Supernormal Powers and Sacred Identity: Miracle Accounts in Tang Stūpa Inscriptions

Abstract

This paper explores the narrative construction of sanctity in Tang stūpa inscriptions, focusing on the role of miracle accounts in shaping Buddhist biographical identity. The paper examines how hagiographic conventions—especially birth omens and posthumous signs—served as narrative strategies to align ordinary monks with the life of the Buddha. Then, the paper presents a case study of the Chan monk Faxian, whose richly detailed inscription demonstrates how miracle narratives could articulate a distinct Chan identity. By tracing the interplay between biography and miracle, this study shows that stūpa inscriptions were not merely commemorative texts but dynamic cultural instruments. Miracle narratives connected the clerics with the broader community, bridging doctrinal ideals with popular beliefs.

1. Introduction

Early Buddhist sūtras viewed stūpas as sacred symbols embodying the presence of the Buddha and the truth of the dharma (Ray 1994, p. 344). However, during medieval China, the practices surrounding stūpas evolved. The canonical restriction of stūpa burials to sacred clerics gradually eroded (Karashima 2018), as evidenced by the funerary stūpa erected for Xue Liangzuo 薛良佐, a layman who conferred the military title of Commandant of Cavalry (qiduwei 骑都尉) in his youth for frontier service. The stūpa inscription records that he expired lying on his right side (you xie er mo 右脅而沒), mirroring the posture taken by Śākyamuni at parinirvāṇa (T 377, 12: 905a1). His appearance remained as usual after 100 days after his death, analogous to the description in many contemporary inscriptions for eminent monks to verify their attainment of Buddhahood. Consequently, because of Xue’s affinity with Buddhism, his relatives erected a funerary stūpa at Mount Zhongnan 終南 for him (QTW, juan 403, 1822; Guo 2023).1 This case exemplifies the Tang proliferation of lay funerary stūpas and the concomitant development of commemorative stūpa inscriptions as vehicles for Buddhist identity construction. The writing of stūpa inscriptions hints at two questions: why people chose such a literary form and how stūpa inscriptions enhanced the Buddhist identity of the deceased.

The Xue inscription’s inclusion of posthumous miracles reflects a broader Tang paradigm of sanctification through supernatural authentication. By appropriating narrative templates from Buddha-life literature (avadāna), these accounts constructed verisimilar models of ideal Buddhist death that transcended clerical-lay distinctions. The ideal deaths of Buddhist masters became models on which future deaths might be patterned (J. A. Benn 2007). As Campany observes, “anomalousness was not random; it flowed in channels” within a limited range of story types, motifs, and character roles (Campany 2015, pp. xxxi–xxxii). The Buddhist biographies and miracle stories were closely related; both of them drew material from the other (Shinohara 1994). The strategic deployment of supernatural motifs served not merely as literary embellishment, but as evidential support for claims of spiritual attainment. This practice aligns with the accounts of anomalies (zhiguai 志怪) tradition’s epistemological premise: documenting liminal phenomena to map unseen cosmological connections rather than to fabricate fictional realms.

Miracle accounts in stūpa inscriptions reveals an evolutionary trajectory in miracle narratives. Early Tang stūpa inscriptions contain fragmentary supernatural references, contrasting with Six Dynasties anomaly accounts’ narrative complexity. During the Tang dynasty, the concept of supernature still widely influenced society (C. Benn 2002, pp. 255–66). The prosperity of Tang legends did contribute to the narrative mode of miracle accounts in stūpa inscriptions. These developments maintained distinct soteriological functions: supernatural elements authenticated the deceased’s connection to sacred paradigms like Śākyamuni, while simultaneously reinforcing their Buddhist identity and their aspiration for a better afterlife.

Stūpa inscriptions in medieval China became a salient source for confirming the Buddhist identity of clerics and verifying laypeople’s connection with Buddhism. Through comparative analysis of literary intertextuality and soteriological rhetoric, this paper aims to figure out how the supernatural factors or miracle accounts in stūpa inscriptions contributed to establishing the profile of the deceased Buddhists.

2. Hagiographic Mimicry: Birth Omens in Stūpa Inscriptions

Hagiography was one of the keynotes of Indian Buddhism, and Buddhist saints were depicted as ideals in Buddhist hagiography. The close linkage between hagiography and stūpas—monuments enshrining relics—suggests that Buddhist hagiography was both developed and preserved through these sacred structures, which served as focal points for the veneration of Buddhist saints (Ray 1994, p. 228; Jorgensen 2005, p. 8). Given the symbolic meaning of stūpas, the ritual function of stūpas reinforced the sanctity of the deceased, connecting the saint with the pilgrim.

