The Debate on the Chinese and Western Concepts of Hell in the Ming and Qing Dynasties

Abstract

The introduction of Christian culture to China during the late Ming Dynasty marked a pivotal moment in Sino–Western cultural exchanges. Jesuit missionaries, adhering to a strategy of aligning with Confucianism while rejecting Buddhism, encountered significant challenges in gaining acceptance. Their discourse on “hell” provoked opposition from both Confucian scholars and Buddhists. This paper focuses on key missionary works from the late Ming and early Qing dynasties, specifically Tianzhu shilu 《天主实录》 (True Record of the Lord of Heaven), Tianzhu shiyi 《天主实义》 (The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven), Sanshan lunxue 《三山论学》 (The Records of Debate in Fuzhou), Tianzhu shengjiao shilu 《天主圣教实录》 (True Record of the Sacred Teachings Concerning the Lord of Heaven) and Kouduo richao 《口铎日抄》 (Diary of Oral Admonitions). Exploring this notable cultural controversy and analyzing the intricate process of rejection and acceptance within this cultural collision will undoubtedly provide special insights into deepening our understanding of different religions’ beliefs about the afterlife and facilitating dialogue among civilizations.

1. Introduction

While the Confucian tradition does not advocate the immortality of the soul, the Chinese people have never failed to imagine the world after death. During the pre-Qin period, they conceived of an underwater realm known as the ‘Huangquan’ (黄泉 Yellow Springs) or ‘You Du’ (幽都 The Dark Metropolis) governed by the fearsome ‘Tubo’ (土伯 Lord of the Earth). Following the Qin and Han Dynasties, it was believed that upon death, the soul would journey to Mount Tai and the spirit to Haoli (蒿里) or Liangfu (梁甫) (Yu 2004, pp. 7–23). The Han Dynasty also witnessed the emergence of the underworld concept within Daoism. As Ji Xianlin noted in his article, ‘Indian Literature in China,’ “We cannot assert that the notion of an underworld did not exist in China prior to the introduction of Buddhism. However, this concept was previously vague and disjointed. The imaginative portrayal of the underworld in such a concrete, vivid, and structured manner is an Indian contribution. Even the Chinese figure of ‘Yan Wang’ (阎王 the King of Hell) is of Indian origin.” (X. Ji 1991, p. 104)

After the introduction of Buddhism, the Buddhist concept of hell, central to its theory of rebirth, gradually gained acceptance. During the late Tang Dynasty, the popularity of scriptures like Dizang Pusa Benyuan Jing 《地藏菩萨本愿经》 (The Sutra of the Original Vows of Ksitigarbha Bodhisattva) and Foshuo Yanluowang Shouji Sizhong Yuxiu Shengqi Wangsheng Jingtu Jing 《佛说阎罗王授记四众预修生七往生净土经》 (a Chinese apocryphon better known as The Sūtra of the Ten Kings 十王经 Shiwang Jing) established Ksitigarbha (地藏菩萨 Dizang Pusa) as the ruling deity of the underworld, specializing in delivering beings from hell realms. Although the dissemination of The Sūtra of the Ten Kings visualized the horrific scenes of the Hell Judgement, stipulating that after death one had to go through the judgement of the ten kings, the souls of the dead could be transcended through the rituals of qīqī (七七, septenary rites) and bǎirì zhāi (百日斋, hundred-day fasting observance), which gradually integrated them into the traditional Chinese funeral rituals and had an extremely wide influence. Even indigenous Daoism was shaped by this trend, giving rise to a system of a netherworld bureaucracy centered on Mount Tai (泰山), governed by the Great Emperor of Fengdu (酆都大帝 Fengdu Dadi) and the Ten Yama Kings (十殿阎王 Shidian Yanwang).

By the Ming and Qing periods, the Buddhist cosmology of hell, originally of Indic origin, was further secularized, folklorico, hybridized, and penetrated daily life through vernacular rituals and visual culture—manifest in City God Temple (Chenghuang Miao 城隍庙) architecture, temple murals, ritual theater (nuoxi 傩戏), and funerary practices. In popular literature such as Journey to the West (Xiyou ji 西游记) and morality books (shanshu 善书) like Yuli baochao (《玉历宝钞》Jade Record), the Ten Yama Kings and Kṣitigarbha Bodhisattva are jointly invoked, epitomizing the syncretic underworld bureaucracy governed by Buddhism, Daoism, and Chinese popular religion.

The changes in the concept of hell in China have been extensively analyzed in the works by scholars such as De Groot, J.J.M., Yu Ying-shih, Stephen Teiser F., Loewe, Michael, Zhang Zong (Loewe 1982; Yu 1987; Teiser 1988; De Groot 2014; Zhang 2024). What deserves emphasis is that the Buddhist concept of hell, which subsequently integrated with indigenous Daoist and folk beliefs, became deeply embedded in the grassroots social fabric. While its original philosophical profundity diminished over time, it profoundly shaped popular morality among commoners. Conversely, for the Confucian literati, its influence operated predominantly within intellectual spheres and artistic production.

The late Ming period marked a pivotal moment of intellectual synthesis and innovation in Chinese history. As scholar Ji Wenfu summarized the trajectory of late Ming thought, “Its content began with the Wang Yangming School’s Neo-Confucian reform movement, followed by the Donglin School’s sought to purge Confucianism of radical syncretic tendencies derived from Chan Buddhism, all interwoven with Buddhism, Western learning, and classical studies.” (W. Ji 2017, Preface) Within this context, the tension and interaction between Confucianism and Buddhism constitute the core of late Ming intellectual transformation.

Late Ming Buddhism became increasingly popularized through folk practices such as dharma assemblies and fangsheng (放生 animal liberation) practices, merging with popular beliefs. The syncretism of Chan and Pure Land Buddhism further responded to popular aspirations. Despite its social adaptability, this “popular Buddhism” drew censure from Confucian literati-elites for syncretic accretions of superstition, epitomizing the elite-popular cultural bifurcation.

The popularization of Buddhism and the Chan-inspired transformation of Wang Yangming’s School of Mind intensified Confucian elites’ vigilance against Buddhist encroachment. Yet this conflict also catalyzed syncretic engagements. Confucian scholars such as Jiao Hong advocated the harmonious integration of the Three Teachings (Confucianism, Buddhism, Daoism), propelling them toward pragmatic syncretism. The Confucian-Buddhist dynamic during the Ming-Qing transition thus reveals both contestations over cultural primacy and the inclusive spirit of Chinese religiosity—a paradigm that later informed East–West encounters during the Jesuit missions.

