Exploring the Christian Nationalism Within the Secularized Swedish Public Opinion

Abstract

This article examines the interplay of religion, nationalism, and identity in contemporary Sweden, focusing on the rising phenomenon of Christian nationalism. Our analysis of editorials and opinion pieces from major Swedish newspapers reveals a significant shift towards a more pronounced Christian influence in public discourse, suggesting a renegotiation of the sacred–secular divide. This shift highlights a growing intertwining of religious narratives with national identity, raising questions about whether Sweden should embrace its Christian heritage or maintain religious neutrality and plurality. Our findings indicate that expressions of individual faith emerging in cultural discussions are not merely personal; they also foster organized religion, contributing to the construction of new communal identities. This relocation of the sacred from the private to the public sphere signifies a renewed world-building potential for religion, particularly in urban settings, challenging classical secularization theories. The increasing prominence of Christian perspectives reflects discontent with “secularized Christianity-as-culture”, signaling a desire for a more foundational Christianity. Furthermore, the integration of spheres, where discourse on values and societal crises fosters a renewed demand for religion, leads to a need to reinforce a religious identity which results in a “cultural defense” that effectively supports Christian nationalism.

1. Introduction

The interplay between religion, nationalism, and identity has gained increasing prominence in contemporary societal debates, with Sweden providing a particularly intriguing case. A significant portion of the Swedish population, referred to as ‘semi-secular Swedes’ (af Burén 2015, p. 3), neither attends church nor engages in alternative spiritual practices, yet they are neither overtly opposed to religion nor entirely indifferent to it. Despite Sweden’s reputation as one of the most secular countries in the world (Inglehart and Norris 2003), large-scale surveys have been criticized for their narrow conceptualization of religiosity, typically framing religiosity “as a package of affiliation, belief, and practice” (Willander 2020, p. 54), marginalizing those who deviate from this model (ibid). Recent trends indicate a growing segment of the Swedish population advocating for a society grounded in Christian values. Survey data indicate that 48% of respondents identify as Protestant (Demker 2024), and Hagevi (2022) notes a rise in support for a Christian-oriented society, increasing from approximately 20% in 2014 to 25% in 2020. This shift unfolds within the broader context of Sweden’s enduring secularism, characterized by church attendance that has remained consistently low—only 6% of Swedes attended services once a month in 2002 (ESS 2024), a figure that decreased slightly to 4.5% in 2024 (ESS 2024)—and limited trust in religious institutions, which stands at 21%.

While Sweden officially disestablished a state religion in 2000, the Church of Sweden remains institutionally significant, governed by a specific parliamentary law that defines its religious framework and overarching structure. This paradox, often referred to as the “Nordic paradox” (Bäckström et al. 2004, p. 87), illustrates the coexistence of low religious participation with widespread public acceptance of the church’s cultural and ceremonial role.

Christianity continues to underpin dominant notions of Swedish nationhood and belonging, a reality intertwined with a secular constitution that remains closely tied to the legacy of Protestantism. Berg et al. (2020, p. 272) describe this as a combination of strong secular fundamentalism and an implicit disregard for the dominance of Christianity. At the same time, the meaning of religious plurality in Sweden remains ambiguous, reflecting the challenges of maintaining clear distinctions between religious identities in a multicultural and secular society, further complicating debates around national identity. Moreover, as studies have shown, gender equality has become a central marker of Swedish national identity, strongly linked to secularism and modernity (cf. Öztürk et al. 2022). Together, these dynamics reveal the nuanced ways in which religious and secular values interact within Sweden’s sociopolitical landscape.

The relationship between religion and nationalism has been extensively studied (Brubaker 2012; Casanova 2020; Poletti Lundström 2022; Öztürk et al. 2022), and within this field Christian nationalism remains central to understanding the ways in which religious symbols and narratives are mobilized in shaping national identity, particularly through culturalized framings of Christianity. Over the past few decades, studies have highlighted an increased visibility of religion in Sweden (Lövheim 2019), where religion has become more intertwined with broader political debates rather than being confined to a distinct societal domain (Lövheim and Linderman 2015, p. 46). This development challenges the liberal state’s principles of religious freedom, potentially leading to a more conditional approach to religious liberty (Poletti Lundström 2022).

A recurring theme in Swedish public discourse is the tension between religious diversity, gender equality, and individual freedom, frequently highlighted in editorials (Lövheim 2017). Media coverage often emphasizes visible religious practices—such as clothing, schools, and gender roles—over beliefs, framing religion in pragmatic and instrumental terms (Hjelm 2015).

In a broader European context, Brubaker (2017) argues that right-wing populists in Western and northern Europe construct what he terms “civilizationist” or “identitarian” Christianism. This concept reframes Christianity not as a religion but as a cultural marker, positioning it as a defense against perceived threats, particularly from Islam. This culturalized form of Christianity is paradoxical, promoting ostensibly liberal values such as gender equality, LGBTQ+ rights, and freedom of speech while simultaneously being exclusionary. Joppke (2018) identifies the culturalization of religion as a broader trend that extends beyond populist movements. Courts and states in Western Europe navigate religious neutrality by privileging majority religions as cultural heritage rather than as faith traditions. This dual approach allows states to maintain secular commitments while imposing restrictions on minority religious practices, particularly those of Muslims, through cultural reclassification (Mancini 2009). This dynamic is particularly relevant in Sweden, where Protestant Christianity has historically been hegemonic and closely tied to national identity.

This article examines the phenomenon of “Christian nationalism” (Whitehead and Perry 2020) or “Christianism” (Brubaker 2017) within the Swedish context, focusing specifically on its cultural dimensions. By cultural dimensions, we refer to how religious symbols, practices, and identities are reframed as cultural elements to serve concrete political projects, such as nationalist mobilization. This aligns with Brubaker’s (2017) analysis of Christianity being selectively embraced as a civilizational identity within national populisms in Northwestern Europe, an approach that provides valuable insights into the challenges and dynamics of Christian nationalism in a pluralistic democratic context such as Sweden, contributing to broader discussions about the intersections of religion, culture, and national identity.