Bernard Faure suggests that “hagiography flourishes precisely owing to the scarcity of historical materials” with the attempt to find a chronological continuity, which might result in the unconscious duplication of the hagiographical process in biographical writing (Faure 1986). Both secular and religious biographies shared commemorative and didactic purposes, but hagiography uniquely aimed to provide a model for potential audiences to imitate (Jorgensen 2005, p. 19). In this context, stūpa inscriptions for preeminent Buddhist figures can be regarded as a hagiographical genre (Jorgensen 2005, p. 38). The ritual function of stūpas interacted with the commemorative function of stūpa inscriptions contributed to shaping the sacred identity of eminent monks.

However, stūpa inscriptions were not limited to elite figures. They also offered textual space for ordinary clerics and laypeople, reflecting enduring human concerns around birth and death. These concerns, deeply rooted in Chinese culture even prior to Buddhism, found expression in Buddhist doctrine, which offered paths toward liberation (Poo 1995; Zhu 2007). Typically arranged chronologically, stūpa inscriptions traced the life of the deceased from birth to the death. A prominent literary feature was the use of auspicious birth omens, which framed the individual’s significance from the outset. Such motifs echoed the Buddha’s own nativity, in which Queen Māyā dreamed of a white elephant—a symbol of spiritual greatness—entering her womb, signaling the birth of a bodhisattva (T 183, 3: 473b21–b25; T 1450, 24: 107b12–b15).2 This hagiographic trope reappears in Tang stūpa inscriptions. For example, the stūpa inscription for the meditation master Chujin 楚金 (698–759) recounts how his mother dreamed of buddhas before his birth. The author, Feixi 飛錫 (8th century), interpreted his omen as a sign of Chujin’s spiritual destiny, describing him as a “son of the Buddha” (QTW, juan 916, 4230). This dream narrative functioned as a legitimating device, linking Chujin to the historical Buddha and enhancing his spiritual authority.

Another recurring motif in stūpa inscriptions is the expectant mother’s abstention from meat and pungent foods during pregnancy, symbolizing early spiritual purity and prenatal alignment with Buddhist values. For instance, Huaiyun 懷惲 (640–701), a disciple of the Pure Land Patriarch Shandao 善導 (613–681), was said to have been born to a mother who observed precepts and refrained from meat and fish throughout her pregnancy (QTW, juan 916, 4227–4228). Huaiyun’s disciple, Sizhuang 思莊, who authored the stūpa inscription, clearly intended to elevate Huaiyun’s spiritual standing by emphasizing such prenatal piety.

A similar narrative appears in the inscription Runzhou Helin si gu Jingshan dashi beiming 潤州鶴林寺故徑山大師碑銘 (Stele Inscription for the Grand Master Jingshan of the Helin Monastery in Run Prefecture), composed by Li Hua 李華 (715–766). The miracle accounts concerning the monk’s birth read as follows:

While pregnant, the compassionate mother abstained from consuming meat and five pungent spices. On the summer solstice, she gave birth to the benevolent master. [Jingshan’s] birth was accompanied by extraordinary auspicious omens. Throughout infancy, he exhibited remarkable serenity, even while nursing. At the age of seven when his milk teeth fell out, he prostrated before his parents, earnestly seeking permission to enter monastic life.

慈母方娠，厭患葷肉。長至之日，誕彌仁尊。生有異祥，乳育安靜。既齔，稽首父母，求歸法門

(QTW, juan 320, 1435)。

These biographical elements mirror Buddhist canonical narratives, particularly the Buddha’s nativity, where Queen Māyā’s observance of precepts and absence of pregnancy pain were signs of the bodhisattva’s exceptional nature (T 1450, 24: 107b25–c5). These supernatural motifs—dreams, omens, and prenatal virtue—served as rhetorical tools to elevate the deceased monk’s status by aligning them with the Buddha’s birth narrative. They reflect a mimetic hagiographic strategy, designed to evoke reverence and present the cleric as spiritually marked from the outset. For many lay audiences, such miracle accounts were more accessible and emotionally resonant than abstract Buddhist doctrines.

However, not all stūpa inscriptions included miraculous birth omens, nor does their absence diminish the significance of the narratives. In such cases, the focus often shifted to a life marked by hardship and eventual spiritual awakening. A notable example is the inscription for Huineng 惠能 (638–713), the Six Patriarch of Chan Buddhism. It emphasizes his humble origins, noting that he was not born into a prestigious family. This portrayal affirms the Buddhist ideal that even those of modest background can attain enlightenment—a principle encapsulated in the phrase ji fan cheng sheng 即凡成聖 (from ordinary person to sage) (QTW, juan 327, 1465). Similarly, some other clerics from lower social classes embraced the monastic path in response to personal suffering or existential crisis, reflecting Buddhism’s inclusive teaching that spiritual liberation is accessible to all through moral conduct and spiritual practice.