As a new ideological actor entering the Confucian-Buddhist cultural arena, Catholicism played a significant role in shaping the intellectual landscape of late imperial China. Missionaries such as Matteo Ricci sparked widespread opposition and hostility from both Buddhists and Confucian scholars through their discourses on “hell.”1 The dialogues and debates epitomize the collision of philosophical systems and the conceptual accommodation of cross-cultural exchange. Examining this iconic late Ming cultural controversy and reflecting on its historical lessons offer unique insights for understanding the afterlife worldviews across religions and advancing civilizational exchange and mutual learning.

2. The Jesuits’ Interpretation and Dissemination of the Concept of Hell

The theological understanding of hell in Christianity underwent a prolonged evolution from vague descriptions of the afterlife to systematic theological constructs. In the Old Testament, Sheol served as the destination for all the dead, regardless of moral standing, devoid of judgment or explicit notions of reward and punishment. The New Testament introduced Gehenna (originally the Hinnom Valley near Jerusalem, a site for burning refuse), which Jesus metaphorically reframed as a place of eternal fire for the wicked. Other imagery, such as “outer darkness” and the “lake of fire,” further implied infernal retribution.

The early Church Father Tertullian (2nd–3rd century CE) first explicitly conceptualized hell as a dual torment of body and soul for pagans and sinners. In City of God, Augustine defines hell’s essence as the eternal deprivation of the beatific vision—the soul’s exclusion from God’s presence. This core spiritual punishment is accompanied by physical torment, forming his dual conception of damnation. Thomas Aquinas later synthesized Aristotelian philosophy with theology, articulating hell as the ontological consequence of sin’s intrinsic nature—a state of privation resulting from the sinner’s voluntary alienation from divine goodness, wherein specific punishments arise from the disordered will’s own operations.

Though not a theological treatise, Dante Alighieri’s 14th-century Divine Comedy profoundly shaped popular imagination through its nine-tiered hell, which visually mapped punishments to the Seven Deadly Sins (pride, greed, etc.). For instance, gluttons were condemned to an icy abyss. The medieval development of Purgatory—a temporary state of purification for redeemable souls—softened the stark dualism of salvation and damnation, yet hell remained the irreversible finality for the irredeemable.

The concept of hell indeed holds a significant place within Catholic theology, and it is noteworthy that Jesuit missionaries in late Ming Dynasty China made considerable efforts to explain and propagate this concept through their missionary works, including Tianzhu shilu 《天主实录》 (True Record of the Lord of Heaven),2 Tianzhu shiyi 《天主实义》 (The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven), Sanshan lunxue 《三山论学》 (The Records of Debate in Fuzhou), Tianzhu shengjiao shilu 《天主圣教实录》 (True Record of the Sacred Teachings Concerning the Lord of Heaven) and Kouduo richao 《口铎日抄》 (Diary of Oral Admonitions). These expositions primarily focused on hell’s functions, visions, and the necessity of its existence within Catholic theology.

Michele Ruggieri explained the idea of the immortality of the soul in section six of True Record of the Lord of Heaven. Souls are categorized into three types: the vegetative soul (of plants), the sensitive soul (of animals), and the rational soul (of humans). Only the rational human soul, it argues, exists independently of the body, and remains indestructible even after bodily death (Zhou 2013, pp. 19–23). This tripartite division of souls and the concept of the human soul’s immortality derive clearly from Thomistic theology, which inherits Aristotelian philosophy. Thomas Aquinas, in his commentary on Aristotle’s De Anima (On the Soul), adopted and elaborated Aristotle’s tripartite theory, distinguishing three souls in living beings: the vegetative soul (plants), the sensitive soul (animals), and the rational soul (humans). The rational soul alone possesses intellectual faculties. Aquinas further integrated Aristotle’s theory with divine creation, asserting that the human rational soul—unlike vegetative or animal souls—is directly created by God, inherently superior and perfected, thus imperishable upon bodily death.

True Record of the Lord of Heaven systematically addresses the metaphysical inquiry into the soul’s afterlife in its eighth chapter, Explanation of the Four Destinations of the Soul. It delineates a hierarchical cosmology where unrepentant sinners descend to “咽咈诺” (Inferno), while infants and devout followers with minor transgressions occupy the intermediate realms of “𡄦膜” (Limbus) and “布革多略” (Purgatorium). Only impeccably pure souls attain “巴喇以所” (Paradisum) in the celestial heights. The text devotes considerable detail to describing the Inferno, vividly portraying its fourteen torments—including burning flames, bitter cold, demonic assaults, hunger and thirst, and nakedness—to present an exhaustive panorama of hellish horrors (Zhou 2013, pp. 23–24). True Record of the Sacred Teachings Concerning the Lord of Heaven revised its predecessor, True Record of the Lord of Heaven, by reclassifying the afterlife destinations of souls into five categories: the devils, the sinful good, unbaptized children, ancient saints, and baptized adherents who observed commandments. Notably, it introduced the ancient saints as a new category among souls excluded from heaven, clarifying that their souls awaited the descent of the Holy Spirit for heavenly ascension and replaced all phonetic transliterations Inferno with the standardized term “Hell” while omitting all descriptions of its fourteen punishments (Zhou 2013, pp. 60–61).

Subsequent to True Record of the Lord of Heaven, in the other representative missionary works, such as The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven, The Records of Debate in Fuzhou and Diary of Oral Admonitions, there was rarely such a detailed classification of the destinations of the souls, but more descriptions of the images of heaven and hell, as well as discussions of its necessity.

Matteo Ricci categorizes the sufferings of hell into two types: “The torments of hell are both endless and relentless. When scholars discuss hell, they distinguish its sufferings into internal and external forms. External sufferings include extreme cold or heat, unbearable hunger, and thirst, as well as unbearable foul odor. Internal sufferings, on the other hand, encompass the torment of fear and trembling, intimidation by demons, resentment, and envy towards the bliss of those in heaven, as well as shame and regret for past deeds.” (Ricci 2014, p. 177).