National agenda-setting media serve as an ideal venue for studying Christian nationalism because they play a pivotal role in shaping public discourse and influencing societal understandings of religion, culture, and identity. Drawing on mediatization theory, which examines how religious beliefs, practices, and symbols are influenced by media processes (Hjarvard 2016), these outlets act as central sites where religion intersects with broader societal and political debates. As previous research has highlighted, mediatization processes not only reshape the structural relationship between the media and religion but also influence public perceptions and individual practices (Hjarvard and Lövheim 2012). Scandinavian studies, in particular, have shown how the media increasingly frame religion within cultural and political narratives, often emphasizing its role in debates on national identity and diversity (Lövheim 2014, 2017). By focusing on editorials and opinion pieces, which are key in agenda-setting media, this study can trace how Christian nationalism is articulated, contested, and negotiated, making these media an indispensable lens for analyzing its cultural dimensions within the Swedish public sphere.

2. Exploring Christian Nationalism in Discourse

In this study, we define Christian nationalism as the discursive and symbolic appropriation of Christian identity to construct national belonging, often in opposition to perceived religious or cultural “others”, particularly Muslims. While our approach draws from Whitehead and Perry’s (2020) definition of Christian nationalism as a fusion of Christianity with national identity and civic life, we extend this concept into the European context by incorporating Brubaker’s (2017) notion of “Christianism”, a cultural, rather than theological, invocation of Christianity. In this view, Christian nationalism does not necessarily reflect religious revival, but a civilizational identity deployed by right-wing populist actors to delineate the boundaries of the national “we”. Thus, our conceptualization builds on the existing literature while adapting it to the unique dynamics of secularization, populism, and identity politics in Sweden.

In their research within the North American context, Whitehead and Perry (2020, p. 19) define Christian nationalism as “a collection of myths, traditions, symbols, narratives, and value systems that idealizes and advocates a fusion of Christianity with American civic life”. They assert that in the United States, Christian nationalism is closely linked to a conservative political orientation, although it is not strictly associated with any specific political party. Christian nationalism, however, is less concerned with Christian orthodoxy and more focused on cultural power. It seeks to uphold tradition, protect the status quo, and foster national unity. As the authors note, advancing the goals of Christian nationalism does not necessarily require adherence to Christianity, as its primary objective is the preservation of the nation-state’s integrity. Christian nationalism is frequently connected to racialist sentiments, wherein cultural purity is equated with racial or ethnic exclusion (Whitehead and Scheitle 2018). Additionally, religion can assume a more dominant role than language, culture, or other foundational elements of national identity, as the “other” is often most distinctly defined in religious terms (Barker 2008). While radical right-wing discourses challenge liberal democratic values globally, utilizing both parliamentary success and extra-parliamentary tactics (Mudde 2024), their relationship with Christian nationalism has become a key area of concern. In Europe, populist parties strategically use Christianity not as a call to religious faith, but as a political tool to reinforce nationalist rhetoric. For example, in countries like Poland, Hungary, France, and the Netherlands, populist parties have used Christian identity to challenge multiculturalism, immigration, and Islam, while France’s Front National mixes Christianity with secular nationalism, often emphasizing exclusionary narratives centered around the “other”, particularly Muslims and immigrants (Marzouki et al. 2016; Öztürk et al. 2022). As these right-wing movements continue to gain influence, it becomes imperative to broaden the examination of Christian nationalism to encompass distinct settings. This is particularly crucial for a comprehensive understanding of its impact, with a specific focus on Sweden.

Current research contributes to our comprehension by approaching Christianity not merely as a substantive religious belief but as a concept termed “secularized Christianity-as-culture” (Brubaker 2017; Mouritsen 2006, p. 77). This conceptualization perceives Christianity as a civilizational and identitarian construct referred to as “Christianism”. Brubaker (2017) highlights that this perspective prioritizes belonging over believing, serving as a means to delineate the collective “us” in relation to the perceived “them” (Roy 2016). Many scholars note an ongoing “erosion of Christianity as doctrine, organization, and ritual” (Brubaker 2017, p. 17), making it convenient to invoke Christianity as a cultural and civilizational identity, characterized by ostensibly shared values unrelated to religious belief or practice (Joppke 2015). Paradoxically, as Europe becomes more secular, it becomes more easily represented as culturally and civilizationally Christian (Beckford 1994, p. 167). This perspective holds relevance in the context of research in Sweden. In conjunction with the findings of Öztürk et al. (2022) on radical right parties that capitalize on gender, religiosity, and secularity, a nuanced understanding of religion in the Swedish context is also provided in Poletti Lundström’s (2022) exploration into the radical right’s conceptualization of religion. Here, religion is seen to function intrinsically within the collective thought system, perceived as a heritage with a transgenerational continuum that stands elevated above the realm of individual subjectivity.

When the term ‘Christianism’ was introduced by Andrew Sullivan (2006) to express the sentiment that many Christians feel unrepresented by the religious right which is perceived to appropriate their faith for political fundamentalism, the term ‘Christianist’ was proposed by the author to describe the politicized ideology that conflates religious belief with a specific political agenda. In this context, religion transcends its limitations, prompting a reevaluation of both traditional perspectives on the sacred in politics and the implications of the resurgence of right-wing populism. Gorski (2017, 2020), while highlighting key differences between American and West European populisms regarding their views on religion and secularity, contends that European populists often frame their stance as a defense of Western secularity, and this defense of secularism in Europe can serve as a veiled critique of Islam. Furthering this discussion, Gorski (2017) argues that the Christianism espoused by northern and Western European national populists is not genuinely rooted in religious beliefs but is instead primarily an expression of identitarian politics.

As secularism becomes central to European populism, populists equate modernity with secular values and cast themselves as defenders against the “backwardness” of immigrant religiosity (Casanova 2006). According to Brubaker (2017), national populisms in northern and Western Europe have evolved from nationalism into a broader “civilizationism”, framing the divide between “us” and “them” in civilizational terms rather than purely national ones. This shift has fostered an identitarian “Christianism” in highly secular societies like Scandinavia, an ostensibly liberal yet fundamentally illiberal and superficial form of Christianity (Brubaker 2017, p. 1210). Identity is constructed by opposing “us” to “them” (Roy 2016), with Muslims positioned as the “other” so that “we” can be defined, not through religious practice, but as culturally Christian (Brubaker 2017). This dynamic illustrates a broader trend in which Christian identity is strategically deployed to reinforce group boundaries while obscuring the complex realities of religious pluralism within contemporary European societies. Beckford further notes that the more secular Europe becomes, the more easily it is portrayed as culturally and civilizationally Christian (Beckford 1994 in Brubaker 2017, p. 1199).