The literary borrowing from the Buddha’s nativity served a deliberate commemorative function. Such narrative embellishments gloried the deceased and fulfilled the core aim of stūpa inscriptions: to sanctify the cleric’s life and legacy, or, to reinforce the laypeople’s connection with Buddhism. While birth narratives helped established early signs of holiness, it was often the depiction of death—ritually framed symbolically rich—that more fully constructed the monk’s sacred identity and sealed their place in the Buddhist cosmos.

3. Miraculous Authentication: Posthumous Signs as Soteriological Evidence

In the words of Walpola Rahula, “the last thought-moment in this life conditions the first thought-moment in the so-called next life, which, in fact, is the continuity of the same series” (Rāhula 1974, p. 34). In Buddhist doctrine, death was not an end but a pivotal moment with soteriological implications. For those who have achieved enlightenment, death means liberation. The moment of death is symmetrical to the phase of rebirth. Dying in the calm and meditative state associated with miraculous signs like the Buddha came to be viewed as proof of liberation and a culmination of one’s religious practice. This perspective inspired a ritualization of death in Buddhist communities, transforming the final moments of clerics into public, sacred performances. Predictions of death, the dying person’s final words, and the meditative death postures were interpreted as early signs of transcendence. He or she was ritually identified with the paradigmatic Buddha, transforming the death from a traumatic event to a kind of ritual performance (Faure 1991, pp. 84–191).

Posthumous signs—calmness, death postures, miracles, immortal-body—functioned as spiritual credentials. Stūpa inscriptions provide rich textual evidence of this belief. The stūpa inscription for Lingyun 靈運 records:

On the twenty-second day of the fifth month in the seventeenth year of the Kaiyuan period [22 June 729], [Lingyun] did not show [any trace of] disease, but died.

粤开元十有七祀夏五月廿二日，不示以疾，然而终

(QTW, juan 303, 1361)。

Similarly, the inscription for Jingzang 淨藏 states:

At the age of 72, 38 years after his full ordination, [Jingzang] had no disease and did not show [any trace of] disease, resting in the meditation hall, sitting straight [hoping to] be born into the Pure Land and achieve nirvāṇa.

春秋七十有二，夏三十八腊。無疾示疾，憩息禪堂，端坐往生，歸乎寂滅

(QTW, juan 997, 4581)。

In the case of Jingzang, the monk’s calm, undisturbed deaths in seated meditation conveyed the image of enlightenment achieved. The posture—corss-legged with and soles upward (jiejia fuzuo 結跏趺坐)—mirrored the meditative pose associated with the Buddha and symbolized entry into dhyāna (T 1546, 28: 153a6). Deathbed practice figured as the certification that such death posture might enable one to escape the cycle of samsaric rebirth and to be born in the Pure Land of a buddha or bodhisattva. Canonical support can also be found in the Lotus Sūtra, where Śākyamuni Buddha opens the stūpa of Prabhūtaratna, revealing the latter seated in mediation, his body intact and undispersed, as if he entered samādhi (T 262, 9: 33b26–b29). Jingzang’s inscription reflects this imagery death in meditation was seen as the ideal transition into nirvāṇa and rebirth in the Pure Land.

Similar portrayals of meditative deaths appear in other stūpa inscriptions composed for meditation masters such as Dazheng 大證 (675–775) and Wuming 無名 (722–794). The stūpa inscription for Dazheng states that he passed away in a cross-legged seated posture (fuzhuo 趺坐), appearing just as if he were still alive (QTW, juan 370, 1662). The stūpa inscription for Wuming—discovered at Foguang Monastery 佛光寺 on Mount Wutai 五台—records that after completing a period of fasting in the ninth year of the Zhenyuan 貞元 period (794), he died without showing any signs of illness. From the day of his death, the weather reportedly turned dark for a full month. Wuming kept sitting serenely in meditation posture like entering samādhi, and his face calm and pleasant throughout the forty-nine-day memorial ceremony (Yang 2002). Like Jingzang, both Dezheng and Wuming faced death in a composed meditative posture, exemplifying the ideal of conscious, ritualized passing.

Notably, if we trace back the recounting of other Chan meditation masters in biographies of eminent monks, the alleged Chan patriarchs such as Huike 慧可 (487–593), Daoxin 道信 (580–651), and consider the stele inscription composed for Huineng 惠能 (638–713), they were also recorded to have passed away while seated in meditation (T 2060, 50:552c22–c23, T 2060, 50:606b26–b27, QTW, juan 327, 1465). They not only predicated the timing of their deaths but also consciously prepared for it, treating death as a final act of liberation. The meditation posture kept their minds remain unmoved from the state of deep concentration, free from being trapped in the Triple World, and then after death, they might be born into a superior state.