In Diary of Oral Admonitions, the priests presented vivid images to demonstrate the fate of souls based on their choices between good and evil. The souls in hell were depicted as enduring immense pain: “One person sits amidst the flames, with a disheveled and uncovered head, his mouth gaping wide like a dustpan. Two devils hold him captive. Nearby, two others also writhe in the flames, seemingly unable to bear the torment, constantly rolling over in agony.” However, compared to the path to heaven, the road to hell is riddled with temptation. “Midway through the journey, the road splits into two. The right path is broad and lush with plants and trees. Yet, at its end, someone collapses to the ground. At that moment, the devil, concealed beneath, reaches out and grabs them, dragging them into the blazing inferno. The left path, narrow and thorny, ends amidst clouds and mist, where numerous angels reside.” (Chung 2003a, Book IX, pp. 68–69).

Images served as the “Bible of the poor,” particularly for illiterate masses. Hellscape iconography leveraged visceral deterrence to bolster ecclesiastical authority and propel penitential campaigns. Artistic representations of the Christian infernal concept emerged after the 4th century, peaking in the medieval period. Their essential role was translating theological abstraction into visual rhetoric.

These descriptions of hellish scenes, while not entirely identical to the Chinese traditional concept of the underworld, are still readily understandable as depicting a place where the souls of evil individuals endure suffering and punishment. Nonetheless, aggressors are likely to first question the veracity of hell’s existence and subsequently doubt its necessity.

“The Chinese scholar inquired, ‘Sir, prior to concluding the existence of heaven and hell, have you ever beheld them with your own eyes?’ In response, the priest posed a rhetorical question in The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven: ‘My dear friend, have you not already presumed the nonexistence of heaven and hell? Why then do you overlook my previous assertions? A wise individual does not solely rely on what the naked eye perceives to judge the existence of things. Reason often reveals a truer reality than what is visible to the eye. The senses of sight and hearing are prone to bias, whereas rational conclusions tend towards accuracy.’”

Regarding the necessity of punishing wickedness through the sufferings of hell, the works of the Jesuits elaborate on this from two perspectives.

Firstly, life is limited, and often it is too short for one to receive the rewards and punishments they deserve, making the punishment potentially disproportionate to the sin and failing to adequately deter others. In The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven, Matteo Ricci emphasized that “Not worshiping God constitutes an extremely grave offense, which cannot be mitigated even by the harshest earthly penalties. If the guilty are not eternally punished in hell, their crimes will not receive just desserts.” (Ricci 2014, p. 172). In The Records of Debate in Fuzhou, Giulio Aleni further underscored that “Life is as fleeting as lightning, and people’s merits and faults may not correspond appropriately to the rewards and punishments they receive in their brief lifespan. If there is neither heaven nor hell, nor a god who created all things, would this not favor those who are evil, while posing a hardship for those who are kind and upright?” (Chung 2003c, Book VII, p. 32). Thus, the existence of hell is deemed absolutely essential.

Secondly, it is emphasized that mortals must be guided by considerations of benefit and harm and exhorted through the use of rewards and punishments. Thus, the concept of hell serves as a potent warning. Although the Confucian tradition in China holds saints with self-disciplined morality in high esteem, such individuals are rare. Most people are mortals who naturally seek advantages and avoid harm. Therefore, the Jesuits made it a point to emphasize the need for mortals to be guided by the stakes of heaven and hell, particularly to ensure that they remain in awe and fear. “Fear or the absence of fear is what distinguishes a gentleman from an ordinary person. The reason why the world sinks deeper and deeper into sin is precisely because the significance of life and death is unknown, and the judgement of the afterlife is ignored.” (Chung 2003c, Book VII, p. 31). Ultimately, it is difficult for ordinary people to be cautious and prudent. To instill fear in common folks and reduce the number of crimes, a belief in hell is essential.

Upon their initial entry into China, Jesuit missionaries such as Michele Ruggieri and Matteo Ricci preached under the name of “Western Monks,” and their monastic attire helped them garner the support of some Buddhist monks and believers. However, they swiftly discerned that Confucianism was the predominant ideology in Ming and Qing societies, with Confucian scholars occupying a prominent position within China’s bureaucratic elite. To secure the alliance of Confucian scholars, the Jesuits embarked on an adjustment of their missionary strategy, aiming to ‘complement Confucianism and displace Buddhism.’ Consequently, they initially explored the plausibility and necessity of hell’s existence, addressing the doubts and arguments raised by Confucians.

3. The Debate on the Concept of Hell Between the Jesuits and Confucian Scholars

In addition to questioning the existence of hell from an empiricist standpoint, the Confucians also suggested that in Confucianism, saints held authoritative status and their teachings were revered through the Confucian classics. However, these classics do not explicitly mention heaven and hell. Did the sages lack knowledge of hell? Why was this idea concealed rather than explicitly expressed? (Ricci 2014, p. 173) In response to this inquiry, The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven offers explanations by citing various scenarios in which the saints may have imparted their teachings: sometimes the face-to-face instructions were not documented, sometimes the texts failed to fully convey the saints’ intentions, and in other cases, the scriptures were lost or even tampered with. “One cannot conclusively determine that something did not exist merely because there is no written record of it.” (Ricci 2014, p. 173). Meanwhile, it is evident that the Jesuits also diligently studied the Confucian classics in search of textual evidence. They quoted passages such as, “In the Book of Songs (《诗经》) it is stated: ‘King Wen’s divine spirit ascends to heaven, and his brilliance shines brightly in the sky,’ and ‘The spirit of King Wen ascends and descends to heaven; how exalted he is by God’s side.’ Additionally, it is written, ‘The Zhou dynasty has had wise kings for generations. The spirits of the three ancestors dwell eternally in heaven.’ Furthermore, in Zhao Gao (《召诰》), it is recorded: ‘God has terminated the fate of the great Yin kingdom, and now the wise kings of Yin rest peacefully in heaven.’ If the terms ‘above,’ ‘in the sky’ and ‘on the side of God’ do not refer to heaven, then what other meanings could they possibly convey?” (Ricci 2014, p. 174). Matteo Ricci did not look for examples from the philosophical works of the Song and Ming dynasties, but instead drew from the original Confucian classics, respecting the teachings of the ‘earliest Confucian scholars’ and disparaging those of the ‘later Confucian scholars’. His strategy aligned with the prevailing trend of the time, which criticized scholars for straying from the ancient Confucian tradition of thought and was therefore highly persuasive.