The concept of secularization has been defined by various sociologists as a general process that operates across three distinct levels: societal, organizational, and individual (Dobbelaere 1981, p. 11). A central feature of secularization theories, as noted by Tschannen, is the concept of “differentiation”, which he asserts is “absolutely central to all the secularization theories, without exception” (Tschannen 1991, p. 404). This key concept of differentiation, prevalent in nearly all secularization frameworks (Gorski 2000), describes the process by which social institutions—such as the economy, politics, and education—become increasingly distinct from religious institutions. This differentiation results in a reduction in the authority of religion in both public life and individual belief systems as societies modernize. In contemporary Western societies, the various spheres of society are now more clearly differentiated than they were in the past (e.g., Tschannen 1991; Bruce 2011; Dobbelaere 2002, p. 165; Casanova 1994; Gorski 2000)1. This heightened differentiation reflects the complex relationship between secularization and the evolving role of religion in modern social contexts.

In The Sacred Canopy (1966), one of the most influential texts on secularization theory, Berger emphasizes the complex relationship between religion, culture, and social order, framing religion as a historical product (p. 5) and a significant instrument of legitimation that upholds social order, while exploring its connection to the human process of “world-building” (p. 9), which he identifies as culture. The loss of the ‘sacred canopies’ that once provided purpose and the dissolution of traditional meanings has fostered a pluralistic landscape where belief systems lose their plausibility, leaving individuals feeling “homeless” (Berger 1967, p. 23) in their search for meaning amid societal constraints shaped by gendered assumptions. In addition to this, secularization as a gradual process through which society and culture shed the dominance of religious institutions and symbols has not only transformed society structurally but it has also involved a significant shift in “individual consciousness”. As Berger notes, “this means that the modern West has produced an increasing number of individuals who look upon the world and their own lives without the benefit of religious interpretations” (p. 126). While some scholars argue for the uneven impacts of secularization on different demographic groups (Berger 1967; Inglehart and Norris 2017), with secularization impacting older generations more than younger ones and urban populations more than those in rural areas and affecting men more than women, Woodhead (2005) criticizes major theories of secularization for being gender-blind, leading to a focus on men’s experiences of modernization as central to explanations of religious decline, and she further argues that understanding secularization requires attention to gender differences as existing theories overlook women’s unique experiences shaped by their roles in both unpaid care and paid labor. Regarding the impact of secularization on different groups, another discussion emerges that contributes to the debates on the compatibility of Islam with so-called European values, raising the question of whether these values are truly European, Christian, or secular. Roy (2013) offers a perspective on the issue, positing that values known as “secular” often conflict with Christian ones, particularly on issues like abortion, contraception, and gay marriage, which create a divide between believers and non-believers. He suggests that in this sense cultural issues, such as language and ethnicity, should be distinguished from religious issues, as Islam is not an ethnic religion as it was for the first generation of immigrants; the emergence of new generations has created a growing disconnect between ethnicity and religion. Therefore, the policies adopted should be coherent with political (separation of state and religion) and social secularism (where religion is not at the core of the social bond) (Roy 2013).

A notable aspect of the argument concerning the impact of secularization on religious identity and pluralism—particularly as outlined by Roy (2013)—is the polarization of religion, which fragments faith and weakens the communal bonds among believers. This fragmentation contributes to a pluralistic landscape where diverse religious and non-religious ideologies compete for relevance, thereby challenging traditional definitions of truth and meaning. The phenomenon of pluralism—characterized by the coexistence of multiple belief systems and ideologies—has emerged as a social–structural consequence of the secularization of consciousness. Berger argues that secularization stems from Christianity, especially Protestantism, which, through Martin Luther’s reforms, stripped away mystical elements and reduced the significance of miracles. This separation of the sacred from the profane facilitated individuals distancing themselves from religious beliefs, contributing to greater secularization. The world-building potency of religion is thus restricted to the construction of some subworlds (s.155) in the private sphere of everyday social life, such as the nuclear family.

While classical secularization theory emphasizes the interconnectedness of pluralization and secularization—highlighting the emergence of a pluralistic society that challenges the monopoly of any single religion—it also faces criticism for failing to account for the enduring presence of religion in pluralistic societies (Bender 2012), raising questions about whether these processes lead to ‘religious decline’ and their impact on public religiosity (van der Tol and Gorski 2022). Much of the theorizing on secularization focuses on “differentiation”, which suggests that the growing distinction between social spheres over time has freed secular domains like politics and economics from religious control, a perspective shared by both supporters and critics of the classical secularization paradigm. This idea has been extensively examined in the sociological literature, with foundational contributions from Weber (1905) and then Gorski (2000), who built on Weber’s concept of value spheres, as well as Stark (1999); Dobbelaere (2002) and Casanova (1994) further developed this framework by exploring the growing separation of religion from political institutions in the West. Although religion cannot be easily contained, in the context of the modern sacred–secular divide, the public space is often viewed as a secular agent that diminishes the sacred space and restricts public expressions of religiosity, particularly in liberal societies where religious beliefs are expected to remain private or confined to designated worship areas. van der Tol and Gorski (2022) assert that while secularization theories have typically associated the sacred with religion—especially Latin Christianity—right-wing populism has demonstrated a significant capacity to mobilize the sacred through a relentless sacralization of nationhood. This process, which often employs Christian symbols and imagery, has culturally reaffirmed Christian identity. However, the authors argue that the ambivalence of right-wing populism towards the sacred, along with its appeal to certain Christian groups, complicates the classification of this movement as entirely secular; instead, it may contribute to a transformation—and potentially a secularization—of the sacred itself. The authors note that “the holy trinity of nationalist ideology is people, place, and belonging (van der Tol and Gorski 2022, p. 507; Gorski 2000)”.

This leading idea on the complex dynamics at play in contemporary society, revealing how the interplay of secularization and pluralism shapes individual belief systems and redefines the role of religion in everyday life, opens the way to understanding how contemporary societies negotiate these dynamics in increasingly pluralistic and secular contexts.

