionality. The DXZ records an illustrative case of Daoist Yun Mingzheng 云名正 treating a nobleman’s daughter. Remarkably, Yun effected a cure without administering any tangible treatment—he simply requested to meet the girl, who recovered thereafter. The noble family unquestionably attributed this recovery to Yun’s spiritual power:

The Assistant [Administrator?] Marquis Kang was very wealthy. [His] daughter was sick for several years. [Of the] thousand physicians and hundred methods [of treatment] (道) none had not [been] requested, [but it] became worse and was not diminished. Yun Mingzheng went to the gate and said [that he] was able to cause the daughter to be cured… [When] Zheng declared that he was able to treat the obstinate ailment and asked the daughter to come out, Hou became very angry. Now the daughter [had been] sick for a long time, [and] was not able to come out [of her] apartment. The daughter unexpectedly asked members of the family: “Who wants to see me?” She immediately put clothes and shoes on, and putting [them] in order and adorning [herself] she went out. Hou was very startled. Zheng said: “[As] the young lady has already been cured, she may instantly return to the inner [chambers]”. Thereupon the whole family began to submit to his spiritual effectiveness.

治中抗侯大富，女病經年，千醫百道，靡不畢祈，增而不損，云名正詣門云：能使女差。……正狀謂能治固疾，請女出。侯大怒，且女病積久，無能出理。女忽問家人誰欲見我，便著衣履整飾而出，侯大驚。正曰：女郎已差，便可還內，於是舉家始服，其神驗也。

(Bumbacher 2000, pp. 149–50)

The records in DXZ demonstrate that Daoist priests could facilitate healing without performing specific rituals or even being physically present with the patient (a phenomenon paralleled in Gospel accounts of Jesus’ healing miracles). Sometimes mere intention or verbal command could effect cures at a distance. Therefore, Lu Xiujing’s physical departure does not necessarily indicate his lack of involvement in his daughter’s recovery.

A more direct example demonstrates that Lu Xiujing himself acknowledged the belief that spiritual power could replace human effort in the process of healing illnesses. According to Ma Shu’s records, when Lu Xiujing fell ill, the medicinal herbs he had collected caught fire. When his disciples attempted to extinguish the flames, Lu stopped them, saying, “[One] must not put it out. This [fire] means that the dark dao does not allow me to keep the medical herbs, that is all. [As] my disease goes on, it should be cured of its own accord.” 不須救，此是冥道不許吾持藥耳。吾病行當自差 (Bumbacher 2000, p. 208). Indeed, his illness was soon healed. This episode illustrates that both Ma Shu and the Lu Xiujing portrayed in his account recognized the superiority of spiritual power over human effort in treating diseases—when the “dark dao” intervenes in the healing process, it is best for humans to refrain from any unnecessary actions.

Moreover, Daoist teachings present no contradiction between a priest treating family members and religious principles. In fact, such acts often serve as evidence of the practitioner’s spiritual attainment. The DXZ contains numerous examples of this dynamic, with Yin Zhongkan’s 殷仲堪 (d. 399) case being particularly representative:

Yin Zhongkan was a native of Chenjun. He was made Palace Cadet of the Heir Apparent. [When still] young he received the dao of the Heavenly Master, received a parish, as well as the Orthodox Unity [scriptures], refined [his] mind, served the law, [and] was not sparing in his donations. [Whenever] in [his] family there were [any] ailments and diseases, he personally made petitions and charms, [and] frequently there was a [supernatural] response. [When] any of the villagers or any of [his] entourage sometimes begged [him] to make them, he instantly took action to succour and help [them] and producing a great deal of benefit.

殷仲堪者，陳郡人也。為太子中庶子，少奉天師道，受治及正一，精心事法，不吝財賄。家有疾病，躬為章符，往往有應鄉人及左右或請，為之時行周救，弘益不少也。

(Bumbacher 2000, pp. 274–75)

The account of Lu Xiujing and his daughter reveals significant narrative intentionality. Although Lu made no explicit promise, his immediate departure following refusal coincided precisely with his daughter’s recovery. This temporal correlation clearly indicates the biographer’s belief in a direct causal relationship between Lu’s actions and his daughter’s healing. Had the story’s sole purpose been to demonstrate Lu’s familial severance, it would have concluded naturally with his departure. The inclusion of the daughter’s subsequent recovery would then constitute unnecessary elaboration. Indeed, omitting the healing outcome would have left audiences concerned about the girl’s fate, inadvertently reinforcing the notion that Daoists should completely distance themselves from family members—potentially leading practitioners to believe they should not assist suffering relatives. Significantly, neither Ma Shu nor the original chroniclers adopted this approach, which might affect the confidence of Daoist practitioners in their spiritual practice.