However, the Confucian scholar further inquired why these texts focused solely on ‘heaven’ and omitted any mention of ‘hell’. In response, Matteo Ricci logically argued, “It stands to reason that if there is a heaven, there must naturally be a hell; the two cannot exist without each other. If wise kings like King Wen of the Yin dynasty are in heaven, then wicked rulers such as Jie and Zhou must be in hell. It is a universal truth that different behaviors lead to different fates, and this is beyond dispute. Therefore, when people are on their deathbeds, the more virtuous they are, the more peaceful and serene they feel, with not a hint of fear; whereas the more wicked they are, the more deeply they dread death, regarding it as the ultimate calamity. It would be a grave mistake to assume that heaven and hell do not exist merely because they are not explicitly mentioned in the scriptures. According to general Western principles of argumentation, the formal classics can provide evidence for their existence, but they cannot conclusively prove their non-existence. “In terms of logical relationships, the concepts of ‘heaven’ and ‘hell’ inherently exist as a pair, mutually defining each other. Furthermore, from an argumentative standpoint, those who contend for the non-existence of ‘hell’ cannot definitively prove its absence by ruling out all possibilities.

This kind of logical reasoning is clearly unfamiliar to Confucian scholars, and despite its eloquence, it remains unable to fundamentally alter their Confucian beliefs. According to Mencius, ‘benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom are rooted in the heart’ (from “Mencius—Jinxin”) and ‘benevolence, righteousness, propriety, and wisdom do not originate from external forces, but are inherent within me’ (from “Mencius—Gaozi”), this moral internalism emphasizes personal moral cultivation and has had a profound and lasting impact.

For Confucians, the pursuit of benevolence and righteousness, as well as the resistance to evil, are conscious choices made by a gentleman, and these choices have nothing to do with the rewards and punishments of heaven and hell. This fundamentally conflicts with the moral heteronomy embodied in the Catholic view of heaven and hell. To act virtuously and oppose evil for the sake of gaining profit or avoiding harm is, in fact, a judgement of good and evil based on self-interest, rather than stemming from an inner, accurate understanding of morality. “When our ancient Confucian saints instructed the people, they never mentioned personal benefits; instead, they emphasized benevolence and righteousness. A gentleman performs good deeds from the heart, driven not by any consideration of gain or harm, and even less by the idea of seeking advantages or avoiding disadvantages.” (Ricci 2014, p. 158). In response to the Confucian doctrine of benevolence, Matteo Ricci firstly rejected the notion that “a gentleman does good without any intention.” He pointed out that the Confucian pursuit of rectifying one’s heart, cultivating oneself, regulating one’s family, governing the state, and bringing peace to all the world cannot be devoid of intention; Rather, it must be imbued with sincerity. Ricci further suggested that the so-called ‘extinction of intention’ was a misunderstanding of Confucianism and that, in fact, intention was the very criterion for distinguishing between a gentleman and an ordinary person. Pursuit without any utilitarian purpose is akin to confusing good with evil.” (Ricci 2014, p. 159).

Guided by the missionary strategy of ‘complementing Confucianism,’ Matteo Ricci not only quoted Confucian classics like The Book of Songs to affirm the existence of heaven and hell but also reinterpreted The Great Learning to demonstrate that the gentleman’s pursuit is not ‘unintentional.’ However, he concurrently praised the self-discipline of Confucian saints and cited the Catholic saint Juniper as an example, illustrating that both East and West possess saints who cultivate benevolence without seeking rewards or punishments. Heaven and hell serve more as guides and deterrents for mortals. The example of the Catholic saint Juniper is also mentioned in The Records of Debate in Fuzhou to distinguish between saints and mortals and to emphasize the secular guidance of the doctrine of heaven and hell (Chung 2003c, Book VII, p. 32). This has been discussed in previous paragraphs and will not be repeated here.

The discourses of the Jesuits appear to offer the saints and gentlemen of the Confucian tradition the possibility of gaining entry to heaven and escaping the torment of hell. This has emerged as a pivotal issue for both Confucian converts to Catholicism and its opponents. For the Confucian critics of Catholicism, it is taken for granted that the virtuous individual should ascend to heaven, while the wicked deserve hell; otherwise, the very concept of heaven and hell would appear ridiculous. Xu Dashou’s Shengchao zuopi (《圣朝佐辟》) highlights a viewpoint among Confucian scholars of Song Dynasty regarding the existence of heaven and hell: The Song Confucians declared, ‘There is no heaven, but if it exists, the gentleman will ascend; there is no hell, but if it exists, the villain will enter.’” (Xia 1996, p. 198). This notion was deeply rooted among the Confucians of that time, suggesting that questioning the necessity of heaven and hell would have been common. A rebuttal to this statement can be found in “The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven.” After concluding that a gentleman must act with benevolent intentions, Ricci emphasizes those individuals who do not believe in the existence of heaven and hell, or in a supremely benevolent and just God, cannot be considered gentlemen. Moreover, such individuals are deemed incapable of entering heaven. He completely denies the possibility of entering heaven solely based on one’s self-disciplined virtue. This statement provoked strong criticism from Confucian opponents, and the rebuttal in the Confucian scholar Lin Qilu’s Zhuyi lunlue (《诛夷论略》) is quite representative:

God judge people based on their deeds, and the only criterion for this judgment is whether they believe in Catholicism. Those who adhere to Catholic doctrine are considered good, regardless of whether they insult the heavens and earth, despise spirits, or defy the wishes of their rulers and loved ones. God will protect them and grant them entry to heaven. Conversely, those who do not follow Catholic doctrine are deemed evil, even if they show reverence for the heavens and earth, honor spirits, and love their rulers and relatives. Such individuals will face condemnation to hell due to God’s wrath (Xia 1996, p. 282).