3. Corpus and Analytical Strategies

The corpus was based on first-hand analyses of editorials and debate articles in four Swedish national newspapers: two high-quality morning newspapers, Dagens Nyheter (DN) and Svenska Dagbladet (SvD), along with two national evening tabloids, Aftonbladet and Expressen. To provide context for these media outlets, some additional information is relevant: DN is Sweden’s largest morning newspaper, known for its “independently liberal” orientation, with an ambition to achieve “agenda-setting journalism” and to be the opinion-leading newspaper in Sweden. SvD is the second-largest morning newspaper, similar to DN in its agenda-setting profile, but its political stance is independently moderate (right). Aftonbladet is an independent social democratic evening newspaper, while Expressen is independently liberal, both having significant daily circulation. All four newspapers are considered agenda-setting due to their editorial reach and influence on political discourse (Strömbäck and Nord 2006; Asp 2012).

We collected our corpus through an online search in a national digital archive of news content, Mediearkivet (Retriever). Mediearkivet is Scandinavia’s largest digital archive of media sources, both in print and online, allowing for online full-text searches. We searched for all articles published between 1 January 2023 and 23 September 2024 using the keyword “religion”. This initial search yielded 2275 articles. Many articles appeared twice, as they were published both in print and online, and some opinion pieces appeared in one version in a morning paper and in a slightly different form in one of the evening papers. Therefore, the analysis process began with a brief read-through of all the articles to identify those that might be irrelevant, duplicates, or short news articles with similar features. We excluded articles that dealt with religious events or figures outside the Swedish context, as well as those that merely mentioned the word “religion” without discussing relevant issues, such as those referring to concepts like money, sports, or music as a “religion”.

After omitting these articles, the empirical material included in the study consisted of a total of 318 articles (94 from SvD, 113 from DN, 57 from Aftonbladet, and 54 from Expressen), primarily comprising editorials, op-eds, chronicles, and debate articles, with some reportages included as well. Many of the authors were external contributors, often experts, politicians, or stakeholders aiming to debate specific subjects.

In the first phase of the analysis, all the included articles were read openly and coded inductively. Articles were initially grouped based on their dominant content and recurring keywords, using qualitative content analysis principles to detect thematic clusters. This coding process generated ten empirical categories (

Table 1. Topics.

Topic	Number of Articles	Topic	Number of Articles
Quran burnings	102	Gender equality	15
Swedish secularity	58	Jews in Sweden	15
Spirituality and faith	45	Fasting	9
Populist politics	44	Religious life stories	5
Education/schools	17	Other	9
N 318	266		53

), each grounded in recurring framing patterns and narrative structures. The categorization was not pre-defined but emerged from a systematic and replicable reading of the data. To ensure greater transparency and mitigate ad hoc interpretation, we tracked the article counts per category and documented overlaps, allowing us to later refine the categories using clear inclusion criteria. Notable examples in our corpus included the Quran burnings that took place in Sweden during 2023–2024, the closure of a religious school, the war in Gaza, and a lawsuit against a politician accused of incitement against a religious group due to his populist anti-Islam speech.

Grouping the articles into empirical topics resulted in the generation of ten categories. The largest category focused on the Quran burnings, while the second-largest category, labeled “Secular Values”, encompassed articles that explicitly discussed secularity in relation to social democracy, Christianity, and welfare.

The category of “Spirituality and Faith” included articles that discussed religion and faith in general, as well as the philosophical literature and its relation to religion. “Populist Politics” captured articles where right-wing populist politicians strategically employed religious rhetoric to rally support against immigration and Islam, along with the ensuing debates around specific statements.

The category “Education and Schools” was prominently represented by the closure of a religious school and discussions of religion as an educational topic. “Gender Equality” included articles that framed gender equality within an ethical context for discussing religion, while the category “Jews in Sweden” encompassed articles that addressed the war in Gaza and its connections to national issues of identity and security.

There was also a series of articles that explored fasting from diverse religious perspectives and individual viewpoints, forming a distinct topic due to its strong focus on fasting. This topic was connected to the broader theme of religious life stories, which included both reportages and chronicles about religious lives. The category “Other” included articles where the author mentioned their religious affiliation, even though the article itself did not discuss religious topics. For example, an editorial columnist might write about their great interest in food while also sharing their Catholic background. Another example is an article about homeless individuals highlighting that the volunteers at a soup kitchen come from a religious community.

Table 1 illustrates the distribution of these themes across the corpus.

We then mapped these empirical categories onto broader theoretical themes in the second analytical stage. This process involved focused coding guided by theoretical concepts such as secularization, identity politics, and moral discourse, through which four overarching themes were identified: political polarization; cultural identity, heritage, secularization, and discontent; moral and ethical frameworks; and crisis response. Each theme was supported by multiple empirical categories and was derived through an iterative comparison of the content and theory. Some articles appeared under more than one theme to reflect the presence of overlapping frames.

Table 2. Overview of theoretical content and empirical categories.

Theoretical Content	Empirical Categories	Number of Articles
Political polarization	Quran burnings, Jews in Sweden, and populist politics	161
Cultural identity, heritage, secularization, and discontent	Swedish secularity and spirituality and faith	103
Moral and ethical frameworks	Gender equality and education/school	32
Crisis response	Fasting, religious life stories, and other	23

includes the number of articles per theme, enhancing transparency and illustrating the proportionate basis of our conclusions.

Central to the theme of political polarization was the strategic use of religious and nationalist rhetoric, particularly by populist and right-wing movements, to frame Islam as incompatible with Swedish culture and identity. The political polarization connected to religious language was particularly demonstrated in the empirical categories of the Quran burnings, Jews in Sweden, and populist politics.

The theme of cultural identity, heritage, and secularization and discontent reflected a struggle to define how religious narratives are intertwined with national identity. The theme reflected the tension between secular beliefs and religious faith and the arguments in defense of and expressing dissatisfaction with secularization, exploring how people argued for a resurgence of religious discourse in public life as a response to societal challenges. The empirical topics which formed the basis for this theme were the categories of Swedish secularity and spirituality and faith.