While the seated meditation posture predominated in Chan traditions, another influential model of death was the reclining position shown by the Buddha himself. According to the Dirghagamas Sūtra and the Mahāyāna Mahāparinirvāna Sūtra, the Buddha lay on his right side, with his right hand supporting his head, facing west and with his head pointed north (T 1, 1: 21a6–21a7 & 27b5–b6, T 377, 12:905a1–905a3). As Buddhism spread to China, this reclining image was repeatedly sculpted in grottos and monasteries, enhancing its symbolic and devotional power.3 Over time, the posture came to be venerated not only as an icon of the Buddha’s final liberation but also as a guide for all practitioners—enlightened or not—hoping to reach a pure and peaceful postmortem state.

Not all exemplary Buddhist deaths followed the pattern of meditative or reclining death postures and absence of illness. The niche inscription for the Buddhist nun Huiyuan 惠源 presents an alternative model—death because of illness in the reclining posture, unlike the cases of monks who “showed no sign of illness” (bu shi ji 不示疾). Yet her composure and conduct at death remained deeply ritualized and spiritually resonant. The inscription reads:

Later on, the master was world-weary and fell ill. On the second day of the ninth month in the twenty-fifth year of the Kaiyuan period [30 September 737], [Huiyuan] calmly told her disciples, “death and life are the eternal law of the heaven and earth. After the demise of [my] body, [you should] erect a cave for me on the Shaoling Plateau as an abode for my spirit.” After finishing the words, [she] reclined on the right side and entered nirvāṇa pleasantly and contentedly. People realized that a perfect person cannot be fettered by the material world.

他日，大師厭世示疾。以開元二十五年秋九月二日，從容而謂門人曰：死生者，天之常道。身沒之後，於少陵原為空，遷吾神也。言卒，右脅而臥，怡然歸寂，始知至人不滯於物矣

(QTW, juan 396, 1790)。

Huiyuan’s deliberate adoption of the right-side reclining posture mirrored the death posture of the Buddha, making her own transition into nirvāṇa. Known as the auspicious sleep posture (jixiang wo 吉祥臥), this position was both doctrinally significant and ritually charged. The Yujia shidi lun 瑜伽師地論 (Yogācārabhūmi- śāstra), which was translated by Xuanzang 玄奘 (602–664), explains the causation of the recumbent posture. Lying like a lion on the right side would prevent one’s body from falling into physical disorders, protect one’s mind from moving, prevent one from a deep sleep and nightmares; if one does not take such a posture, one would fall into the aforementioned troubles (T 1579, 30: 413a10–a12). Reclining posture perceived as the auspicious posture promoting right mindfulness (samyaksmṛti) was also asserted in the Mahāparinirvāna Sūtra translated by Faxian 法顯 (337–442), which further affirms the merit-producing of this posture (T 7, 1: 199a13–a14 & b29–c10). The story of the great bodhisattva Mahāsattva reveals twofold aspects of the reclining posture: first, it would bring great wisdom and help all sentient beings detach from the circle of birth and death and finally achieve parinirvāṇa; additionally, it would benefit other sentient beings (T 374, 12: 455c13–c28).

In Huiyuan’s case, the inscription explicitly likens her to the historical Buddha (QTW, juan 396, 1789). Her death posture hinted at the purpose of establishing the credentials of the departed subject. The reclining posture signified her passage into nirvāṇa, verified the merit of her lifetime of practice, and projected posthumous blessings upon the living. Both meditative and reclining death postures served as embodied signs of a good death. Whether modeled after the seated Chan patriarchs or the reclining Śākyamuni, these ritualized gestures authenticated the spiritual attainment of the deceased and offered visible assurance of their transcendence beyond saṃsāra.

Besides the death postures, parinirvāṇa was depicted replete with miraculous signs—particularly radiant light phenomena—that serve to authenticate the spiritual attainment of deceased in stūpa inscriptions. The stūpa inscription for the monk Yifu 義福 (658–736) provides a vivid example. The supernormal omens appeared on the verge of his death:

In the fifth month of the following summer [July 736], [Yifu] got seriously ill and ate less. From 3 p.m. to 7 p.m. on the twenty-fourth day [7 July 736], more than ten fogbows appeared [in the sky], stretching across miles and glowing without fading. In the evening of the twenty-fifth day [8 July], [Yifu] concentrated his mind and smiled, telling his attendant disciples that, “my master Śākya has manifested his incarnation and reincarnation for 79 years, and then entered parinirvāṇa. I am coming to the same age when the Buddha died, then, how can I still live?

明年夏五月，加疾減膳。廿四日申酉之間，有白虹十餘道，通亘輝映，久而不滅。廿五日際晚，攝念開顏，謂近侍数人云：本師釋迦，示現受生七十有九，乃般涅槃。吾今得佛之同年，更何所住

(QTW, juan 280, 1256)?