The Jesuits strived diligently to bridge the gap between the Catholic notion of good and evil and Confucianism’s concepts of ‘benevolence and righteousness,’ while also demonstrating their affinity with Confucian ‘gentlemen.’ Ricci articulated this by saying, “Heaven is but a realm of light, where throughout the ages, all men of benevolence and righteousness have converged. Similarly, hell is but a realm of darkness, where throughout the ages, all sinful individuals have plummeted. … I am resolute in my moral beliefs and will not waver in the face of evil. My heart yearns to be in the company of those who are benevolent and upright, and I strive diligently to steer clear of those who are sinful and narrow-minded.” (Ricci 2014, pp. 169–70). However, linking faith in God to the moral judgment of a gentleman, using conversion to Catholicism as the sole criterion for determining good and evil, and thereby denying the possibility of a gentleman entering heaven based solely on such a criterion, is utterly unacceptable to those opponents who adhere to Confucianism.

Indeed, there is a fundamental difference in the pursuit of ‘benevolence and righteousness’ between the saints of the East and the West cited by the Jesuits. For Juniper, his reverence is directed towards the singular, impartial God of justice and fairness. Conversely, the Confucian sages adhere to the goodness inherent in nature, rather than acknowledging a personal, omnipotent Creator. Ricci in The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven fundamentally challenges this view. Through the mouth of the Chinese literatus, he first systematically cites the Confucian position: “Our ancient Confucians had the insight that all things in heaven and earth possess an innate good nature and embody an immutable, universal law. They contended that the nature of all entities, great and small, is unified. Thus, they suggested that God resides in all things and is one with them. On the basis of this idea, they warned people not to do evil, lest they tarnish their own goodness; not to violate morality, lest they violate their inner guidelines; and not to harm other living beings, lest they desecrate the Divine that they honored in their hearts.” (Ricci 2014, p. 131). Ricci categorically denied this very foundation of “goodness of nature” as articulated by the Chinese scholar. The Song and Ming philosophers held that there is but one Li (universal principle), which exists in diverse forms. They believe that he who exhausted all his mental constitution knows the ultimate goodness, and that there was no external master of the ultimate goodness. The Jesuits believed that the notion of ‘innate goodness’ and ‘God within oneself’ was extremely arrogant, as it elevated humans to the same status as God, relying solely on their own ‘spirituality’. Such arrogant individuals were akin to Lucifer, the devil who was cast into hell. Therefore, if a Confucian ‘gentleman’ did not believe in God and judged good and evil solely based on his own ‘inherent goodness’, he would not only have no chance of entering heaven, but was also destined to be cast into hell.

For those catechumens who are inclined towards converting to Catholicism, many of their parents, relatives, and friends exhibit virtues that align with Confucian norms yet do not embrace Catholicism. The question arises: What rewards and punishments await these individuals? This inquiry is also reflected in Diary of Oral Admonitions compiled by Confucian Catholic believers, “Qi Di said, ‘Consider a person who does not steal, commit adultery, or lie; he may be deemed devoid of evil deeds. Yet, if he does not worship God, this does not constitute a good deed.’ The Priest responded, ‘Do you understand the essence of filial piety as a son? Imagine someone who is not debauched, does not gamble, and diligently pursues his career without frittering it away in frivolity. He is indeed a son. However, if he fails to celebrate his parents’ birthdays, disregards their illnesses, and neglects morning and evening greetings, can such a child arrogantly claim, “Am I not filial?” Would any parent be content with such offspring? Indeed, it is nearly impossible for him to evade the accusation of unfilial behavior. Similarly, it is equally difficult to escape punishment for neglecting to serve God. If one has forsaken the fundamentals of humanity, then nothing else matters. How can one conceal their faults by merely asserting, “I haven’t done many good deeds, but I haven’t done any evil either?” (Chung 2003a, Book IX, p. 144). The priest drew a parallel between faith in God and traditional Chinese filial piety, emphasizing that failing to serve one’s ultimate parent—God—is indeed evil. This aligns with the fundamental rejection of the notion of ‘either good or evil’ in The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven, “The western scholar argue that there is no middle ground between good and evil; things are unequivocally either good or evil. The difference lies in the degree within these categories, akin to the binary state of life and death. One is either alive or dead; there is no in-between.” (Ricci 2014, p. 175).

While the ‘Chinese scholar’ and ‘Yu’ in The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven and Diary of Oral Admonitions seemingly embraced the teachings of the Jesuits without hesitation, the ideological debate was far more intense. For instance, the Confucian scholar Huang Zhen, in his “Letter of Invitation to Mr. Yan to Expose Catholicism,” severely criticized the reward and punishment system based on belief in God. He stated, “Those who convert to Catholicism’s teachings will have their souls eternally in paradise, while those who do not will suffer eternal damnation in hell, even if they are good people.” (Xia 1996, p. 151). Furthermore, using King Wen as an example, Huang doubted that, according to the ancient tradition of emperors having concubines, King Wen too violated Catholicism’s precept against polygamy and would thus be cast into hell. This threat to the image of Confucian saints was perceived as a grave provocation by Confucian scholars. This may also explain why some of the Jesuit missionary works, such as True Record of the Sacred Teachings Concerning the Lord of Heaven specifically classified ancient sages as a distinct category of souls, proposing that their souls could enter heaven provided they were guided by the Holy Spirit.3

4. The Debate on the Concept of Hell Between the Jesuits and Buddhists

In terms of the role of rewarding good and punishing evil, there exist similarities between the Buddhist and Christian concepts of ‘hell.’ However, when Christianity and Buddhism encountered each other at the end of the Ming Dynasty, the concept of ‘hell’ sparked significant conflict between the two religions. Both sides accused each other of plagiarizing their own notions of ‘heaven and hell’ due to these similarities. While interpreting the Catholic concept of hell through the lens of the original Confucian classics, the Jesuits firmly established a clear distinction between the Buddhist and Christian understandings of hell. The French sinologist Jacques Gernet has pointed out that the hostility of Buddhist monks and their supporters among the Confucian scholar-officials towards Catholicism was entirely provoked by the missionaries’ attitude towards Buddhism (Gernet 1986, pp. 73–74).

In The Records of Debate in Fuzhou, Giulio Aleni even attributes the “Confucian antipathy” towards the idea of heaven and hell to the pernicious influence of the Buddhist doctrine of reincarnation, stating, “Confucian scholars, who may abhor those absurd claims about reincarnation, have consequently denigrated the supreme Catholic truth of heaven and hell.” (Chung 2003c, Book VII, p. 32). In reality, the conflict between the Catholic and Buddhist concepts of hell primarily revolves around the existence of the soul’s reincarnation.