The theme of moral and ethical frameworks highlighted the ethical implications of religious beliefs about gender equality and social justice and the role of religious ethics in shaping public debates on morality. This theme corresponded to the empirical categories of gender equality and education/school.

The theme of crisis response was a theme that highlighted how religious practices and faith are mobilized in times of social unrest and crisis, as a search for relief and meaning prompts calls for the church and religion to play a more prominent role in public life as sources of hope and community support. This theme was mostly reflected in the categories of fasting and religious life stories and partly in the category of other, but it was also connected to the theme of secularization and discontent.

4. Analysis

In this analysis, we seek to understand how Christian nationalism is demonstrated within public opinion in Sweden. To do so, we begin by examining the intricate dynamics of political polarization, particularly as it relates to the culturalization of Christianity. Furthermore, we will explore newspaper articles that examine Sweden’s Christian heritage, revealing its significant influence on contemporary cultural identity and establishing boundaries that define who is considered “in” and who is “out”. This perspective is bolstered by other work that advocates for a deeper understanding of Sweden’s Christian heritage as vital for comprehending the complexities of modern cultural identity. Additionally, we will address moral and ethical frameworks by investigating how discussions around gender equality intersect with religious ethics. Finally, we will consider the theme of crisis response, focusing on how religious practices, particularly within diverse Christian traditions—including Protestant and Catholic expressions—are mobilized during times of social unrest. Through this multifaceted analysis, we aim to provide a comprehensive understanding of the role of gradually growing Christian nationalism in shaping contemporary Swedish society and public discourse.

4.1. Political Polarization

The analysis of Christian nationalism, or cultural Christianity, within our corpus revealed several key dynamics of political polarization. The culturalization of Christianity—prominent in the rhetoric of right-wing populist parties like the Sweden Democrats (SDs) and increasingly echoed by the Christian Democrats (KDs)—involves a selective appropriation of religious identity. As Serdar et al. (2023) note, this rhetoric frames Islam as incompatible with Swedish culture, positioning Christian nationalism as a tool for defining national belonging while simultaneously marginalizing minority groups, particularly Muslim communities. Though traditionally viewed as a mainstream conservative party, recent discursive shifts within the KDs—such as Ebba Busch Thor’s assertion that Christian values form a superior foundation for liberty, democracy, and equality (Nilsson 2020)—suggest an ideological convergence with right-wing populist narratives. This aligns with broader trends in which parties appropriate Christian values not as expressions of religious faith but as symbolic boundaries of cultural and ethnic identity (Hägerbäck and Norocel 2024). Both the SDs and KDs thus contribute to an exclusionary narrative that presents Swedish culture as under threat from immigration and secularism. In this way, Christian nationalism becomes a strategic tool of right-wing populism used to mobilize support, polarize society, and exclude minority groups. This is a highly debated topic in the literature on populist politics. As previous studies have shown (e.g., Brubaker 2017; Joppke 2018; Marzouki et al. 2016; Öztürk et al. 2022), political polarization in Sweden increasingly leverages religious symbols, not solely as expressions of faith but as instruments for delineating national identity, belonging, and exclusion.

Statements from political figures such as Jimmie Åkesson (SDs) and Ebba Busch (KDs) are often given in the public sphere, and when not writing opinion pieces themselves, they were also cited in the articles we read. These statements often exemplify how Christian identity is used to defend Western secular values while positioning Islam as a cultural and religious threat. For example, Busch has asserted the following: “If we fail to stand against a form of Islam incompatible with European values, Europe will be lost” (Olsson et al. 2024, DN). Åkesson has further radicalized this stance by saying the following: “In the long run, we need to start confiscating and demolishing mosques that spread anti-democratic, anti-Swedish, homophobic, or anti-Semitic propaganda, or general misinformation about Swedish society” (Svahn 2023, SvD).

This can be seen as a form of religious populism, a strategy to mobilize support through the exclusion of the “other”. As Brubaker suggests, selectively embracing Christianity through the culturalization of religion, secularism, and liberal values allows national populists to oppose the perceived threats emanating from Islam as being incompatible with both their civilization and religion.

These invocations of religious rhetoric deepen societal divides while galvanizing populist support. Although some articles critique this rhetoric, framing it as exclusionary politics disguised as cultural defense, they still often reproduce the notion of Muslim practices as “other”. One article noted the following: “Few Swedes likely deny Muslims the right to believe. However, the widespread negative view of Islam suggests that as Islam becomes more visible—through mosques, halal meat, or veils—public resistance will grow” (Barrling 2023, SvD).

Drawing on the ideas of Brubaker (2017) and Whitehead and Perry (2020), Christian nationalism in Sweden appears less concerned with religious devotion and more focused on cultural symbols and values associated with Christianity. Populist leaders use these symbols to claim ownership over national identity, casting Islam as a foreign and threatening force. The discourse also draws historical parallels to past religious debates in Sweden, such as those on the ordination of female priests and the acceptance of same-sex marriage in the Church of Sweden (Daleby et al. 2023, SvD). These changes, once opposed by conservative Christians citing the Bible, are now used to argue for the need to “modernize” Islam, placing pressure on Muslim communities to align with liberal Western values. The juxtaposition of these historical developments with contemporary Islam suggests that Sweden’s secularization process is now being used to demand conformity from minority religions, framing these demands as part of a broader effort to preserve societal harmony.

This dynamic also aligns with theories of “Christianism” as an identity politics tool, as discussed by scholars like Sullivan (2006) and Gorski (2020). The sacralization of nationhood through the “holy trinity” of people, place, and belonging reinforces a Christian identity that serves nationalist aims. As van der Tol and Gorski (2022) argue, this process complicates traditional secularization, as the sacred is not purely religious but becomes a culturally charged element of populist nationalism.

The political polarization reflected in debates about Quran burning mirrors broader societal tensions surrounding free speech and religious sensitivity. These incidents highlight the delicate balance between upholding freedom of expression in a secular society and respecting religious beliefs. However, the selective application of these principles exposes underlying contradictions in public discourse. While some forms of expression are protected, the sanctity attributed to religious texts raises difficult questions about what society deems inviolable. Proposals to expand laws against blasphemy are often met with opposition, framed as a threat to the very foundation of free speech. One commentator articulated this tension:

“To insult what others hold sacred is rarely in good taste, but it does not, after all, threaten anyone’s religious freedom. Freedom of expression is the precondition for both the right to express faith and non-belief, two sides of the same coin. Blasphemy laws, however, would threaten our freedom of speech. The very bedrock of democracy, including freedom of religion and belief, is challenged by such demands, which repeatedly surface in connection with Quran burnings. The dark forces that wish to condition our democratic rights do not mean us well, and we should never show sympathy for them”.