Yin Zhongkan’s example demonstrates that healing family members was considered both normal and beneficial for Daoists, in no way hindering their religious pursuits. Regardless of the story’s historical accuracy, its authors, compilers, and transmitters unanimously convey an unmistakable message: Lu Xiujing, though having physically left his family, remained spiritually connected as his daughter’s healer. This reveals the nuanced nature of Lu’s familial relations—while maintaining primary detachment from worldly ties, he retained certain lingering concerns.

This balanced perspective aligns perfectly with principles expressed in Lu’s own writings. When conducting the Lingbao Tutan Zhai 塗炭齋 (Retreat of Mud and Ashes) ritual, Lu composed the “Wugan wen” 五感文 to instruct disciples. This work not only incorporated a poem with the theme of filial piety from the Book of Songs (Shijing 诗经) but specifically reminded participants to remember their family obligations (Bokenkamp 2005). As Bokenkamp has thoroughly analyzed, the Tutan zhai ritual performed by Lu served precisely to transfer Daoist merits to one’s family members:

Such acts, rather than Protestant rites of public confession, provide a more suitable context for understanding the purposes of the Tutan zhai as Lu presents it. As chosen recipients of the scriptures, … [the performants of the rite] offer their merit on behalf of members of their family… As recipients of the scriptures whose former lives had earned for them their present status, they now transfer that merit to their family members by offering themselves in replacement. This they can do confidently, since their status as recipients of the Lingbao scriptural entails that they will not have to endure the sufferings they ape. Such, in fact, is what Lu Xiujing’s brief description of the rite tells us: “It creates merit through moral uprightness in suffering” (以苦節為功).

(Bokenkamp 2005, p. 44)

Building upon his research of familial concepts in the Lingbao scriptures, Bokenkamp advanced his analysis of Lu Xiujing’s treatment of his daughter in his 2011 study. His renewed examination demonstrates that Lingbao practitioners maintained genuine concern for their families:

This does not constitute evidence that the Lingbao Masters practiced celibacy. Indeed, the rules for those who receive and study the scriptures are heavily imbued with familial values.

…

What appear to be the earliest of the scriptures in the Lingbao corpus emphasize the personal and familial benefits to be gained from their practice to a much greater extent than they do matters of universal salvation.

(Bokenkamp 2011, p. 120)

Therefore, we can conclude that the Lingbao tradition to which Lu Xiujing belonged did not require practitioners to abandon familial affections.10 This observation extends to other early medieval Daoist traditions: The early Celestial Master movement incorporated conjugal rituals and maintained its lineage through blood relations,11 while the Shangqing school’s Zhen’gao 真诰 frequently documents the interpersonal dynamics and daily lives of the Xu family members.12 These examples demonstrate that although celibacy and familial separation became prominent trends in Daoism, they did not constitute mandatory requirements for spiritual practice. Indeed, family ethics played a significant role in shaping early medieval Daoist development.

This phenomenon manifests clearly in the DXZ, where we find a spectrum of familial relationships: While some biographies describe complete severance of family ties, others depict ongoing interactions between practitioners and their non-Daoist family members who may neither practice nor understand the Daoist path. Moreover, some accounts show that adepts can continue to cohabit with relatives or actively benefiting them, thereby challenging any notion that the DXZ advocates permanent renunciation of household life.

