Cultural Codes of Marriage Rituals in Anatolia: From Ritual to Word in the Context of Oral Culture

Abstract

Marriage is a social contract that carries a number of qualities recognized as having fundamental values. These qualities include a spiritual bond between spouses, mutual love, affection, and responsibility, the continuation of the generation, and the existence of social order. The social definition of marriage implies that it is a phenomenon that occurs not only between two individuals in the context of cultural continuity but also in other social structures. It evolves into a structure that encompasses not only the initial two families but also the broader societal context. In Islamic marriage, a contract is formalized between a man and a woman who meet the religious requirements for marriage. The contract is executed with their consent and in the presence of witnesses. However, from a cultural perspective, marriage embodies a multifaceted structure, influenced by religion, ritual practices, symbols, and traditions. In this study, topics such as oral culture, wedding traditions, and rituals are discussed, and cultural practices are interpreted. This study sheds light on the manner in which marriage rites influence the discourse and actions within the social structure. Such studies are of paramount importance in demonstrating the continuity and vitality of culture, as well as the transformative nature of ritual meanings over time. They underscore the notion that culture is an ever-evolving process of interpretation, a characteristic that is intrinsic to its very essence. These actions, inextricably linked to societal structures, have the potential to give rise to novel symbolic meanings and values at any given juncture. However, it is imperative to recognize that the mere analysis of texts representing oral culture products is insufficient for comprehending their ritual functions, social messages, and emotional dimensions. Consequently, an interdisciplinary approach that incorporates the study of transitional rituals and oral culture is necessary to achieve a more comprehensive understanding. By examining cultural elements from diverse perspectives, we can develop a more comprehensive and nuanced understanding of cultural diversity in Anatolia.

1. Introduction

Marriage is a profoundly entrenched institution with a history that is commensurate with the history of humanity itself. Marriage, regarded as both a religious and cultural institution with origins dating back to Adam and Eve, is accompanied by numerous practices from the past to the present. The marriage ceremonies of disparate societies vary significantly from one another, exhibiting a rich tapestry of religious and folkloric elements that are unique to each community. Even within the context of ethnic groups inhabiting the same geographical area, variations in traditions are evident. Anatolia, with its rich cultural and geographical diversity, serves as a prime example of this variation. Beyond the ethnic diversity evident among the Turkish, Kurdish, Arab, and Assyrian populations, the region’s religious landscape, encompassing Sunni, Alevi, Christian, and Jewish communities, further underscores its cultural and religious diversity. Historical evidence indicates that cultural exchange between peoples has occurred throughout history. However, the marriage traditions of each ethnic and religious group reflect their unique cultural and religious identity. Ziya Gökalp, a prominent figure in the development of modern Turkish thought during the Republican era, underscored the pivotal role of culture and civilization in societal transformation. According to Gökalp, culture embodies the local and organic, while civilization signifies the universal and technical elements. Gökalp placed significant emphasis on the preservation of culture and argued for the adoption of Western civilization as a means to achieve modernity within Turkish society (İnalcık 1965, p. 421).

The survival of oral culture is contingent upon its continued functionality within the socio-cultural landscape. According to Malinowski, function can only be defined as meeting a need through an activity in which people cooperate, use artisanal products, and consume goods (Çobanoğlu 2021, p. 254). A notable intersection emerges between Malinowski’s context-centered functional culture theory and Bascom’s understanding of functional folklore. Bascom’s theory is predicated on four functional approach models for the fundamental needs of society (Bascom 1954). Manis1 and folk songs sung at weddings serve a dual purpose, contributing to individual happiness while also facilitating integration with the matrimonial process. These songs are imbued with the function of providing enjoyment, fostering merriment, and entertaining participants. The proverbs, hymns, and prayers incorporated into wedding traditions underscore the profound sacredness attributed to marriage and family. These cultural expressions, embedded within oral traditions, serve a dual purpose: they facilitate the transmission of cultural values and social institutions to both the bride and groom and the wider wedding community while also fostering a sense of communal belonging and tradition. The transmission of cultural values to future generations through educational processes supports the bride and groom in acquiring their social roles and future status. Rituals such as bachelorette or henna nights can offer individuals a space of freedom without social pressure and restrictions. These practices function as a means of evasion from both social and personal pressure.

2. The Methodology of Conducted Research

The scope of this study is Turkish wedding and marriage traditions in Anatolia. The research focuses on oral culture elements such as rituals, folk songs, manis, folk beliefs, and proverbs in wedding traditions. This article’s primary focus is on the role and function of oral culture products in the context of marriage and wedding rituals, with a particular emphasis on the transmission of tradition and the analysis of signs and symbols as a reflection of social memory.

This study utilizes qualitative research methods as a foundation for the analysis of oral culture products. The analysis draws upon evaluation models rooted in the theoretical frameworks of prominent scholars in the field of anthropology and folklore, including van Gennep, Turner, Geertz, Malinowski, Bascom, Ong, Dundes, and Honko. To enhance comprehension of the multifaceted and traditional cultural fabric of Anatolia, a synthesis of these theoretical and methodological approaches was undertaken.

This research involved the utilization of numerous texts from oral cultural products, including folk songs, manis, proverbs, and folk beliefs, with a particular emphasis on folk songs. However, due to the constrained nature of this article’s format and given the substantial volume of the sample texts, a curated selection of examples was made, with a focus on those that offer strong representation in terms of meaning and inclusivity. These examples are presented in a concise form, accompanied by a brief interpretation and a contextual analysis. The original full texts of the examples can be accessed through the page numbers in the references cited.