(Tallroth et al. 2023, SvD)

The ongoing debate also underscores the fragility of interfaith relations in Sweden, as the inflammatory nature of Quran burnings risks further entrenching divisions. Advocates for a more measured response argue for respectful dialogue and mutual understanding, stressing that inflammatory acts cause alienation rather than bridge divides in a multicultural society. This perspective calls for a collective effort to honor diverse beliefs within a pluralistic framework, recognizing that social harmony hinges on respect for difference.

Media coverage of the war in Gaza is often woven into this broader narrative of political polarization and Christian nationalism in Sweden, intensifying the divisions around identity, religion, and national security. Articles highlight how the conflict in the Middle East has become a symbolic battleground for deeper cultural and ideological struggles within Europe. The Israeli–Palestinian conflict is portrayed not only as a geopolitical issue but as one that triggers polarized responses in Sweden, reinforcing religious and nationalist sentiments. This polarization echoes the rhetoric of populist movements like the Sweden Democrats, who call for actions such as banning Muslim symbols and closing mosques, positioning Islam as a threat to Swedish society. Meanwhile, the heightened security concerns of Jewish communities and the government’s response increasing protections for religious groups reflect the broader struggle over who is considered a legitimate part of the nation. In this way, the conflict in Gaza feeds into the existing narratives of religious and cultural division, deepening the alignment of populist movements with a Christian national identity while further marginalizing Muslim communities. As Sweden’s Social Minister Jakob Forssmed emphasized, “The increased fear of threats, violence, or attacks in Jewish congregations is extremely serious. The right to practice one’s religion is fundamental, and the government will significantly increase funding for security measures for vulnerable religious communities and civil society organizations” (TT 2023, Aftonbladet). However, critiques of government policy often point out perceived double standards: “The government has clearly condemned anti-Semitic expressions in recent protests against Israel. But Kristersson’s administration must also improve its recognition and response to the low-level anti-Muslim sentiment simmering in Sweden” (DN’s Editorial Board 2023). These tensions between Sweden’s secular identity and the rise of Christian nationalism suggest a renegotiation of the sacred–secular divide. Public opinion, both in support of and in opposition to Christian nationalism, reflects a broader struggle over whether national identity should be culturally Christian or religiously neutral, pointing towards what van der Tol and Gorski (2022) call an “ambivalent sacralization” of the secular.

4.2. Cultural Identity, Heritage, Secularization, and Discontent

Whitehead and Scheitle (2018), in their work focusing on religion’s role in creating symbolic national boundaries, argue that the narrative that asserts that America’s history, culture, and identity are fundamentally rooted in the Christian faith creates a strong national boundary marker, as it employs religious and nationalistic rhetoric to foster a sense of belonging and shared identity (s.4). In a similar vein, newspaper articles examining Sweden’s Christian heritage aim to reveal its significant influence on contemporary cultural identity, thereby establishing a boundary that delineates who is “in” and who is “out” (ibid. p. 4). This perspective is reinforced by other articles that advocate for a deeper understanding of Sweden’s Christian heritage as crucial for comprehending the complexities of its modern cultural identity. For example, SvD’s daily essay page (under strecket), which has been continuously published every day since 1918 on the cultural context of knowledge and history, has explored the relationship between Sweden’s trust and welfare society and its Christian past, highlighting significant ignorance regarding Christianity’s influence on contemporary Swedish society. The author argued that while Christianity has historically played a crucial role in shaping legal and cultural frameworks in Sweden, many Swedes remain unaware of this influence, hindering a comprehensive understanding of societal values. Ignorance about religion, particularly Christianity, is portrayed as a tool for secularization in the text, highlighting the silence surrounding various religious expressions in progressive circles: “Regarding other forms and expressions of religion, one mostly observes, perhaps especially in the most progressive quarters of the public problem formulation monopoly, a silence that stands in stark contrast to the loud clamor that characterized the conflicts of the 20th century in this area. One reason for the silence might simply be that they have nothing to say, since they themselves know little and increasingly can count on no one else knowing much either” (Strömholm 2024, SvD). Equating contemporary cultural and societal values with Christianity creates a boundary that delineates who is “in” and who is “out” (Whitehead and Scheitle 2018), reinforcing a cultural identity rooted in Christian beliefs while marginalizing those who do not share this background. This delineation often stems from fears of secularization or cultural dilution, prompting some to adhere to a Christian framework in an attempt to preserve the perceived societal integrity.

Christian nationalism in Sweden, as observed in the media, is largely cultural, emphasizing belonging over believing. This contrasts with high-intensity North American religious groups, such as evangelical leaders linked to Trump or the New Apostolic Reformation, who prioritize belief (cf. Gagné 2024; Berry 2023). This difference likely reflects our focus on the mainstream media, which frames national identity in secular, cultural terms.

Brubaker (2017) contends that “Civilizationism” replaces nationalism by defining the “self” versus the “other” in civilizational terms, with Islam as its focal “other”. In secular regions like Scandinavia, this fosters an identitarian “Christianism”, where a national populist identity hinges on the existence of “them”; if “they” are Muslims (or Jews), then “we” assert ourselves as Christians (Brubaker 2017): “The change reflects the growing diversity in society. If you can have a Muslim doctor and a Jewish teacher, why shouldn’t there be Christian cultural commentators?” (Halldorf 2023, Expressen). The debate over whether the resurgence of Christianity in newspapers’ cultural pages is a trend or a counter-reaction to “Sweden’s extreme secularization” suggests a shift in the overall atmosphere, demonstrating that being secular is no longer the dominant norm and that we have entered a post-secular public sphere. The author’s approach to other religious identities seemingly aims to promote inclusivity; however, while the Muslim doctor and Jewish teacher function in more secular professional roles, the Christian commentator can openly engage with their faith in their commentary and cultural contributions, allowing their religious beliefs to directly inform their perspectives. The author, in the same column, rejecting the opinions that link the return of religion to the rightward shift in politics, continued as follows: “As religions enter cultural life, the boundaries of acceptable opinion shift. Today, one can be a Christian, Jew, or, in some cases, a Muslim with the same naturalness as being liberal, conservative, or socialist” (Halldorf 2023, Expressen). The writer’s phrasing—specifically referring to Christian and Jewish identities while expressing doubt about Muslims by using the phrase “in some cases”—signals a hierarchy of acceptance. Although Christian identity is overwhelmingly predominant within this population, Islam is the religion that gathers the largest number of adherents alongside various Christian denominations in Sweden (Willander and Stockman 2020). This dynamic suggests that while Christianity and Judaism are more readily integrated into the cultural conversation—reflecting a shared civilizational heritage deeply rooted in Western contexts—Muslim identity remains more ambiguous and less normalized, indicating a shift from nationalism to civilizationism as Brubaker (2017) has suggested.