Consequently, I wish to restate my speculation that the story of Lu Xiujing and his daughter transcends simple emphasis on familial separation. Like the Tutan zhai ritual, it may have served to bolster practitioners’ confidence by demonstrating that devout spiritual pursuit naturally benefits one’s family. The narrative powerfully assures audiences that through steadfast cultivation, adepts can simultaneously maintain religious dedication and ensure their family members’ wellbeing—the daughter’s miraculous recovery exemplifying how familial welfare flows from spiritual attainment. Through these accounts, the biographer conveys a dual message to Daoist practitioners: They should emulate the masters’ example by maintaining spiritual devotion without excessive worldly concerns, while simultaneously channeling their religious merits to benefit family members. The narrative assures that steadfast practitioners need not anxiously worry about the safety and well-being of their families—through their pious cultivation, their family members can partake in the blessings generated by their spiritual achievements.

4. Social Context: The Tradition of Emphasizing Family Affection in Daoism and Ma Shu’s Personal Experiences

In fact, the idea that family ethics and religious pursuit are not entirely opposing ideologies had already emerged at the inception of organized Daoism, exhibiting a trend of increasingly refined requirements that gradually associated with the lives of ordinary practitioners. One of the Daoist classics of the Eastern Han period (25–220), Taiping jing 太平經 (The Scripture of Great Peace), emphasizes the concept of filial piety:

Heaven and Earth embody supreme compassion, yet they never pardon great unfiliality and rebellion.

夫天地至慈，唯不孝大逆，天地不赦。

(DZ1101b, 3.11b)13

Those who are filial and virtuous are never wronged by others. If anyone harms the filial and virtuous, Heaven will punish them, more severely than immediate retribution.

孝善之人，人亦不侵之也，侵孝善人，天為治之，劇於目前。

(DZ1101a, 114.2b)

During this period, the concept of family ethics was more closely tied to Daoist cosmology rather than theories of spiritual cultivation.

By the Eastern Jin dynasty (317–420), Ge Hong’s Baopuzi neipian 抱朴子内篇 (Inner Chapters of the Master Who Embraces Simplicity) had already established filial piety as a necessary condition for Daoist practice:

Accomplishing virtuous deeds is paramount, while rectifying faults comes next. For those who follow the dao, saving others from peril, averting disaster, protecting the sick, and preventing untimely death constitute the highest merit. Those who want to be transcendent must regard loyalty, filial piety, harmony, benevolence, and trustworthiness as fundamental. If one neglects moral conduct and focuses solely on esoteric techniques, they will never attain longevity.

立功為上，除過次之。為道者以救人危使免禍，護人疾病，令不枉死，為上功也。欲求仙者，要當以忠孝和順仁信為本，若德行不修，而但務方術，皆不得長生也。

(Ge 1985, p. 53)

An aspect of Ge Hong’s teaching that aids our understanding of Lu Xiujing’s story is this: If Lu Xiujing had an obligation to extend aid even to strangers afflicted by illness, then he certainly should have done the same for his own daughter. To refrain from relieving the suffering of others would constitute a failure in moral cultivation. How, then, could Lu Xiujing have been upheld as a model for Daoist practitioners?

By the Northern and Southern Dynasties period (420–589), Daoist conceptions of family ethics had evolved beyond mere filial piety to encompass broader aspects of domestic life. For instance, the Zhengyi fafu tianshi jiaojie kejing 正一法服天師教戒科經 (Precept Scripture of the Celestial Master on Orthodox Unity Liturgical Vestments) explicitly identifies harmonious family relations as a prerequisite for a Daoist’s salvation:

Ministers must be loyal, sons filial; husbands trustworthy, wives chaste; elder brothers respectful, younger brothers obedient. Only those without duplicity in their hearts may cultivate goodness and attain the status of “seed people”.

臣忠子孝，夫信婦貞，兄敬弟順，內無二心，便可為善，得種民矣。

(DZ789, 16b–17a)

Slightly preceding Lu Xiujing, the Daoist reformer Kou Qianzhi 寇谦之 (365–448) further legitimized the hereditary transmission of Daoist clerical offices within qualified family members, as recorded in his edict:

The Most High Lord Lao declared: When a libationer official completes his meritorious service, if his descendants are pure, intelligent, and proficient in ritual affairs, they may receive ordination from an enlightened master to inherit their father’s liturgical registers and clerical office. Should the descendants act contrary to doctrine, indistinguishable from secular ways, or violate the precepts, the clerical assembly shall deliberate and petition the Celestial Court to reassign the office to another worthy.