3. Marriage as a Transitional Ritual

Marriage is considered a significant transitional period in Turkish culture. Arnold van Gennep, in his seminal research “Les rites de passage”, conceptualizes marriage as a rite of passage (van Gennep 2022). When evaluated in the context of van Gennep’s theory of rites of passage, marriage has been shown to effect a change in an individual’s social status and to bestow upon them a new identity. Individuals in the threshold process are not recognized by society as having a permanent status. During the matrimonial ceremony, individuals undergoing this transition adhere to the established norms of religion, tradition, and culture, irrespective of their pre- or post-marital status or roles. It is at this threshold, characterized by the presence of taboos, superstitions, rituals, ceremonies, and various oral narratives, that individuals are considered to be at a special transition stage. These evolving rituals, special rules, and prohibitions represent the symbolic isolation of individuals at this threshold by society. Adopting Arnold van Gennep’s theory of “rites of passage”, Turner ([1969] 1991, pp. 94–96) identifies three stages in these rituals: separation, liminality, and aggregation; separation, threshold stage, and integration.

To further elucidate the concept of marriage as a rite of passage, it is advantageous to examine Anatolian weddings, which possess a profound and deeply entrenched tradition, in conjunction with the theories proposed by van Gennep and Turner. The initial stage commences with the conception of the notion of matrimony. In this stage, the individual (bride/groom) engages in a symbolic separation from their former status, marking the commencement of their transition to a new role or status. Turner ([1969] 1991) characterizes this phase as the ritual of separation. The behavior of individuals who elect to marry represents the initial phase of separation from their previous status (i.e., the selection of a spouse). The first formal step on the path to marriage, which also conveys a message to society, is the arranged marriage. During this transition, the woman departs from her family to become a bride, and her family receives a bride price2. In certain cultural contexts, the practice of repeating3 the marriage ceremony more than once is associated with the ritual of asking for a girl, whereby the family requests the departure of individuals seeking to transition out of their former social status. The social structure, through the ritual of asking for a girl, acknowledges those whose intentions are aligned with this transition. The practice of “the ceremonial promise of marriage/ceremonial promise” symbolizes the transition from the old status to the new one. The rings worn during this ritual are a symbolic representation of the official status achieved during this significant transition.

A period of liminality ensues, during which the bride and groom undergo a transition from their former to their new status. This period, characterized by liminality, is considered a vulnerable phase in Turkish folk beliefs. This liminal phase, characterized by its ambiguity, exerts a dual influence on the bride and groom, simultaneously endangering and transforming them. This liminal phase is accompanied by a rich tapestry of ritual practices, folk beliefs, and taboos that have been meticulously woven over centuries of oral tradition, serving as a protective barrier against malevolent spirits. One such practice is the ritual of hair cutting4 and ritual beating5, which is believed to have originated in ancient times (Yolcu 2014, p. 274). Despite the evolution of these practices, their cultural significance has persisted throughout history. This period, characterized as liminality, encompasses the phase in which the transition to the new status is not yet complete. It is replete with other practices as well. The most common rituals, symbolic actions, and ceremonies at this stage are engagement6, henna night7, and the wedding ceremony.

The culmination of these rites and ceremonies marks the integration of the bride and groom into their new social status and roles as a married couple within their respective societies. According to Turner ([1969] 1991), individuals are integrated into their new social status and roles as a married couple at the conclusion of the aforementioned ritual processes, through the symbolic approval of their society in accordance with their new status. In Anatolian marriage ceremonies, there are many traditional practices indicating the stage of integration such as the nikah ceremony8, bridal pick-up9, wedding night10, and conjugal ceremony. An examination of Anatolian marriage ceremonies reveals a multitude of traditional practices, including the wedding, bride taking, wedding night, and the price for seeing the bride’s face, that collectively signify the culmination of the integration stage.

Clifford Geertz (2010) conceptualizes culture as a network of signification, intricately woven by human beings, and itself of these webs. According to Geertz (2010), cultural analysis should not be regarded as empirical knowledge in search of a law but rather as an interpretive science in search of meaning. Geertz (2010, p. 19) asserts that superficial incomprehensibilities are transformed into meaningful expressions through social actions. An analysis of Anatolian wedding rituals reveals that they are not merely physical actions but also a structural element that carries profound meanings encompassing social and cultural codes. A case in point is the bridal bath, which, in addition to its physical cleansing, symbolizes the cultural practice of rebirth and purification. The burning of henna on the bride’s hand is imbued with profound symbolic significance, extending beyond mere aesthetic elements. This ritual, in its cultural context, symbolizes the bride’s pledge to her husband, family, and God. The gold coin placed in the bride’s palm by the mother-in-law during the henna ceremony symbolizes blessing and fertility (Ergun 2010, p. 279).

Marriage and wedding rituals, as cultural transition processes, exhibit significant diversity in terms of content and practice. Each society meticulously crafts the rituals that accompany this significant period, aligning them with their religious, historical, and cultural underpinnings. Through this process, societies give rise to their own unique values, indicators, symbols, and codes (Karataş 2014, p. 139). For instance, the mixing of salt and ash to symbolize the strengthening of kinship ties between two families, the hearth as a family symbol, and the bride being pressed against a sheepskin to instill her docility are manifestations of human creativity and the capacity to attribute meaning that is specific to a given society (Öğüt Eker 2000, p. 95).