The question of whether religion has truly “returned” or if the media has simply become more attuned to its renewed role as an identity marker is also significant. The existence of (religiously) faithful intellectuals is likewise not a recent phenomenon; however, it is obvious from the data that, particularly in the past year, Christians have begun to reclaim their voices in public discourse, discussing the tension between secularization and religious expression, while some articles have expressed dissatisfaction with secularization, arguing for a resurgence of religious discourse in public life as a response to societal challenges: “There is a growing interest in religion and questions concerning belonging, identity, community, and hope—issues that religious traditions have addressed for millennia” (TT 2024, Aftonbladet).

In this evolving landscape, the interplay between secularism and religious expression highlights a complex negotiation of identity, beliefs, and community in contemporary Sweden. Critics have also emerged in this context, mentioning that in contemporary discourse, ‘some priests, theologians, and spiritual leaders assert that the secular does not truly exist’ (Arvidsson 2023, DN). This pan-religious perspective, according to the author, leads to the view that anyone expressing intense emotions is considered religious, and the underlying motive behind this rhetoric seems to be an attempt to portray life as empty and meaningless without religion. “A recent assertion is to pretend that the secular does not really exist. This may seem absurd—and it is. It goes like this: when people experience intense emotions, it must be about religion. When people express strong feelings of community, it must be about religion. When we find an existential dimension in something, such as a film or a natural experience, it must be about religion” (Arvidsson 2023, DN). The critics have also contended that the new religious “cultural elite” are merely performing the role of Catholics2 in a predominantly Protestant Sweden, and this raises questions about whether “the newly converted distinguish between individual faith and organized religion?” (Eriksson 2024, Aftonbladet).

4.3. Moral and Ethical Frameworks

While reading the articles related to the topic of gender equality and education, it became clear that gender equality serves as the ethical framework through which religious ethics are evaluated. The notion of gender equality, viewed as typical of Sweden and Swedish identity, has established itself as a highly normative force that functions as a national trait (Martinsson et al. 2016). Previous studies have indicated that it is often used to differentiate the gender-equal native majority from the perceived patriarchal migrant “Other” (Mulinari and Neergaard 2014; Norocel 2017). This cultural Christian identity, linked to Swedishness, is mobilized to connect Christianity with values of equality and democracy (e.g., Öztürk et al. 2022). The empirical material highlights the complex interplay between religion, gender equality, and social justice, examining how religious beliefs shape moral and ethical frameworks and their implications for policymaking on gender issues. This discussion reveals how religious ethics can both support and undermine gender equality, with various segments of society experiencing these tensions differently. On one hand, the material emphasizes how religiously motivated violence and control, particularly in cases of honor-related oppression and family-based violence, can be used to justify patriarchal structures. This reflects how certain interpretations of religious beliefs are employed to suppress women’s rights and freedom, as seen in discussions of the veil and the role of Islam in controlling women’s sexuality.

The Swedish Church, on the other hand, is portrayed as a supporter of gender equality and democracy, positioning Christianity in line with secular values such as tolerance and individual rights. “We aim to build a good society with tolerance, democracy, gender equality, and the freedom to love whoever one chooses. This is the fundamental principle for the Swedish Church” (Modéus 2024, Expressen). This integration of Christian ethics with secular values resonates with Berger and Woodhead’s idea that secularization fragments religious unity, leading to a pluralistic landscape where religious beliefs must adapt to the dominant societal norms.

At the same time, the material highlights tensions between religious freedom and gender equality, particularly in relation to Islamic feminism and the role of Muslim women in public discourse: “Today, Muslim women are the primary targets of political and media debates questioning whether feminism can coexist with Islam, or if the hijab represents patriarchal oppression or anti-racist resistance” (Praizovic 2023, Aftonbladet). This debate extends to broader questions about the role of religious ethics in shaping public policies related to gender, with some advocating for the protection of religious freedom, while others argue that certain religious practices should be scrutinized if they perpetuate gender inequality. Additionally, the material touches on the role of religious education in shaping societal norms, with concerns raised about the impact of religious schools on gender equality and integration:

“We cannot accept that a single school in our country hinders integration and restricts students’ freedom. It is especially serious that the children most in need of integration in Sweden are often the same children placed in religious private schools. This must not happen—schools should be places where language, knowledge, and education are the focus, not religious practice or oppressive norms”.

(Al-Dewany 2024, Aftonbladet)

The debate over the impacts of confessional schools, particularly Muslim and Christian ones, highlights the ethical implications of religious education and its potential to either support or hinder gender equality. The Swedish government’s stance on religious schools and the call for a science-based curriculum reflects broader societal concerns about the need to balance religious freedom with the promotion of gender equality and secular values.

While some argue for the positive role of religious ethics in promoting social justice, others point out the conflicts between religious practices and gender equality, particularly in patriarchal interpretations of religion. These debates resonate differently across various segments of society, with some advocating for the protection of religious freedom, while others emphasize the need for policies that prioritize gender equality and social justice.