White light or fogbows is a recurrent motif in Buddhist literature, yet such omens were believed to be visible only to those with deep meditative focus and detachment. According to the Dīrghāgama Sūtra, only those who achieved mental stillness and overcame desires could witness this while brilliance as they entered the eight victorious stages (bachuru 八除入)—a state signaling successful spiritual cultivation (T 1, 1: 56a11–56a13). According to the Saddharma-smṛtyupasthāna Sūtra, when one could keep stillness physically and mentally, then he or she would see good postmortem realm (shandao 善道) at the moment of death; seeing the white light would, in turn, enhanced one’s ability to reach mindfulness to achieve the liberation finally (T 721, 17: 376b15–b22). The presence of white light thus came to symbolize proximity to liberation and entrance into a good postmortem realm.

However, such motifs also carried a literary and symbolic legacy. The fogbow phenomenon in Yifu’s inscription parallels the Zhoushu yiji 周書異記 (Strange Accounts of the Book of Zhou), which recounts the Buddha’s birth and death.4 It records that on the fifteenth day, the second month of the fifty-second year in the reign of King Mu of the Zhou dynasty 周穆王 (10th cent. BCE), which had been traditionally adopted as the date when the Buddha entered nirvāṇa in Chinese Buddhism, twelve fogbows filled the western sky for an entire night. The Zhou king’s historian interpreted this as a sign of a sage attaining nirvāṇa in the West. That is to say, the twelve fogbows appearing in the sky symbolized the nirvāṇa of the Buddha.

The inscription for Yifu intentionally evokes this legendary omen, framing the monk within the spiritual archetype and inviting readers to interpret his death as echoing that of the Buddha, either for clerics familiar with Buddhist doctrines or common people believing in auspicious signs. Whether or not such miraculous signs literally occurred is secondary to their symbolic function. As cultural references, they activated the audience’s religious imagination and affirmed the deceased’s sanctity. Furthermore, Yifu’s prediction of the exact year of his death even the year of the death—matching the Buddha’s age at parinirvāṇa—reinforced his spiritual authority and alignment with canonical models of holy death.

Similar imagery appears in the stele inscription for Huineng, the Sixth Patriarch of Chan. Before his passing, Huineng suddenly announced his impending death. A fogbow descended, the room filled with a fragrant scent, and he calmly prepared himself: he bathed, ate, arranged his straw mat, and passed away in dignity (QTW, juan 327, 1465). As with Yifu, the fogbow and fragrance functioned as signs of grace and transcendence, transforming death from a moment of dear into one of luminous serenity. These miracles served symbolic purposes: confirming enlightenment, presenting an idealized vision of death, and offering hope.

In addition to miraculous phenomena at the moment of death, stūpa inscriptions frequently emphasized the incorruptibility of the body after death—referred to as mian se ru sheng 面色如生 (lifelike countenance). This motif further authenticated the spiritual achievement of the deceased. For example, the niche inscription for Huideng 惠燈 records that in 731, shortly after her death, she burned incense, sat in meditation, and passed away at the age of 82. Remarkably, her nails and hair continued to grow for months, and her face remained lifelike, leaving all visitors awestruck (Lu 1983, juan 3, 10).

Such accounts of preserved bodies were not isolated. The stūpa inscription for Faxian 法現 (d. 721) reports that even 20 years after his death, his hair and nails have grown, his skin remained supple, and his lips and nails were still red. His body was eventually lacquered and enshrined, and devotees from all four Buddhist communities (bhikṣu, bhikṣuṇī, upāsaka, upāsikā) continued to offer reverence as if he were alive (QTW, juan 304, 1367).

These narratives served not only to honor the deceased but to establish their spiritual legitimacy. Mahāyāna Buddhism affirms that all beings could achieve enlightenment by way of Buddhist practices. Those whose body remain incorrupt became a testimony to their observance of precepts before the death and the emblem of their high spiritual attainments. This idea that physical incorruptibility equated to spiritual integrity has precedents as early as the Western Jin dynasty (265–316). One such case is the monk Heluojie 訶羅竭, who died in seated meditation in the eighth year of the Yuankang 元康 period (298). It is said that his body remained intact from the fire during cremation and later discovered by the monk Zhuding 竺定 some 30 years later (T 2059, 50: 389a12–a16).