4. Oral Culture and Marriage Rituals

Elements of oral culture, including folk beliefs, folk songs, manis, and proverbs, serve not only to convey personal sentiments and experiences but also to fulfill significant functions. These functions include reflecting social feelings and experiences, protecting social values, transmitting cultural values, and ensuring the continuity of rituals. As Ong (2013, p. 57) observes, the act of repeating information verbally contributes to its permanent storage in memory. In the context of primary oral culture, where knowledge is not documented, the acquisition of information, often requiring years of effort, is preserved through rituals and constant repetition, ensuring its retention rather than its loss to the passage of time.

The limited understanding of the younger generation regarding traditional wedding practices, coupled with their inherent curiosity about these subjects, results in a transfer of knowledge from the older generation to the younger generation. This phenomenon underscores their role as guardians and transmitters of traditional knowledge. As Ong asserts, knowledge is often acquired through prolonged effort and is of significant value. Society places significant respect on individuals who possess the ability to preserve knowledge and recount historical narratives (Ong 2013, p. 57). In the context of preserving the products of oral culture, there have been some transformations throughout history. Initially, knowledge was preserved through written texts; however, subsequent technological advancements played a pivotal role in the preservation of information. However, it is inaccurate to assert the complete extinction of oral culture in the face of these transitions. In contemporary society, oral culture products persist in numerous ritual practices.

Roy A. Rappaport underscores that rituals encompass more than mere religious practices but rather embody cultural, social, and communicative dimensions. According to Rappaport, a ritual is defined as “the performance of unwritten, unchanging expressions and gestures of a certain form in precise sequences by actors” (Rappaport 2006, p. 299). Oral culture products, which include folk songs, manis, proverbs, folk beliefs, and more, are integral components of various rituals, such as the henna night, the bride’s reception, and wedding festivities. Henna folk songs, bride and groom folk songs, and folk beliefs performed during rituals serve as conduits for social communication by expressing social values and emotions, both verbally and non-verbally.

5. Marriage Rituals in Folk Songs

Anonymous folk songs are a common form in this context. The expressions utilized by the ritual performers are not their own, and they are so archaic that the original singers have been forgotten (Rappaport 2006, p. 404). This phenomenon can be interpreted as an indication of the profound connection between oral cultural products and social values and belief systems.

These folk songs function as oral archives and as conduits for the transmission of musical entertainment culture and intangible cultural heritage. These folk songs embody the cultural codes and value systems inherent in the society that produced them. The thematic content of these folk songs encompasses the primary subjects of folklore research, including oral history, aesthetic perspective, social and social value judgments, proverbs, idioms, transition rituals, folk economics, traditions, customs, and folk beliefs (Karataş 2014, p. 145).

As Alan Dundes emphasizes, a holistic approach is essential for making healthier interpretations in folklore research. To this end, a comprehensive analysis model has been developed for the analysis of any folkloric element, including text, texture, and context (Dundes 2006, p. 61). This model has proven to be instrumental in the analysis of marriage-themed oral culture products, as well as genres such as mani and folk songs performed in the context of marriage ceremonies. When evaluating mani and folk songs in terms of rhythm, sound, and local words in folk dialects (texture), it becomes evident that both the content of the songs and the manner in which they are performed assume significance. The content and meaning of oral culture products are enriched by the presence of text. A notable example is the mani “If you have a hundred gold coins made/I will wait until summer” (Yolcu 2011, p. 132), which is sung by the girl to the man during the engagement phase. This song articulates both the economic expectation of the woman from the man and her desire for the timing of marriage. In the context of folklore products, the question of context, performer, recipient, purpose, and function is of particular relevance. Typically, during the henna night ritual, women perform their art in melodic and theatrical styles in the absence of men.

5.1. Henna Folk Songs

Henna night is a distinctive ceremony that is typically organized among women the day before the wedding. It symbolizes the bride-to-be’s departure from her father’s house, reflects Anatolian culture, reinforces the emotional bond between mother and daughter, and provides a pleasant experience for the participants. The lighting of henna for the bride and groom constitutes a pivotal ritual, exerting its influence not solely on the couple but also on all the participating women. The henna ceremony is a communal event, with all women and girls in the neighborhood participating. The belief system among these women is such that the act of attending the henna ceremony is believed to have a positive influence on their future marital fortune. Mothers play an active role in this tradition, often imparting wisdom and guidance to their daughters during the ceremony. The henna tray is symbolically passed over the girls’ heads, signifying the transition from childhood to adulthood and the hope for a harmonious marital life. The folk songs sung during the henna night serve to express the sadness experienced by the girls due to their separation from their families and mothers (Korkmaz 1999a, p. 95). Henna night, a significant cultural event in Turkish tradition, is characterized by a blend of festivity and emotion. During the ritual of henna burning, the bride and her mother shed tears, and the folk songs sung during this process are referred to as the folk songs to make the “bride cry”. These songs articulate the emotional journey of the bride, encapsulating her sentiments of loyalty to her family of origin and her subsequent adaptation to her new familial unit. The emotional culmination of this tradition is the folk song “Don’t cry, girl-bride; this is what fate has written for you” (Korkmaz 1999b, p. 77), which is sung to comfort the bride as she departs from her father’s house for the final time.