4.4. Crisis Response

The articles on religious life stories and some of the articles in the category ‘Other’ highlight how religious practices, especially within diverse Christian traditions—including Protestant and Catholic expressions—are mobilized in Sweden, serving as sources of relief, meaning, and community. Several examples underscore a growing interest in religious faith, particularly among younger Swedes, with many notable figures3 reflecting on this resurgence. The articles on religious life stories also indicate a challenge to Sweden’s long-standing secularity. They suggest that the boundaries between the private religious sphere and public life are becoming increasingly blurred as religion becomes a vehicle for critiquing contemporary societal norms. This change is illustrated by the ways in which religious themes are entering cultural discourse, calling into question the adequacy of secular explanations for life’s challenges. In such times of uncertainty, religion is framed as offering a sense of stability, helping individuals navigate societal upheaval. Similarly, the different articles in the category of fasting explore how fasting, as a religious practice across various faiths, is mobilized during times of crisis and societal challenges, offering a path toward reflection, solidarity, and spiritual renewal. The backdrop of war (or debates related to Sweden’s NATO membership, which have provoked fears of war), climate crises, and economic instability is presented in the articles as a crisis that is producing a growing sense that material abundance and consumption do not bring lasting fulfillment. Instead, the Christian tradition of Lent and the Muslim practice of Ramadan offer a counter-narrative, emphasizing the use of fasting as a means to seek inner peace, a connection to God, and a deeper understanding of our personal and collective needs.

This empirical material could be said to reflect the intricate interplay of secularization and religion in contemporary Sweden, particularly during times of social unrest and crises. The use of religious practices, such as fasting, and the public expression of faith, especially within Christianity and Islam, challenge classical secularization theory, which emphasizes the pluralization of society and the retreat of religion from the public sphere (Bender 2012). This theory has faced significant criticism for not adequately accounting for the enduring presence of religion, even in pluralistic societies which point to a more complex relationship between secularization and religiosity, where religion continues to play a meaningful role in public life.

Classical secularization theory’s focus on differentiation, the separation of religion from other spheres, suggests that the public space is becoming increasingly secular, reducing the influence of religion in public discourse (van der Tol and Gorski 2022). However, the articles we have read demonstrate that religion does have an influence on the public sphere in Sweden, which mirrors a broader trend in contemporary pluralistic societies, where religious practices are no longer confined to private life but are being reintegrated into public conversations. The presence of religious themes in the media shows how secular public spaces are being re-sacralized, indicating that the boundaries between the sacred and secular are more fluid than classical theories suggest. This relocation aligns with contemporary critiques of secularization theory, as it reveals that pluralism does not necessarily lead to religious decline but can transform the ways in which religion interacts with public life.

Moreover, the mobilization of faith during crises highlights a growing need for religion to provide meaning, community, and hope, particularly in a context where secular answers (such as consumerism) are viewed as insufficient. This supports van der Tol and Gorski’s (2022) assertion that secularization theories, which traditionally associate the sacred strictly with religion, fail to account for modern developments where the boundaries between the sacred and the secular are becoming increasingly blurred. Specifically, van der Tol and Gorski argue that right-wing populist movements have been instrumental in sacralizing national identity, using Christian imagery and symbols to shape and define national identity. This sacralization of nationhood, they suggest, contributes to the fusion of religious and national identities, a process which is aligned closely with the rise in Christian nationalism. In a similar vein, based on the articles’ depiction of increased Christian religiosity in Sweden, this could also be understood as not only serving religious purposes but also cultural purposes as it allows individuals to reassert their Christian identity in a secular, pluralistic society, thus aligning with the broader narrative of Christian nationalism. By framing Christian practices and symbols as central to national identity, these movements blur the lines between the sacred and the secular, reinforcing the political and cultural relevance of Christianity in contemporary public life.

5. Conclusions

The resurgence of religion, particularly Christianity, in the cultural pages of Swedish newspapers reveals a shift in the role of faith within public discourse. Our analysis of editorial content from key Swedish media outlets demonstrates a growing visibility of Christian perspectives, indicating a desire to reclaim religious narratives as being central to community identity and societal resilience. The relocation of religious expression from the private to the public sphere challenges classical secularization theories, suggesting that secularization is not as uniform or inevitable as previously thought. Instead, our findings show that secularization may have led to a separation between religion and public life in Sweden, but a renewed interest in faith, especially Christianity, marks a shift where religious discourse is regaining importance in public and cultural conversations. The increasing prominence of Christian perspectives in public discourse signals a discontent with “secularized Christianity-as-culture” (Mouritsen 2006, p. 77). Instead, we are witnessing a desire for a more foundational Christianity in discussions which are allegedly based on personal faith, but at their core, support organized forms of religion.

Beckford’s (1994) assertion that Europe, as it becomes more secular, is paradoxically coming to be represented as culturally and civilizationally Christian is particularly relevant in this context. Even as religious cultural commentators suggest a shift from secularity to post-secularity in Europe, Europe’s identity continues to be framed through the lens of Christian cultural and civilizational values. The conceptualization of post-secularism is not new within social science or public discourse. Following Peter Berger’s (1999) assertion that the world remains as religious as ever, complicating our understanding of contemporary religiosity, Jürgen Habermas (2003) argued that we have entered a “post-secular” era, necessitating that liberal democracies engage more seriously with religious claims. In contrast, Charles Taylor (2007) contends that we inhabit “A Secular Age”, where secularism often serves as the default position for many individuals.

“Paradigms determine relationships” (Beyers 2014, p. 1). Within the secular paradigm, characterized by the separation of spheres, religion—particularly Christianity—is detached from public spheres in Sweden, including politics, the media, education, economics, and the judiciary. This has resulted in a decline in the significance of religious institutions and a strong decrease in religious affiliation among individuals in this society. Our research indicates that under the paradigm called post-secularity, the previously invisible religion of secularism is giving way to an increase in religious affiliation, particularly in cultural discourse. This shift signifies a relocation of the sacred from the private sphere to the public sphere through public discussions. The integration of spheres represents a post-secular phenomenon in pluralistic societies, where discourse on values and societal crises fosters a renewed demand for religion. In such contexts, the need to reinforce a religious identity often leads to a “cultural defense” (Bruce 2002, p. 39), which is effectively employed to support Christian nationalism. While Christianity is largely the focal point in these discussions, other religions, notably Judaism, are often portrayed positively in the media, while Islam is frequently depicted negatively. This trend underscores the broader cultural space that remains largely dominated by Christianity, yet with significant room for the inclusion of other religious identities.