By the Tang dynasty, intentional preservation practices such as lacquering were adopted to enshrine the bodies of eminent monks (Ritzinger and Bingenheimer 2006). Robert Sharf suggests that, although the belief in the presence of soul demonstrates that “the attempt to prevent the decay of the corpse was by no means a Buddhist innovation in China,” the method for preserving the corpse employed by the clerics might be unique (Sharf 1992). The incorrupt body functioned as a roushen pusa 肉身菩薩 (flesh-body bodhisattvas), a visible embodiment of the ideal of becoming a buddha in one’s current body (ji shen cheng fo 即身成佛), which was a central tenet in Chan Buddhism.5 According to the biography of Daoxin 道信 (580–681), the Fourth Patriarch of Chan, a year after his death (652), his disciples opened his stūpa and found him still seated in meditation, exactly as he had died (T 2060, 50: 606b27–b28). This scene parallels the Lotus Sūtra’s depiction of Prabhūtaratna (T 262, 9: 32c2–c22). In this way, the flesh body of Daoxin became an object of worship enshrined in the stūpa.6

The process of managing the corpse of the immortal body can be described as mummification. While the mummification such bodies was carefully managed, its intent was not to achieve physical immortality but to affirm the continuity of spiritual presence since successful mummification was difficult to achieve (Sharf 1992, pp. 23–24). The integrity of the corpse symbolized moral purity, doctrinal mastery, and posthumous efficacy. Of importance is to note that the preservation of the imperishable flesh body affected the funerary forms, shaping the physical and ritual landscapes of monastic death. Niches, stūpas, and commemorative halls were erected to house incorrupt remains, attracting worship and forming new centers of devotion.

Unlike buried epitaphs, stūpa inscriptions remained accessible across time and space. Drawing heavily from scriptural sources, stūpa inscriptions presented individualized portrayals of the deceased that emphasized miraculous signs as evidence of enlightenment by associating the deceased with Buddha’s life and death. First, such narratives related to death served as final doctrinal statements, expounding teachings and affirming spiritual success. Second, they served to perform ongoing functions that posthumously augmented the prestige of the departed masters after death within and beyond Buddhist community. Lastly, these accounts inspired faith and patronage from audiences and patrons.

However, the role of these miracle accounts as biographical sources presents interpretive challenges. Are they historically accurate or hagiographic idealizations? This question leads us to the next section, where I examine a specific case to further evaluate the function of supernatural signs in stūpa inscriptions as both spiritual testimony and historical narrative.

4. A Case Study: Situating Supernormal Powers in Faxian’s 法現 Inscription as a Chan Master

Miracle accounts played an important part in biographies of eminent monks, especially in early Chinese Buddhism. During the Han and Jin dynasties, miraculous abilities played a greater role in establishing a monk’s reputation, much like the thaumaturgic skills valued in Daoist traditions. Huijiao’s 慧皎 (497–554) Gaoseng zhuan 高僧傳 (Biographies of Eminent Monks) included a dedicated entry on miracle workers in the third section. Although Daoxuan 道宣 (596–667) later retitled this category from “Monks Known for Divine Marvels” (Shenyi pian 神異篇) to “Monks Who Evoked Resonance” (Gantong pian 感通篇) and placed it as the sixth section in Xu gaoseng zhuan 續高僧傳 (Continued Biographies of Eminent Monks), the inclusion of these figures remained. Moreover, Huijiao concluded the entry on “Monks Dedicated to Meditation” (Xichan 習禪) by emphasizing that the purpose of meditative practice was to attain supernormal cognition, highlighting its perceived spiritual importance (T 2059, 50: 400c3). Both Huijiao and Daoxuan not only confirmed the role of supernormal powers in biographies of eminent monks but also acknowledged that such powers were to be understood not as magical fests but as natural outcomes of advanced spiritual practice.

This emphasis contracts with later periods, doctrinal understanding was often the primary criterion by which eminent monks were evaluated—especially during the Sui and Tang dynasties. By the Tang dynasty, most Buddhist schools were engaged in articulating theoretical frameworks. When stūpa inscriptions became a valuable source for Xu gaoseng zhuan and Song gaoseng zhuan 宋高僧傳 (Biographies of Eminent Monks Compiled During the Song Dynasty), given that many scholar-officials themselves authored these texts, miracle accounts remained in many biographies.7 The tension between doctrinal purity and popular appeal is reflected in many Tang clerics’ inscriptions and biographies. On the one hand, some biographical records tended to emphasize a monk’s grasp of doctrine, their interpretation of Buddhist teachings, and their connections to imperial or scholarly elites; on the other hand, miracle accounts served to shape a cleric’s public identity. The case of Faxian discussed in this section aims to figure out how supernormal powers were used to shape a cleric’s public identity.

Most surviving stūpa inscriptions for Buddhist monks and nuns before the mid-Tang period offered limited description of supernatural phenomena. However, the stūpa inscription composed for Faxian by the high-ranking official Li Shizhi 李適之 (694–747), titled Datang Qizhou Longxing si Faxian da chanshi beiming 大唐蘄州龍興寺故法現大禪師碑銘 (Stele Inscription for the Departed Great Chan Master Faxian from the Longxing Monastery of Qi Prefecture), stands out as a notable exception. Unlike typical inscriptions for Chan masters, this text is replete with miracle accounts spanning Faxian’s life and death.