Boratav’s field research reveals significant variations in the henna ritual even within close geographical proximity, underscoring the cultural and regional diversity inherent in these practices. The observed variation in the duration of the ceremony, with one village opting for a single night and another dedicating two nights to the ritual, underscores the cultural heterogeneity within these communities. The girls’ henna ceremony is held on Tuesday evening, while the women’s ceremony is held on Wednesday evening. The girls’ henna ceremony is characterized by an exuberant atmosphere, with young girls engaging in singing folk songs and playing games until late into the night, symbolizing a “farewell to bachelorhood.” In contrast to the exuberant atmosphere of the girls’ ceremony, the women’s ceremony is characterized by a more subdued and emotional ambiance. On this occasion, the bride’s intimate companions are present at the young girl’s residence, engaging in the singing of folk songs and the “Sığırtmaç game” (Boratav 2003, p. 232). These two nights represent the culmination of the bride’s rite of passage before marriage, marking a significant transition into her new role as a wife. The community’s involvement in these rituals and emotional transformations plays a pivotal role in facilitating the passage.

One of the most prevalent folk songs performed during henna nights is “Don’t build houses on high high hills” (Kaya 1999, p. 200; Göde 2010, p. 166). This folk song recounts the tragic tale of Zeynep’s marriage to a young man named Ali, who resides in a distant village. This folk song, imbued with symbolism, embodies themes of separation, longing, and sadness. It is traditionally sung by women during henna nights, with the intention of evoking tears from the bride and her mother. According to the narrative conveyed within the oral tradition, the young woman is prevented from seeing her mother, father, and siblings for a period of six years, a circumstance stemming from the geographical distance of seven days, and ultimately succumbs to illness as a result of this profound longing. This folk song serves as a poignant symbol, representing the challenges faced by a bride who, due to geographical and emotional distance, experiences a sense of disconnection from her new identity and the community around her. The line “It has been six years since I left my village” exemplifies the bride’s inability to assimilate into her new environment, resulting in a physical separation. The presence of “flying birds,” “high hills,” “horse,” “thorn,” and “rose” in the folk song’s lyrics symbolizes emotions such as distance, obstacles to reunion, journey, and longing experienced by the bride. The folk song conveys a dual message: it does not merely advocate for the prevention of bride abduction to distant lands; it also underscores the significance of emotional bonds with her mother and family. These bonds are essential for the bride to assimilate into her new familial environment. The folk song can be interpreted as a social critique of patriarchal families, emphasizing the emotional and physical distance that these families often impose on their daughters.

The sentiment of expatriation and the reluctance to relocate to a distant land is poignantly captured in the lyric “Don’t give me to a distant land” (Kaya 1999, p. 187). The girl says that, rather than becoming a bride in a distant and unfamiliar place, she would even consent to marry one of her cousins. Within a patriarchal system, the autonomy and agency of women are often constrained, as they are unable to freely exercise their will and articulate their perspectives. The folk song “Don’t give me away to the foreign hand” offers a poignant reflection on the pervasive influence of oppression, particularly as it affects girls. The song conveys the notion that individuals’ negative thoughts and behaviors during the threshold process can hinder or prevent the subsequent stage of “aggregation/integration”. The bride’s apprehensions and trepidations concerning her future are poignantly articulated in the folk song. These expressions, evident in various stanzas such as “This girl needs a mother,” “My hand is henna, my face is veil,” “We shall apply henna to the bride-to-be,” and “I lit the henna on the white hand” (Kaya 1999, pp. 187–88), underscore the bride’s state of liminality (threshold) at this juncture. In the folk song entitled “Red plums along the banks of the Arda River”, the subject’s lack of agency is evident. This folk song chronicles Halime’s defiance against her familial forces who compelled her marriage and her subsequent suicide in response to her rejection of the imposed norms (Mirzaoğlu 2015, p. 338).

While the establishment of a family is a significant accomplishment, the ability to sustain a family in a peaceful and harmonious manner is equally crucial. The folk song “There’s honey at the bazaar my bride” (Göde 2010, p. 167) offers a poignant cautionary tale, underscoring the potential consequences of the bride’s behavior post-marriage. The text conveys a series of admonitions addressed to the bride, including the necessity of exhibiting a disposition characterized by amiability, respect toward her husband, and a harmonious relationship with him, with these behaviors to be demonstrated in all circumstances and at all times. The term “honey” is used metaphorically to denote qualities such as respect, affection, eloquence, and a sweet disposition, while “lamb” is employed to represent docility and harmony.

In the folk song titled “Bring the Henna Aney! (Oh mother!)” (Göde 2010, p. 168), the bride conveys her perspective on the transition period through the metaphorical depiction of a physical and emotional departure, articulated by the phrase “I hit the road.” The bride accentuates her status as a guest in her father’s household, expressing a desire to repose with her mother. This expression serves to underscore two interrelated themes: first, the transience of the bride’s former status, and, second, the absence of complete integration with her new status. The folk song also highlights the profound bond between the bride and her mother.

In the traditional folk song “Happy mother happy mother happy mother, may your household be happy” (Kaya 1999, p. 187), the bride’s message to her mother, who is melancholic about her departure, is to “let your house be happy”. The phrase “they made my mother cry; they took the bride” alludes to the departure of the bride in both physical and ritual contexts. Another folk song (Kaya 1999, p. 188) details specific ritual actions, including making the bride cry, applying henna, adorning her with a ring, stirring henna in a golden bowl, crossing the threshold, and finally, bidding farewell.