老君曰：祭酒之官，迁功之后，子孙清彻聪明，闲练鬼事，可就明师，受署治籙符诚，承继父后。若子孙用行颠倒，与俗不别，不顺科约者，诸官平处，奏表天曹，听民更受。

(DZ785, 6b–7a)

Kou Qianzhi’s stance—that consanguineous inheritance must be evaluated case-by-case based on individual aptitude—exhibits conceptual parallels with the attitude toward marriage demonstrated in Ma Shu’s DXZ, as referenced earlier. Both perspectives advocate discernment: Maintaining marital bonds is permissible when they do not hinder spiritual cultivation; abandoning marriage becomes justifiable once it obstructs religious pursuit.

As a seminal figure of this period, Lu Xiujing not only cited the Classic of Filial Piety in his works but also elevated filial piety to a prerequisite for retreats:

The Dao declares: Those who observe retreats may be said to rectify all conduct and establish myriad virtues. They must be capable of enduring humiliation, embodying gentleness, practicing compassionate love, exercising benevolent charity, accumulating hidden virtue, maintaining loyalty and filial piety, achieving utmost sincerity, adhering to careful trustworthiness, observing precepts with caution, and demonstrating solemn reverence. Only when these ten capacities are fully prepared may one cultivate the retreat, engage in tranquil contemplation.

道言：齋者，可謂整百行，建萬善者也。要當能忍辱，能柔弱，能慈愛，能仁施，能陰德，能忠孝，能至誠，能謹信，能戒慎，能肅敬。備此十能，然後乃可修齋靜思。

(DZ349, 4b)

Simultaneously, Lu Xiujing incorporated domestic ancestral veneration into orthodox ritual practice while rejecting its classification as heterodox worship:

Lead the people to cultivate kindness and filial piety inwardly and practice reverent deference outwardly, thereby assisting temporal governance and sustaining the state’s mandate. Only the Son of Heaven may sacrifice to Heaven; the Three Dukes to the Five Sacred Peaks; feudal lords to mountains and rivers; and commoners may venerate ancestors on the Five La Festival days and make offerings to the hearth and earth deities in the second and eighth months. Beyond these, no sacrifices are permitted. Should one venerate ancestors outside the Five La days or worship the hearth and earth deities outside the spring and autumn communal rites, such acts constitute illicit cults.

使民內修慈孝，外行敬讓，佐時理化，助國扶命。唯天子祭天，三公祭五嶽，諸侯祭山川，民人五臘吉日祠先人、二月八月祭社竈，自此以外，不得有所祭。若非五臘吉日而祠先人，非春秋社日而祭社竈，皆犯淫祠。

(DZ1127, 1b)

By Ma Shu’s era, Daoist attitudes toward family ethics had evolved to address granular practicalities. A narrative recorded in the Wushang biyao 無上秘要 (Esoteric Essential of the Most High), a sixth-century Daoist encyclopedia compiled contemporaneously with Ma Shu, exemplifies this trend regarding the tension between spiritual cultivation and marital obligations:

The commands of parents cannot be disobeyed—one must prioritize compliance. Only after fulfilling human obligations may one devote oneself to the dao. To defy paternal instruction bars all paths to immortality.

父母之命不可不從，宜先從之。人道既備，餘可投身，違父之教，仙無由成。

(DZ1138, 7.11a)

This passage demonstrates that Ma Shu’s use of Daoist narratives to negotiate specific contradictions between familial ethics and religious aspiration was not isolated for his time.

To what extent did Ma Shu integrate his personal attitudes into his writings? Regrettably, neither the preface nor the postface he may have composed for the DXZ survives, nor do we possess any other works by him that could serve as reference points. Consequently, we must rely solely on the content of the DXZ and Ma Shu’s biographical details to construct plausible conjectures through circumstantial evidence.

One useful contribution comes from Bumbacher’s meticulous research, which analyzes Ma Shu’s reclusive lifestyle, Buddhist background, and residence at Mount Mao (Maoshan), concluding that these personal circumstances indeed influenced his composition of the DXZ (Bumbacher 2000, pp. 33–40). Indeed, the DXZ demonstrates a clear preference for depicting Daoist masters belonging to Ma Shu’s own Maoshan eremitic tradition. Moreover, consistent with Ma Shu’s tolerant attitude toward Buddhism, the text contains no disparagement or opposition to Buddhist teachings.