Although the Buddhist concept of ‘heaven and hell’ is also a notion of reward and punishment, the reward and punishment are not dictated by ‘God’, but are naturally caused by the good and bad thoughts, words and deeds of people in their lifetime, that is, by their ‘karma’. Under the influence of karma, all beings traverse the path of infinite rebirth. Among the six realms of existence, those who have committed evil deeds in their lives will inevitably plunge into the realm of hell, a perpetual cycle of rebirth. After having paid for their sins in hell, they will undergo further reincarnations in different forms. This is very different from the eternal punishment of Catholicism’s ‘hell’.

Wang Mi (王谧), a Buddhist follower of the Eastern Jin Dynasty once emphasized in Hongming ji 《弘明集》 (Collected Statements on the Propagation of Enlightenment) that if people today were to claim that the concept of the three worlds (past, present, and future) is false and baseless, and perceive the blessings and curses of karma merely as something to be feared, the teachings expounded by Shakyamuni Buddha would likely have no foundation. To deny karma and reincarnation is to reject the core of Buddhism. As fundamental theories of Buddhism, the concepts of karma and reincarnation were already deeply rooted in people’s minds by the end of the Ming Dynasty. In comparison to the Catholic notion of heaven and hell, which hinges on God’s grace and salvation, the Buddhist concept of reward and punishment, uninfluenced by divine intervention and automatically shaped by one’s deeds in past lives, aligns more closely with the prevalent Confucian belief: “If there is heaven, the virtuous will ascend; if there is hell, the wicked will descend.” However, the Confucian tradition did not actually emphasize the immortality of the soul, nor did it fully incorporate the Buddhist concept of reincarnation, as many folk religions did. Consequently, the Jesuits aimed to regain the goodwill of Confucian scholars by attacking the Buddhist concept of reincarnation and distinguishing the Catholic concept of heaven and hell from it.

Buddhism tightly intertwines the doctrines of karma and reincarnation with its beliefs, urging individuals to abandon evil and embrace goodness, to embrace Buddhism and practice it with devotion, ultimately aiming to transcend the six realms of existence and attain liberation. Furthermore, it is believed that constructing pagodas and offering alms to monks can yield immense blessings, whereas denigrating Buddhism may lead to a descent into the infernal realms, resulting in endless suffering. This notion was also a key target for the Jesuits when they refuted Buddhist conceptions of hell. In his work The True Meaning of the Lord of Heaven, Matteo Ricci observed that if merely abstaining from meat, fasting, and chanting Buddhist scriptures could spare the wicked from hell and grant them entry into heaven, then the moral deterrence and guidance provided by the rewards and punishments of heaven and hell would be severely compromised,” Is it reasonable to assert that individuals who have committed grave sins can attain heavenly blessings merely by reciting scriptures if they possess the means to do so, while those who have cultivated virtues and performed good deeds may be condemned to hell solely due to their poverty and inability to afford scriptures for recitation? Furthermore, is it credible that simply chanting “Namo Amitabha Buddha” a few times can absolve one of past sins, ensuring a serene afterlife devoid of hellish torments? Can one truly transition from hell to heaven with such ease? Doesn’t this perspective undermine moral cultivation and potentially encourage mundane individuals to indulge in wrongdoing?” (Ricci 2014, p. 200). It is a widespread practice across numerous religions to seek blessings by donating to religious institutions and clergy. Indeed, even during the Reformation, the Jesuits, in their teachings, continued to emphasize salvation through good deeds, which encompassed acts such as almsgiving and praying for the Pope’s intentions. For this reason, the Jansenists criticized the Jesuits, contending that their focus on good deeds undermined the role of God’s grace. However, from their attitude towards Buddhist practices such as vegetarianism and almsgiving, it is apparent that the Jesuits during their missionary work in China may not have actively embraced the idea of earning redemption through such good deeds.

As mentioned earlier, in Buddhism, it’s not solely the practice of conversion during one’s lifetime that can prevent one from falling into hell. Even after one has fallen into hell, there still exists the possibility of escaping and being reborn into another existence, “In Buddhist yoga practices, there is a teaching that emphasizes saving all beings with profound compassion. According to this teaching, sages and masters engage in chanting authentic mantras, forming mystical mudras with their hands, and employing subtle visualizations in their minds. When these three practices are performed simultaneously, they emit a red light that illuminates and touches those suffering in hell, thereby immediately dissolving the hellish realms and liberating the beings trapped within.” (Chung 2003e, Book XXXVI, p. 28). The concept of “breaking hell” is readily embraced by the general public and has thus been integrated into traditional funeral rituals by local Daoist religion and numerous other folk beliefs. This practice is still preserved in funerals held in Hong Kong, Guangdong, Fujian, and other regions. In recognition of its cultural significance, the Yu Lan Festivals, which feature the “breaking of hell” ritual, were inscribed on the Intangible Cultural Heritage List of Hong Kong in 2011. However, despite its widespread popularity, this notion is seen as absurd by Catholics. In the first section of “Pi shishi zhuwang” (《辟释氏诸妄》 Dispelling the Fallacies of Buddhism) attributed to Xu Guangqi (徐光启), the author raises several points criticizing the Buddhist ritual of “breaking the hell.” He argues that if this ritual is specifically targeted at a certain individual, it would be unfair to the countless other souls who are also suffering. Furthermore, if many people have already been liberated through this ritual, then the very existence of hell would become redundant. Xu also finds the notion that one can break the bonds of hell by chanting mantras to be absurd, asserting that it wildly exaggerates human power. Lastly, he criticizes the idea that through practices such as fasting and summoning monks, wealthy and evil individuals can escape the consequences of their actions, thereby turning hell into a mere refuge for the poor (Chung 2003d, Book XXIV, p. 8). In essence, Xu Guangqi believes that these Buddhist teachings and practices are based on delusions and lack logical foundation. Yang Tingyun (杨廷筠) possessed a somewhat deeper knowledge and understanding of Buddhism. In his works titled “Tianshi mingbian” (《天释明辨》 A Book to Distinguish the Truth of Catholicism and Buddhism) and “Dai yi pian” (《代疑篇》 Questions and Answers on Catholic Teaching), he attacked the Buddhist concept of ‘hell’, emphasizing that punishments such as filing (a form of punishment involving scraping or cutting), burning, and pestling (pounding or grinding,) were merely physical in nature and relatively superficial when compared to the divine punishment meted out by Catholicism. He argued that the doctrine of reincarnation turned the sufferings in hell into something less than a ‘total disaster’, making them no different from the punishments meted out in the human world, thereby fostering a sense of false hope among people that they might somehow escape the consequences of their actions.