5.2. Bridal Pick-Up and Welcoming Folk Songs

In the context of Anatolian marriage traditions, the ritual of taking the bride is considered a pivotal stage in wedding customs. The bridal procession is the ritual in which the bride departs from her father’s residence, proceeds to the groom’s house, and her transition to a new status is formalized through a distinctive ceremony. This transition marks the establishment of a unique bond between the two families, signifying a significant cultural and social transformation for both the bride and groom. In the context of transition theories (van Gennep 2022), the bride’s departure from her family, the social environment where she was born and raised, and her transition from her previous status (singlehood) to her new status (marriage) marks a significant phase in the transition to her new home and family. However, the integration of the bride into her new family unit has yet to be fully realized. In this transitional phase, an ambiance of bereavement pervades, particularly for the bride and her family who remain behind. The musical accompaniment, characterized by the somber melodies of instruments such as drums and zurna, along with the emotive folk songs, serves to underscore the prevailing sentiment of loss and transition. During the most significant wedding ritual, the intensity of emotion experienced by both families, particularly the bride and groom, is expressed through folk songs, which are an integral component of oral culture.

A notable example is the folk song called Cezayir (the folk song of Algiers), which is traditionally sung during the bride’s departure from her father’s house or during the henna night. The historical underpinnings of this folk song, which is sung during the bride’s departure from her father’s house, can be interpreted as a symbolic representation of the bride’s association with soldiers who never return home. The thematic elements encompassing this sentiment include separation, bravery, heroism, captivity, and soldiers who embarked on their journeys at a young age, never to return to their families. Drawing from the experiences of soldiers who departed for the Algerian campaigns during the Ottoman period and never returned, this folk song maintains its historical context by being incorporated into wedding rituals (Mirzaoğlu 2015, p. 180). In the context of the marriage ritual, the bride’s departure from her former status (celibacy), never to return, symbolizes the life she leaves behind and her transition to a new life.

The folk song “Horses saddled” (Yakıcı 2007, p. 217) is a folk song sung during the bride-taking ritual and depicts the girl’s separation from her family. The line “I left my parents” and expressions such as “addling the horses” and “the girl collecting her dowry11” represent the process of separation in the context of transition rituals.

In bridal folk songs, the subject of separation is intensely covered. In both bridal and henna folk songs, the prevailing sentiment is one of farewell. While the thematic content of bridal folk songs is typically uniform, disparities in vocal delivery can be discerned with respect to melody structure. In instances where the melodies are characterized by cheerfulness during the singing of the bride in the boy’s house, the melodies are of a more somber nature when the bride is singing in the girl’s house, due to the symbolic departure of the bride. In Yakıcı’s work (Yakıcı 2007, p. 218), “salt” is identified as a symbol of purity, fertility, and reproduction in folk beliefs. The arrival of the bride at the boy’s house is accompanied by “welcome” folk songs in a festive atmosphere. In the context of the transition period ritual, the concept of “aggregation/integration” is reinforced through folk songs. The phrase “Don’t be separated from your wife until you die” underscores the permanence of the bride’s role in her new status as a wife. The phrase “red bride” in the folk song, specifically the term “red” (al), is a symbolic representation of the bride. The bride’s veil and bridal sash are traditionally red. The color red is traditionally associated with virginity, purity, and rebirth. Within the context of the ritual, the “bride” assumes a central role. The performance of folk songs in various locations where the bride is present underscores the preservation of Anatolian experiences in social memory and the manner in which they address the needs of the social structure.

6. Marriage Rituals in Manis

Manis, a type of anonymous folk poetry, is a prominent feature of Turkish oral culture, with a wide geographical distribution and a rich variety of forms and genres. Their memorability stems from their typical composition of four lines and seven syllables. These songs offer insight into a wide array of themes, including the human condition, emotions, and interpersonal relationships, reflecting the rich tapestry of the Anatolian ethos. A seminal study by Elçin (1990) systematically categorized these themes, highlighting the prevalence of certain motifs, including the yearning for a spouse abroad, the anguish stemming from this longing, broken promises, disloyalty, defiance against fate, the quest for parental affection, the dichotomy of beauty and ugliness, the inevitability of death, the concept of marriage, and the conflict between the bride and the mother-in-law, which can be attributed to generational differences and evolving life perspectives. In accordance with the research scope, the subject of manis, which has an extensive discourse network, has been constrained within the context of marriage and wedding rituals, including marriage ceremonies, henna nights, bridal baths, the planting of the wedding flag at the bride’s head, and çömçe bride ceremonies. The environments in which manis are performed during marriage ceremonies are as follows: these include the sighting of a prospective bride, the proposal of marriage, the henna ceremony for the mother and daughter, the male henna ceremony, the bridal bath, the wedding ceremony, the bridal praise, the bridal farewell, the bridal reception, the nuptials, bridal pick-up, and the bride’s procession, among others (Artun 2006, p. 24).

As Honko (2006) points out, “The true repository of oral literature is not found in folklore archives, but rather in the collective memory of the human race.” In alignment with Honko’s (2006, p. 139) perspective on laments, the tradition of singing mani is predicated on oral tradition rather than on written records. This finding indicates that manis are transmitted through live performance and are preserved by memory. Manis exhibit a direct interaction with the environment in which they are produced. These performances typically occur within the context of ritual or social gatherings, such as during courtship rituals, henna nights, and wedding celebrations. The individual who performs a mani functions as an interpreter of social thoughts and sentiments, offering insights into the cultural and emotional nuances inherent in these practices. The preponderance of women in this practice suggests a medium for the articulation of sentiments that might otherwise be repressed. Consequently, both the lyrics and the context, including the setting, the occasion, the intended audience, and the purpose, assume significance. Manis, as oral cultural products, can be replicated through the preservation of their original form.

In the field research conducted by Yolcu (2011), the reconstruction of the improvised melodies sung by the women performers each time aligns with the theory that the archive of folklore is human memory (Honko 2006). The performances of the female performers metamorphose into a visual and auditory spectacle, accompanied by instruments such as tambourines, bowls, and coppers, in addition to theatrical movements.