Ma Shu’s evaluation of Lu Xiujing in the latter’s biography—“Although externally he involved [himself] in worldly affairs, internally he kept chastity and simplicity” 雖外混世務，內守貞樸 (Bumbacher 2000, pp. 214–15)—subtly critiques Lu’s deep engagement in secular matters. This perspective aligns with Ma Shu’s personal choices: Both he and Lu Xiujing faced imperial summons, but while Ma Shu declined, Lu ultimately accepted. Similarly, when offered gifts by political figures, Ma Shu refused a donated residence and retained only a 10th of any monetary or material offerings, whereas Lu Xiujing spent his later years in a monastery bestowed by the emperor in the capital. Thus, understanding Ma Shu’s life experiences elucidates why he characterized Lu Xiujing as being externally entangled in worldly affairs. This also indicates that Ma Shu’s personal experiences can serve as important contextual evidence to help us better understand his narrative portrayal of Lu Xiujing.

To fully comprehend Ma Shu’s intended message in Lu Xiujing’s biography and the treatment of familial themes in DXZ, we must examine the parallels between Ma Shu’s own life and his portrayal of Lu Xiujing. This analysis extends beyond Lu’s family relationships to include his experience of imperial summons. Ma Shu provides particularly detailed narration of Lu Xiujing’s acceptance of the emperor’s invitation:

Living retired [on] Mount Pubu [north-east of] Mount Lu, he cultivated the dao. Emperor Ming of the Song, longing to spread the Daoist teachings and [accordingly] widely seeking out [people of] reputation and virtue, was pleased with the Master’s [refined] manner and sent [people] to summon and introduce [him to the court]. In the third month of the third year of the Great Beginning [period] he accordingly gave the imperial order to the Regional Inspector” of Jiang prefecture, Wang Jingzong, to urge and encourage [him] with al due formality to set out and come down to the capital. The Master declined it on the grounds of ill health. Again and again he received imperial orders [When] the emperor, not yet able to have his way, became increasingly anxious, and imperial commissioners [followed each other in such close succession that they could] see each other, and insisted that he had to go, the Master said: “The Emperor is wise and [his] farsightedness [even] reaches [me,] the unworthy and [I], the humble [person], [thus] am chosen, Looking up [to the Emperor, there is] only vast affection [towards me], looking down [to me, I am] deeply mortified and respectful [towards the Emperor]. Laozi was esteemed and appointed a royal minister, in order to support the House of Zhou. And Xiangong substituted gold and granted assistance to the court of Wu. The superior perfected [who have] obtained the dao humbled themselves even further. So who am I to rather please myself?” Thereupon he ordered [his] disciple, Chen Piaozhi, and set off [with him] to the capital.

隱廬山瀑布山修道。宋明帝思弘道教，廣求名德，悅先生之風，遣招引。太始三年三月乃詔江州刺史王景宗以禮敦勸，發遣下都。先生辭之以疾，頻14 奉詔。帝未能致，彌增欽佇，中使相望，其在必至。先生乃曰：主上聰明，遠覽至不肖，猥見採拾，仰惟洪春，俯深慚惕。老子尚委王官以輔周室，仙公替金錫佐吳朝，得道高真猶且屈己，餘亦何人，寧可獨善乎？即命弟子陳飄之出都也。

[While] the emperor wanted to compel him [to stay] by [bestowing on him] honours, the Master gazed into the distance and was not interested. The Song emperor then, in the northern waste [land], built the Monastery of Venerating the Void (Chongxu Guan 崇虚館) in order to [show] him courtesy; he made the construction a splendid one, and broadly invited excellent companions [for the Master]. The Master accordingly opened the door of the law widely, and deepened [the understanding of] and spread the mysteries of the canonical [scriptures]. Courtiers and private persons gave their attention, and Daoists and laymen submitted [their] hearts [to his teaching]. [As a consequence] the prosperity of Daoism [became even] more flourishing than then.