Compared to the Jesuits, Xu Guangqi and Yang Tingyun exhibited a much more nuanced and accurate understanding of Buddhism, and their criticisms struck a chord with precision. Buddhist believers responded to their critiques with enthusiasm, and some even mounted vigorous counterarguments. Regarding the question of whether the concept of breaking hell is absurd, Buddhists first addressed it from the perspective of the reality of hell itself, “When Shakyamuni Buddha preached the Dharma, he divided his teachings into five distinct periods, tailoring them to the listeners’ spiritual readiness and the prevailing circumstances. He adapted his teachings with great flexibility, accommodating the diverse needs of his audience without adhering to a fixed definition. Although he did discuss concepts such as heaven and hell, these were merely expedient means employed during specific periods to facilitate the enlightenment of sentient beings.” (Chung 2003b, Book LVII, p. 40). Through the diverse responses provided by Monk Huangbo (黄檗和尚) and Monk Dahui (大慧和尚) regarding the existence of hell, Pu Renjie (普仁截) elucidates that “hell” is merely a concept imparted by Buddhists to individuals based on their specific needs. He emphasizes that hell is a creation of the mind and can, therefore, be overcome. At the same time, he criticizes the Catholic Church’s teaching that hell was intentionally created by God, and that those who do not believe in God are eternally condemned to it, as a cruel and unreasonable doctrine. Even if an individual has a heartfelt desire for repentance within, they are not granted forgiveness, and even if there are enlightened monks or virtuous spiritual leaders capable of performing rituals to break the bonds of hell on their behalf, assistance is not afforded, making it particularly cruel (Chung 2003e, Book XXXVI, p. 22). His viewpoint echoed by numerous Confucian scholars.

During centuries of cross-pollination, Ming Dynasty witnessed the emergence of a robust syncretic framework integrating Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. Both Buddhism and Confucianism operate without reliance on an external deity for moral sanction or retribution. This shared perspective—grounded in immanent ethical frameworks rather than divine judgment—provided common intellectual ground for their alliance against the Catholic doctrine of Heaven and Hell during its dissemination in late Ming China. Shengchao poxie ji 《圣朝破邪集》 (The Sacred Dynasty’s Collection for Exposing Heterodoxy, compiled by Xu Changzhi 徐昌治 in 1639), which includes critiques of Catholicism by Buddhist monks such as Shi Yuanwu, Shi Purun, and Shi Ruchun alongside Confucian scholars like Xu Dashou, Lin Qilu, and Huang Zhen, stands as a historical artifact of this Confucian-Buddhist coalition and its ideological confrontation with Catholic theology.

5. Conclusions

An in-depth discussion and reflection on the controversy among Catholicism, Confucianism, and Buddhism arising from the dissemination of the catholic concept of ‘hell’ during Catholicism’s introduction into China can still provide much inspiration for today’s civilizational dialogue and mutual understanding.

Firstly, we observe that Confucianism and Buddhism offer distinct interpretations regarding the existence and role of ‘hell’. In Confucianism, a clear distinction is made among saints, gentlemen, and common people. For saints and gentlemen, their unwavering pursuit of benevolence and righteousness remains uninfluenced by the existence or absence of ‘hell’, due to their inherent moral self-discipline. Should hell exist, it would undoubtedly be a consequence of the moral decline among common people. Similarly, Buddhism distinguishes between individuals based on their spiritual understanding. For the enlightened ones who comprehend the causes and effects of karma, they are guided to realize that hell is a mental construct, and only through this realization can they attain liberation. For ordinary individuals who grasp only the basic concepts of karma, Buddhism emphasizes that evil deeds will inevitably lead to retribution, and those who perpetrate evil will be punished in hell, enduring infinite suffering. At the same time, however, they were also given the hope of ‘breaking through hell’, that if they repented and were rescued by a master, they could be released from their suffering. Although the missionaries struggled to comprehend the seemingly paradoxical Buddhist teachings regarding the existence of hell, nor could they embrace the Confucian notion that saints naturally ascended to heaven, they nonetheless incorporated an understanding of the Chinese context into their missionary efforts. Notably, they drew upon Confucian concepts, elucidating that both in the East and the West, there existed saints who practiced benevolence and righteousness not out of a desire for reward or punishment, but from a genuine sense of duty. Moreover, they made a clear distinction between saints and ordinary individuals, highlighting the earthly, moral guidance offered by the doctrine of hell.

Secondly, in the dissemination of hell cosmology during the Jesuit mission in China, initial strategic positioning prioritized dialogue with Confucianism, while exhibiting sharper polemics against Buddhism. However, after a longer period of observation and missionary practice, the Jesuits have become more aware of the needs of the general public in China. Subsequent emphasis on the morally instructive efficacy of concepts like Heaven/Hell, Angels/Devils—coupled with deployment of visual evangelism—revealed a transitioning missiology: from rigid exclusion toward pragmatic appropriation of Buddhist/folk proselytization methods.

As Catholicism spread its teachings, it also adopted a strategy of incorporating Confucian principles to complement and enhance them. The Jesuit scholars drew upon the essential teachings of ancient Confucianism. “In principle, this resonated with the growing number of Chinese schools blaming the crisis of the Late Ming on strong Buddhist and other spiritual influences on a supposedly pristine Confucian tradition.” (Curtis and Bentley 2014, p. 118).