During the period when the tradition of singing mani was prevalent, courtship/flirtation between young individuals was met with societal disapproval. Indeed, it was a social taboo for young people to openly express their feelings of sexuality, love, and infatuation for each other. The medium of manis served as a conduit for the articulation of sentiments related to marriage and love, which were regarded as intimate by societal norms. As Artun (2006, p. 29) observes, in a particular instance, a young woman expresses her desire to marry a young man by saying “Carnations in bunches/Go ask for me from my mother”. This statement conveys a dual intention: first, to express a desire for marriage, and second, to acknowledge the traditional expectation that the girl’s wish to marry must be approved by her family. Another mani verse articulates the concept of cohabitation: “If I don’t hug and sleep together/My heartache will not pass” (Artun 2006, p. 29). The manis, as articulated by young girls in communal settings, serve multifaceted functions, including entertainment, education, and social unification.

Historically, in Anatolia, it was considered shameful for young people to express their desire to get married directly. To circumvent this social norm, young individuals have devised a plethora of methods and behaviors to articulate their matrimonial aspirations, albeit indirectly, thereby circumventing the potential social censure that might otherwise be imposed upon them (Boratav 2003, p. 209). One method employed is the singing of a mani, which conveys the desire to wed, as illustrated by the following verse: “Get me married father/Is a house really a house without a bride” (Çelik 2005, p. 510). This phenomenon can be understood as a manifestation of the desire to obtain familial approval, which is a fundamental aspect of social structure and family values. This phenomenon can be interpreted as an illustration of courtesy, a component of social interaction and family values, within the context of family communication. In another mani verse, the mother is addressed as follows: “Mother, get me married/Enough of being single” (Elçin 1990, p. 59). Because girls are ashamed to express their desire to get married, they indirectly express their feelings and position in society to their mothers by singing mani (Atnur 2015, p. 15). This reveals that the mother is accepted as an authority figure or that young people convey their desire to marry to her because they find her closer to them.

In the context of oral cultural traditions, mani can be regarded as a form of aesthetic communication. In instances of romantic relationships between girls and boys, their families are approached for consent to formalize the union. However, should the families not accept the relationship, the young people may indirectly express a willingness to elope. This phenomenon aligns with social values, underscoring the importance of respect for family and open attitudes towards marriage. This is exemplified by the lyrics of a mani, “If my father doesn’t give me permission/Feed your horse well” (Büyükokutan 2006, p. 63), where “father” symbolizes authority and “horse” represents escape and autonomy in decision making.

The manis sung in the ritual of asking for a girl function as a means of communication and showcase the musical and rhythmic aspects of the language. The female side of the family extends a warm welcome to guests with manis, commencing with the phrase “Welcome, Welcome” (Artun 2006, p. 25). The responses exhibited by the girl’s side, whether positive or negative, serve to reinforce the established social etiquette through the medium of aesthetic expression, as evidenced by the performance of a mani. The tradition of singing mani, which involves a mini-performance in the presence of family members, reflects layers of meaning beyond the poetic text of manis. The manis sung in the ritual of requesting a girl’s hand in marriage are not merely a component of a literary text; they also serve as an indicator of social ritual and communication between families. In accordance with Dundes’s approach, these songs are seen to reveal a more profound layer of meaning within the context of text, texture, and context (Dundes 2006).

The environment in which they are sung contributes to the interpretation of certain manis, as evidenced by the existence of a game and mani called “Delilo” (Aksu 1997, p. 73). The elders of the young man’s house and the young people who go to request a girl’s hand in marriage play “Delilo” in front of the girl’s house. The door, functioning as a physical threshold, serves as a symbolic indicator in the process leading to a change in status on the way to marriage. The “Delilo” game and the songs performed during this ritual serve a dual purpose: they are both sources of entertainment and convey explicit messages regarding the physical attractiveness of the girl, the level of interest she has piqued in the boy, and the intentions of the male counterpart.

A significant ritual in Turkish wedding tradition involves the practice of binding a red belt around the bride’s waist. This belt, imbued with symbolism since ancient times, has represented notions of abundance, fertility, good luck, and diligence. In recent times, the significance of virginity has been added to the comprehensive meaning of the belt. This belt, which is imbued with significant connotations, is traditionally tied by the bride’s brother prior to her departure from her father’s residence (Yeşil 2014). In the absence of a brother, the belt can be tied by the girl’s father or uncle. As articulated in the mani text, “The bride’s belt will be tied by her brother/The drum and zurna will be at the door/Three hours of crying” (Çelik 2005, p. 399). The belt, a symbol of purity and cleanliness, represents the girl’s transition from her father’s house. The drum and zurna, instruments of entertainment, underscore the festive nature of the occasion. This multifaceted atmosphere, characterized by the juxtaposition of emotions such as sorrow and mirth, serves as a symbolic representation of a family’s profound sense of pride in bestowing their daughter with the role of a bride and thereby marking the establishment of a new and harmonious domestic environment. The presence of participants in the ceremony, accompanied by drums and zurna at the bride’s departure from her father’s house, also symbolizes social integration and approval.