Beyond the previously discussed incorruptibility of his body, the inscription vividly recounts a range of miraculous events, including six stories about Faxian: drought-ending ordination miracle, animal reverence prompting compassion, divine protection in solitude, entrusted treasures preserved intact, supernatural tomb construction aid, and ascetic seclusion and miraculous milk.

During a severe drought in Poyang 鄱陽 (in present-day Shangrao 上饒, Jiangxi 江西 Province), Faxian conducted an ordination ceremony for over two thousand devotees; immediately after, the skies cleared and snow fell overnight. Animals responded with reverence to his presence: fish surfaced peacefully near his boat, prompting fishermen to withdraw their nets, and a desperate deer elicited compassion from hunters. Despite his solitary residence in remote monasteries, he remained untouched by wild beasts, malevolent dragons, or demonic forces. During the Yongchun 永淳 ear (682–683), three Brahmans entrusted him with treasures. Bandits later ransacked his quarters but inexplicably left the valuables untouched. Three years later, the Brahmans returned to reclaim their sealed belongings, which Faxian had preserved intact. Then, when constructing his mother’s tomb, Faxian encountered immovable stone, yet a mysterious stranger appeared, offered a manuscript and carved the tomb overnight with seemingly superhuman skill. Even wild beasts contributed to building the mound, rhythmically stomping the earth as if wielding pestles. Eighteen years later, when his mother peacefully passed away, Faxian secluded himself beside her grave for two years. Two years of rigorous asceticism left him emaciated beyond recognition. Whenever someone secretly offered him milk of inexplicable richness, suspicion arose. He reportedly subsisted on milk of unknown origin, which, when placed before a Buddha statue, transformed into śarīra (QTW, juan 304, 1366–1367).

These accounts are exceptional for their density and narrative complexity. While most pre-Tang and Early Tang stūpa inscriptions briefly mention posthumous miracles or moral virtues, this text constructs a full hagiographic image from Faxian’s early acts of compassion to his supernatural interactions and karmic reward. The elaborate and richly structured narratives in Faxian’s epitaph reflect a forthcoming transformation in the genre during the mid-Tang period. Rather than listing isolated miracles, the text constructs interlinked cause-and-effect episode. The narrative presents supernormal events not merely as marvels, but as moral exemplars illustrating the interplay between karmic causality and spiritual power.

Nevertheless, it is conceivable that the relative rarity of miracle accounts in most stūpa inscriptions may stem from practical constraints. Inscriptions carved onto stone steles were limited in space. Since stūpa inscriptions served as the final summary of the deceased’s life, authors had to select the most distinguished aspects to picture the image of the protagonists. Most stūpa inscriptions, therefore, shed light on Buddhist lineages, imperial patronage, and scholarly networks. The inscription for Faxian also complicates the typical portrayal of Chan figures in epigraphy. Faxian was described as the disciple of Hongren 弘忍 (601–657), the Fifth Patriarch of Chan.8 The author, Li Shizhi, who was a descendant of the imperial Li Family, directly avowed himself as the disciple of Faxian. However, no other sources, neither Li’s recently excavated entombed epitaph nor official biographies in the Jiu Tang shu and Xin Tang shu, record Li’s involvement in Buddhism (Niu 2009; X. Liu 1989, juan 99, 940–941; Ouyang and Song 1989, juan 131, 1127). Still, the rhetorical positioning of Faxian within the Chan tradition and the East Mountain Teaching, associated with Daoxin and Hongren, suggests his regional and spiritual prominence in Qi Prefecture.

Although Faxian’s relationship with Chan Buddhism is emphasized in the inscription, the text is replete with miracle accounts from his birth to his nirvāṇa, which seldom appeared in other stūpa inscriptions for a Chan follower, especially in the Early Tang period. Why did miracle accounts appear in the inscription for Faxian and how did they function to contribute to constructing Faxian’s Chan Buddhist identity?

The karmic merit held a position of importance in advancing the recounting of miracle accounts in texts for clerics. For Li Shizhi, the miraculous events surrounding Faxian—spiritual attainments protect him from being hurt by demons, encounters with divine beings, and relic-producing milk—were linked to karmic merit. These signs confirmed Faxian’s moral integrity and spiritual discipline. Her ordination ceremonies benefited others, in turn, he received assistance, such as the mysterious help in building his mother’s tomb. This reciprocal dynamic reflects the belief that auspicious outcomes stem from virtuous action, a theme made explicit in the inscription that benevolent spirits support one another; auspicious signs arise through karma (QTW, juan 304, 1366). The inscription composed by Li Shizhi is less an exaltation of mystical powers and more a moral testament to Faxian’s life. Faxian’s miraculous acts are not isolated displays of power, but elements of a moral economy rooted in Chan pragmatism.