朝廷欲要之以榮，先生眇然不顧。宋帝乃於北郊築崇虛館以禮之，盛興造構，廣延勝侶。先生乃大敞法門，深弘典奧，朝野注意，道俗歸心。道教之興，於斯為盛也。

(Bumbacher 2000, pp. 208–14)

Notably, several elements from Ma Shu’s biography of Lu Xiujing find resonance in Ma Shu’s own official biography. The principal account of Ma Shu’s life appears in the Chen Shu 陳書, with a condensed version preserved in the Nan Shi 南史. For our analysis of Ma Shu’s personal experiences, we shall primarily consult the more detailed Chen Shu record, which documents both his period of reclusion and subsequent summons by nobility:

He then lived in seclusion on the Mount Mao and had the intention to end his days there. In the first year of the Tianjia reign period of the Chen dynasty (560), Emperor Wen summoned him and made him a Minister of Ministry of Revenue, but he declined and did not respond to the command. At that time, Shu’s relatives and friends lived in Jingkou. Always during autumn and winter times he used to depart and to travel there. When the Prince of Poyang jun became regional inspector of the Southern Xu province, he respected his lofty character as he was too far away to visit the Mashu himself, and with self-depreciating words and with a sincere purpose he sent messengers to invite him. Although they went back and forth several times, Shu firmly declined on the excuse of illness. One of his followers came forward and said: “Since the Prince of Poyang treats you as a teacher and friend and since it is not connected with the rank of nobility, nor within the court, what stands in the way of a life of quietness by merely being an idle person in the court?” Shu had no choice but to go. The prince especially constructed a mansion in order to lodge him, but Shu disliked its noble elegance and, amid a bamboo-grove, built himself a reed-thatched hut and lived there. Whenever the prince or the dukes made him presents of food and provisions, he refused them, but when he could no longer hold out against them he always accepted only one part out of ten.

(Bokenkamp 2011, pp. 22–3)

乃隱於茅山，有終焉之志。天嘉元年，文帝征為度支尚書，辭不應命。時樞親故並居京口，每秋冬之際，時往遊焉。及鄱陽王為南徐州刺史，欽其高尚，鄙不能致，乃卑辭厚意，令使者邀之，前後數反，樞固辭以疾。門人或進曰：“鄱陽王待以師友，非關爵位，市朝之閑，何妨靜默?” 樞不得已，乃行。王別築室以處之，樞惡其崇麗，乃於竹林閑自營茅茨而居焉。每王公餽餉辭，不獲已者，率十分受一。

(Yao 1972, pp. 264–65)

The records reveal significant parallels between Ma Shu’s personal experiences and his portrayal of Lu Xiujing’s life:

• Both lived in reclusion on Mount;
• Both gained imperial admiration and received summonses;
• Both repeatedly declined invitations;
• Both eventually identified suitable reasons to end their seclusion and enter court service;
• Their patrons constructed residences for them;
• Both maintained modest lifestyles despite political appointments, refusing excessive honors and wealth.

It is particularly noteworthy that neither Ma Shu nor Lu Xiujing maintained complete separation from their families. The biography of Ma Shu contains a significant detail: As a Daoist practitioner, he would periodically leave his retreat on Mount Mao to visit relatives and friends in Jingkou 京口 (located near the capital) during winter months. The strategic placement of this information within the biographical narrative suggests that his continued engagement with worldly relationships ultimately facilitated his entry into court service.

This personal experience likely inspired Ma Shu’s portrayal of Lu Xiujing as both an exemplary model for fellow believers and a representation of his vision for an idealized yet realistically attainable Daoist practitioner within secular society. Through this dual perspective, we can observe how figures like Lu Xiujing successfully balanced multiple roles: maintaining personal spiritual cultivation while influencing imperial power structures to elevate Daoism’s institutional standing. On a more personal level, while Lu Xiujing distanced himself from conventional family structures, he preserved their essential ethical foundations—a nuanced expression strategy that closely mirrored Ma Shu’s own lived experience navigating between religious and worldly commitments.