Wedding ceremonies in Anatolia are distinguished by their rich entertainment culture. Notably, the practices involved in the procession of the bride to the groom’s residence are integral components of a social ritual. The arrival of the bride at her new home is met with jubilation by the groom’s family, relatives, and guests, who engage in festivities and express their elation. A notable element of this cultural expression is the halay, a traditional game that involves the bride and groom dancing in tandem, often accompanied by melodious tunes. These melodies, which serve as a crucial component of the halay, are collectively referred to as halay melodies. The game is played by lining up side by side, with players holding each other by the pinky. This collective activity symbolizes entertainment, social harmony, and integration through movement. The mani “My lover danced the halay at the wedding; he happens to be my brother-in-law’s brother” (Demir 2013, p. 374), which is sung during wedding ceremonies and especially during the halay, is particularly noteworthy in terms of demonstrating the bride’s integration into both the new family and the established family ties.

In the tradition of the bride’s arrival, the bride, who is escorted from her father’s house to her new home, symbolically marks her transition into her new familial unit. Upon her arrival, the bride is greeted by the elders of the family, typically her father-in-law or mother-in-law. A series of rituals are performed until the bride enters the house. One such ritual involves the opening of closed doors, often accompanied by the exchange of gifts or tokens of appreciation. The mother-in-law heralds the arrival of the bride with the words “Open the door, mother-in-law/The bride is coming for you” (Çelik 2005, p. 500). An examination of the context reveals that the lines “My beloved doesn’t want me; it’s the bride’s seating ritual” (Wouldn’t my mate, my love, want to see me as a bride?) (Çelik 2005, p. 151) in another mani constitute a component of the tradition of bride seating. Upon first entering her new home, the bride is not seated in her designated place without receiving monetary compensation or a gift. This ritual is believed to facilitate the establishment of a genuine bond between the bride and her new family, as well as to promote her integration into her new home environment.

An additional mani illuminates the practice of the bride’s arrival and dismount ceremony, offering further insights into this tradition. Historically, brides were escorted from their father’s residence to the groom’s residence on horseback. The mani “If your mother-in-law doesn’t give you sheep/Don’t get off the horse” (Elçin 1990, p. 86) underscores the significance of this practice. Historically, it was customary to bestow gifts upon the bride when she dismounted from the horse, and, in contemporary times, this practice persists when she alights from the car. This practice of welcoming the bride by the mother-in-law and bestowing gifts symbolizes the integration of the bride and mother-in-law within the marital and familial structures. However, the stipulation of sheep as a gift in the mani, as well as the possibility that the mother-in-law may not offer a sheep, can be interpreted as a potential indicator of conflict between the bride and mother-in-law.

Bride—Mother-in-Law Manis

A mother-in-law who lauds her daughter-in-law and portrays an ideal mother-in-law profile prior to the marital union of her son may subsequently evolve into a mother-in-law who grapples with her daughter-in-law. Conversely, girls who express their intention to be an ideal bride before marriage may transition into a bride who experiences difficulties in her relationship with her mother-in-law post-marriage. This phenomenon is exemplified by numerous manis. A mother-in-law who says to a girl before marriage, “As long as you are my daughter-in-law, I will tie a belt around your waist, I will give you sherbet, I will apply henna in your hair” turns into someone who can say to her daughter-in-law after the girl becomes her daughter-in-law, “You are walking on the street/You are upsetting my son/What beauty you have …/You look like a monkey”. A similar shift in perception can be observed in the case of a daughter-in-law’s attitude towards her mother-in-law. Prior to marriage, she may express admiration for her mother-in-law, using phrases such as “Mother-in-laws are pilgrims/They are the crown of our heads.” However, following the union, her perspective can undergo a transformation, leading her to perceive her mother-in-law in a more negative light, using expressions like “Mother-in-laws are snakes/All their words are lies” (Kaya 2000, p. 342).

In Turkey, the bride does not occupy a central position within the family structure. This is due to the fact that the bride is assigned the role of adapting to the patriarchal structure. The decline in arranged marriages and the decreasing trend of cohabitation between brides and mothers-in-law, along with related behaviors such as the bride’s adaptation to the family, deference to the mother-in-law, the mother-in-law’s supervision of the bride, and power struggles between them, have been gradually diminishing with modernization. This transformation can be attributed to the modernization process. The struggle of women for power lies at the heart of the bride-daughter-in-law struggle. The bride, having relinquished her former familial and social context, finds herself in a state of unfamiliarity within her current environment and family. The prevailing figure within the family structure is the mother-in-law, who often exhibits a reluctance to share power with her daughter-in-law. In-laws may perceive brides as women who undermine their authority and create a divide between them and their sons. According to Altunsu Sönmez, the primary cause of the conflict between mothers-in-law and daughters-in-law is the struggle for dominance over the patriarchal social structure’s powerful male figure. Consequently, the conflict cannot be adequately explained as mere jealousy (Altunsu Sönmez 2019, p. 1160).

7. Marriage Rituals in Folk Beliefs and Proverbs

Proverbs, a type of oral culture, function as concise, anonymous expressions that reflect the knowledge, experience, beliefs, and values of a society. The meaning of proverbs is shaped by the social environment within a specific context, allowing them to adapt to the evolving nature of oral culture. This section will offer an examination of proverbs pertaining to family and marriage during the transition period.

The functional potency of proverbs is contingent not solely on their textual import but also on the context in which they are articulated. The message of a proverb articulated within the context of an experienced situation transcends mere textual transmission, metamorphosing into a social event. The act of “choosing a spouse” during marriage rituals is a significant step in many societies, as it is a means of establishing long-lasting and healthy families. In Turkish culture, women shoulder significant responsibilities and assume pivotal roles within the family unit. The proverb “The female bird builds the nest” underscores the significance of women in establishing the foundations of the family unit. In the ritual of choosing a spouse, proverbs such as “Some women build a house, some women demolish a house” and analogous expressions are employed by family elders. These proverbs underscore the significance of selecting a suitable spouse for the family unit, thereby imparting a societal message that transcends the mere words of the proverb. When articulated within the context of a transition period ritual, these proverbs contribute to the realization of the ritual in a socially healthy manner.