In the specific exposition of ideas, the voices of Confucian Catholics were incorporated into the texts, and through a question-and-answer dialogue format, the priests documented their daily sermons, placing themselves in the shoes of Confucian scholars to address their perplexities. For instance, in Diary of Oral Admonitions, ‘Yu’ (Li Jiubiao) requested the priest to show him an image depicting the judgment, and upon witnessing the scenes of hell and heaven in the image and hearing the priest’s explanation of the consequences of different life choices, he couldn’t help but exclaim: “The torments of hell are so prolonged and profound, while those of purgatory, though brief, are also extremely intense. The joys of heaven, if not for those who are purely cultivated and noble in character, who can ascend to the celestial abode to enjoy them? Furthermore, for everyone, there are both heavenly guardians and evil spirits tempting them. At the very moment when good and evil diverge, how can we not exercise caution? How can we not be ten thousand times more vigilant?” (Chung 2003a, Book IX, p. 69). Although this sentiment naturally resonates with ordinary people, it is noteworthy that ‘prudence,’ a concept repeatedly emphasized by Li Jiubiao, is also significant in Confucianism. It was further elaborated in Wang Yangming’s doctrine, where he emphasized that ‘caution and reverence are essential.’ Li Jiubiao’s exclamation represents a fusion of ideas stemming from the collision between Confucianism and Catholicism. Another parishioner Yan Sican also puts forward the concern of children for their parents who have fallen into hell from the perspective of Confucian filial piety, “Filial piety is a virtue of the soul. Since the soul resides in heaven, how can we not feel sorrow if our parents suffer eternally in hell? Yet, this sorrow cannot be compared to the joy of heaven; what is the rationale behind this?” (Chung 2003a, Book IX, p. 119). Such a question would have been difficult for the Jesuits to conceive of when interpreting the doctrine. And though the priests did not provide a direct response afterwards, the very fact of documenting such a question would have influenced and inspired the Jesuits to pursue further interpretations.

When elucidating concepts of heaven and hell, Jesuit missionaries deployed visceral visual narratives rather than abstract theology—a strategy rooted in their tradition. Unlike Calvinist or Zwinglian iconoclasm, Catholicism actively harnessed sacred art to manifest the divine. “People sought with all artistic means to glorify God and, as it were, to conjure heaven on earth for the faithful. This included the artistic and sensory integration of the community of believers into the communion of angels and saints, making it visibly present and tangibly experienceable.” (Peter C. Hartmann 2001, p. 66, English trans. by author) approach proved culturally resonant: As seen in the dialogue, Chinese convert Li Jiubiao’s request for depictions of the Last Judgment demonstrates the effectiveness of visual pedagogy in bridging doctrinal and cultural gaps.

In practice, Jesuit proselytization in regions like Fujian relied heavily on lower-tier Confucian literati (who were also converts). Interacting directly with the populace, these converts’ feedback revealed how ordinary Chinese, grounded in indigenous religious traditions, engaged with the new faith. Buddhist and Daoist visual art had long served both doctrinal and cultural purposes, permeating literati aesthetics and folk beliefs. The depiction of Buddhist visions of hell emerged as early as the Dunhuang frescoes. By the Southern Song period, Ten Kings Paintings (Shiwang tu 十王图)—which integrated postmortem judgment motifs with Confucian filial piety—became ritual fixtures in Water-Land Dharma Assemblies (Shuilu fahui 水陆法会) across Ningbo and adjacent regions. Today, the well-preserved Ming-dynasty murals in the Kṣitigarbha Hall (Dizang dian 地藏殿) of Dinglin Temple, Gaoping, Shanxi, still vividly showcase the Ten Kings presiding over tribunals in the netherworld: portrayed in imperial regalia holding audience tablets (hu 笏) and registers of life and death (shengsi bu 生死簿), they command scenes of karmic retribution—mountains of blades, flaming beds, and forests of torment instruments. For audiences such as Ming-Qing commoners and lower-tier Confucian-educated groups, translating doctrine into visceral imagery proved an exceptionally effective pedagogical medium.

As previously mentioned, True Record of the Lord of Heaven identified four destinations for the souls of the deceased and detailed fourteen specific torments endured by souls condemned to hell. Approximately half a century later, these descriptions were entirely removed from the revised edition—True Record of the Sacred Teachings Concerning the Lord of Heaven. In contrast, Diary of Oral Admonitions deployed visually evocative depictions of infernal torment. These textual variations reveal divergent approaches within the Jesuit mission regarding adaptation policies and their manifestation in missionary methods.

Upon their initial arrival in China, following the suggestion of Liangguang Governor Chen Rui, Michele Ruggieri adopted Buddhist robes for missionary work. He was evidently quite familiar with Buddhist concepts and ideas. His vivid descriptions of hellish punishments in True Record of the Lord of Heaven closely resembled the Buddhist depictions of hell, which had already become highly integrated with Taoism and folk beliefs. This was undoubtedly an adaptation strategy tailored to the historical context, aimed at gaining acceptance and support from local officials. However, due to its heavy reliance on Buddhist terminology and mixed religious content, the text’s woodblock printing was destroyed and its circulation banned by the late 16th century. The subsequent revised edition, True Record of the Sacred Teachings Concerning the Lord of Heaven, completely eliminated these visual depictions of hell, reflecting the Jesuits’ strategic shift toward “complementing Confucianism and replacing Buddhism.”

Diary of Oral Admonitions emerged as a product of late Ming Catholic mission’s transition from elite circles to grassroots society. After the Nanjing Persecution, continuing an elite-focused missionary approach became increasingly difficult. By shifting focus to the middle and lower classes and establishing Catholic communities, missionaries actively adjusted their strategies to navigate China’s religio-cultural milieu.

The text’s visual approach to missionary work represents such an adaptation, which undeniably produced significant impact. Yan Weisheng (颜维圣), a key collaborator on Diary of Oral Admonitions and author of Tianzhu shenpan mingzheng 《天主审判明证》 (Divine Testimony of God’s Judgment), chronicled his father Yan Kuibin’s (颜魁宾) near-death experience: afflicted by grave illness, the elder Yan envisioned a divine summons, underwent judgment, traversed hell, and resurrected miraculously (Yan 2009). The vivid, sensory portrayal of his soul’s journey through hell epitomizes Catholicism’s appropriation of indigenous visual didacticism for doctrinal dissemination—paralleling pedagogical strategies entrenched in Buddhist and Daoist praxis.

Ultimately, whereas metaphysical contestations over hell proliferated in scholarly discourse, its dissemination among commoners was operationalized through localized syncretism: Catholicism intuitively adopted vernacular expressive forms, simultaneously contending with and assimilating into established Buddhist, Daoist, and folk cosmologies.