Ma Shu’s personal experiences suggest that this ambivalent attitude toward family relationships may have been common among Daoists in early medieval China. While familial ties could potentially hinder religious practice, most practitioners were reluctant to sever these connections entirely. The biographical records reveal that Ma Shu could recite both the Classic of Filial Piety and the Analects (lunyu 論語) by age six and was very knowledgeable about Confucian classics and history, demonstrating his early Confucian education (Yao 1972, p. 264). Similarly, according to DXZ, Lu Xiujing descended from Lu Kai 陆凯 (198–269), a Wu state prime minister, and entered officialdom and marriage at a young age (早涉婚宦) before later devoting himself to Daoist teachings. (Bokenkamp 2011, p. 218) These accounts indicate that both men’s intellectual and ethical frameworks were influenced by Confucian values from childhood, with these influences likely persisting throughout their lives.

Rather than presenting his views through theoretical discourse, Ma Shu chose to articulate his perspective by compiling biographical accounts of practitioners. He deliberately portrays Lu Xiujing as a model for resolving tensions between spiritual and familial commitments, just as he highlights the exemplary approaches of Kong Lingchan and Yin Zhongkan. Through these detailed narratives, Ma Shu offers practical examples for Daoist practitioners grappling with similar dilemmas. The underlying message echoes Lu Xiujing’s own rationale for his actions: If revered figures like Laozi (老子, 571–470 BCE) and Ge Xuan 葛玄 (164–244) could balance these seemingly conflicting demands, why should he not follow their example? In the same vein, Ma Shu seems to be encouraging himself and fellow Daoists to imitate Lu Xiujing’s successful reconciliation of religious and worldly obligation. If Lu Xiujing can do this, why can we not imitate him?

Of course, it must be reiterated that since Ma Shu left no additional works declaring his authorial intentions, any attempt to correlate his biographical details with the ideological tendencies expressed in the DXZ can only remain a carefully reasoned conjecture. Nevertheless, contextualizing the text historically through the author’s lived experience retains scholarly value, as Charles Hartman aptly observes: “I seek in this article not to document a ‘factual’ history, large portions of which I believe are irretrievably lost, but to document the manipulation of ‘fact’”. (Hartman 1998, p. 61) Further evidence regarding how Ma Shu may have “manipulated” his narrative must await future scholarly investigation.

5. Conclusions

The preceding analysis of the attitudes of familial relations in DXZ, combined with examination of Lu Xiujing’s religious thought and Ma Shu’s personal experiences, enables us to offer a more nuanced interpretation of Lu’s encounter with his daughter than previous scholarship has provided. Ma Shu’s purpose in recording this plot was not to advocate callousness toward family members, but rather to deal with the genuine ethical dilemmas confronting devout practitioners—dilemmas that could create both practical difficulties and psychological burdens. Excessive concern about abandoning one’s family during spiritual pursuit might undermine a practitioner’s religious confidence and foster pessimism. Through examples like Lu Xiujing’s, the DXZ demonstrates that while pursuing Daoist truth necessarily transforms one’s life, practitioners can nevertheless find balanced solutions that honor both familial responsibilities and religious ideals.

In Confucian-dominated society, Daoists inevitably faced ethical tensions when engaging with the secular world. Under such circumstances, Daoist texts that exclusively emphasized severing worldly connections risked weakening practitioners’ religious conviction. As a collection of biographies of exemplary Daoists, the DXZ instead presents various approaches for reconciling spiritual and secular commitments. While renouncing family ties is presented as preparation for serious religious practice, the text clearly distinguishes this from the complete rejection of familial bonds. Numerous DXZ accounts suggest families held special significance for practitioners compared to other worldly relations. Ma Shu may want to show the audience that the path to transcendence may not have the only fixed answer, and that a practitioner who cares about the family can also be imitated as a religious model.

This perspective challenges conventional analytical frameworks that emphasize parallels between Daoist and Buddhist monasticism while highlighting their shared divergence from Confucian ethics. Previous interpretations of Lu Xiujing’s story as advocating complete worldly renunciation reflect this tendency. However, a comprehensive reading of the DXZ’s ethical narratives yields a more profound understanding. While contradiction represents one dimension of early medieval China’s religious-ethical landscape, the greater scholarly challenge lies in uncovering the subtle wisdom of reconciliation that flourished beneath apparent tensions. The DXZ’s treatment of familial relations of Daoist practitioners exemplifies precisely this kind of nuanced accommodation between competing value systems.