An illustrative example of this phenomenon is the proverb, “The bride rode a horse and said, ‘What if it happens?’” This proverb underscores the element of uncertainty surrounding the eventuality of the marriage. It is noteworthy that the bride’s placement on a horse is a culminating element of the wedding ceremony. The existence of documented cases of brides and grooms separating even at the final moment suggests that Anatolian people may be influenced by magic, the evil eye, and evil spirits. This belief is rooted in the notion that individuals are particularly susceptible during periods of transition. While the phrase “May you sit in the corner of your son” might initially appear to be a curse, it is in fact an expression of prayer in Gaziantep, signifying “May you see your son get married” (Korkmaz 1999b, p. 79).

The practice of sprinkling sugar, peanuts, coins, and other items on the bride’s head is believed to symbolize the hope for prosperity and abundance. As the bride exits the vehicle, whether it be a car or, in the past, a horse, and enters the house, specific objects are ceremoniously sprinkled on the bride’s head in a ritual known as saçı: wheat, a symbol of abundance and fertility, is a central element in this ritual. The scattering of wheat is believed to symbolize the hope for a fruitful and productive marriage, as well as progeny that will contribute to the well-being of the family. The breaking of the empty bottle by the mother-in-law is a gesture that symbolically dispels the notion of the evil eye and malevolent spirits. As the bride traverses the threshold, she is escorted by her mother-in-law, thereby acknowledging her authority within the familial structure. The act of hurling pomegranates as the bride enters her new home symbolizes fertility and the cycle of life. Each ritual in this process symbolizes a transition from one status to a new one, representing acceptance or approval.

The practice of taking the groom to the mosque for the purpose of singing hymns and reciting prayers is rooted in the belief that this sacred space serves as the catalyst for a new beginning. Historically, female visitors to the girl’s house would request a broom from the girl’s family and take a seat on the broom provided by the host. These visitors would then vocalize the reasons for their visit through folk songs (Artun 2006, p. 25). The act of the women sent to assess a potential bride, who claim to have come to request the girl of the house, taking a seat on the broom, can be interpreted as an indication of their pure intentions and the establishment of a sacred and unsoiled domestic environment.

8. Conclusions

Traditional marriage rituals encompass oral cultural elements that reflect both individual sentiments and actions and social memory, fostering identity and belonging, and transmitting these elements across generations. However, the increasing prevalence of written culture in modern societies, the effective use of media, and numerous other factors have led to a gradual erosion of the ritual power of oral culture. Nevertheless, it is evident that rituals such as marriages continue to play a crucial role in preserving cultural memory. Furthermore, elements of oral culture in Anatolia demonstrate a capacity to respond to both individual and social needs.

An examination of marriage and related rites reveals notable manifestations of oral culture, including folk songs, manis, hymns, prayers, and proverbs, each reflecting the distinctive characteristics of oral tradition. Anatolian weddings, therefore, are not merely an ordinary marriage ceremony. It is a transitional ritual that is deeply rooted and rich in tradition. By examining how folk beliefs and cultural codes influence marital rituals, the role of social memory in shaping these rituals, the manner in which social bonds are formed, and the transmission of common values and cultural knowledge, we can gain a more comprehensive understanding of the cultural shaping of marriage.

Manis, with their short, rhymed, and rhythmic structures, are a notable component of oral culture. As a living cultural archive, they play a pivotal role in both their symbolic values and their individual and social functions. These cultural artifacts are integral to significant rites of passage, particularly those associated with marital transitions, such as “asking for a girl,” “engagement,” and “bridal pick-up”. These performances are characterized by their poetic structures, which represent processes of separation, transition (liminality), and integration (aggregation). They carry folk beliefs and cultural codes, both entertaining and educating, and facilitating communication between individuals and between individuals and society.

Anatolia, with its rich historical tapestry shaped by the interaction of diverse cultures and civilizations, stands as a testament to the profound impact of cultural exchange on the evolution of society. This study may serve as a useful basis for future comparative and interdisciplinary research. For instance, it can direct studies that compare oral culture elements in the marriage rituals of diverse ethnic and religious communities in Anatolia. It can also guide research that examines the impact of urbanization on oral culture in traditional marriage rituals. Furthermore, it can inform studies that explore how technology and social media transform oral culture elements in marriage traditions. Finally, it can assist in the study of cultural diffusion areas and the interaction of oral culture in the wedding traditions of Anatolia and regions outside Anatolia.

At the culmination of the matrimonial process, the bride and groom undergo a transition in their social status. The integration of the bride and groom with their new roles, as well as the subsequent announcement of their new social roles to society, is realized through the performance of wedding rituals. Marriage, therefore, can be conceptualized as a transitional period between birth and death, during which individuals undergo a change in status through three distinct stages: separation, transition, and incorporation. The employment of appellations such as “bride” and “groom” at the culmination of singleness and during the transitional phase preceding matrimony exemplifies this progression. The elements of oral culture manifest in marriage traditions in Anatolia align with the theories advanced by cultural theorists. For instance, the oral culture elements observed during henna nights and wedding celebrations serve the functions of recreation, the transmission of social values to younger generations, and the expression of resistance against oppression through the articulation of repressed sentiments.