Li Shizhi opens the inscription for Faxian by explaining his decision to emphasize the monk’s miraculous powers. He draws on the classical Confucian concept of shendao shejiao 神道設教 (divinely inspired moral edification), articulated in the Tuanzhuan 彖傳 commentary on the Guan 觀 hexagram of the Zhouyi 周易 (Book of Changes). Shendao (divine/cosmic principles) denotes the mysterious yet orderly workings of the cosmos (Kong 2000, p. 15). Shendao shejiao signifies paradigm in which sages devise ethical frameworks from cosmic patterns, legitimizing their teachings through alignment with natural harmony. Li Shizhi praises the ancient sages for using shendao to establish the ethical social order (renlun 人倫), thereby grounding his rhetorical strategy in Confucian values (QTW, juan 304, 1366). By invoking shendao shejiao, Li Shizhi frames Faxian’s miracles not merely as supernatural feats, but as manifestation of spiritual instruction that validate Buddhist teachings, akin to Confucian sagehood.

Such conceptions served as the prerequisite for promoting Li Shizhi to harness the supernormal powers of the Buddhist monk to anchor his distinguished status through the literary strategy. Li’s framing suggests that the supernormal events surrounding Faxian were meant to mirror the divine authority of classical sages. In this context, miracles related to Faxian served a dual function. First, they affirmed Faxian’s spiritual attainment and positioned him as a Buddhist exemplar within the Confucian discourse on sagehood which were more familiar with Chinese people. Second, the miracle accounts in the inscription for Faxian were portrayed not as magical occult practices (fangshu 方術) or thaumaturgy, but as manifestations of disciplined cultivation—achieved through ethical conduct and meditative insight, denoting his attainment of supernormal cognition (shentong 神通) in Buddhist discourse.

The significance of shentong (abhijña) in the history of Buddhism deserves a dialectical view. While Buddhist texts affirm the reality and efficacy of such powers, they also caution against their misuse. Shentong is obtained through virtuous living and meditation, as codified in the Yogācārabhūmi Śāstra (T 1579, 30: 470b1–b3). While scriptures like the Dīrghāgama Sūtra acknowledge the attainment of shentong as a potential path toward nirvāṇa (T 1, 1: 1b14–b17), the attack triggers by criticizing the supernormal cognition when supernatural powers were conducted in the form of “demoniac appearance” or occult practices (Faure 1991, pp. 105–6; T 224, 8: 455b26–c5). Shentong is a regular term used to depict supernormal powers attributed to the Buddha, bodhisattvas, and other holy disciples (Ding 2010). For the clerics, they believed, on the one hand, that the supernormal cognition existed and functioned because of Buddhist virtues and merit; on the other hand, they perceived the supernormal powers from a critique angle, avoiding positioning it as the critical role in practicing Buddhism.

Bernard Faure has argued that while early Buddhist critiques of abhiññā were primarily directed at Hindu traditions, Chan Buddhism’s skepticism extended more broadly—not only to non-Buddhist systems such as Daoism and local folk beliefs, but also to certain Buddhist movements, particularly Tantric or esoteric schools (Faure 1991, p. 109). He interprets this critique as a deliberate rhetorical and political strategy, emerging at a time when both Daoism and Tantrism enjoyed favor at the Tang court, and Chan Buddhism sought support from the Confucian elite. Despite such critiques, Chan Buddhism did not reject the existence or legitimacy of supernormal powers; on the contrary, these powers were often accepted and even celebrated by broader public (Du and Wei 1993, p. 17).

In Tang China—a society deeply shaped by beliefs in spirits, omens, and mysterious forces—those perceived to possess extraordinary abilities often commanded significant respect and trust. Daoist priests, for example, were well known for their expertise in rituals such as exorcism, divination, and incantation, practices that appealed to both commoners and members of the elite, including imperial patrons. As a foreign religion, Buddhism’s public legitimacy in this environment could be enhanced by demonstrating powers that rivaled or surpassed those of Daoist practitioners. This was especially important during the Tang dynasty, when the imperial Li family maintained close ties to Daoism. Miraculous displays thus helped Buddhism secure a stronger foothold in the religious landscape—particularly among those who might be less engaged with abstract Buddhist doctrines.

Supernormal powers offered visible, immediate signs of spiritual efficacy, making Buddhism more approachable and emotionally resonant. The author Li Shizhi skillfully integrates classical Chinese values with Buddhist concept. He pairs shixiang 示相 (lakṣana) from Buddhist thought with the Confucian term yunwei 云為 (words and actions), suggesting that upright conduct produces both visible results and spiritual merits. These powers served both as expressions of inner attainment and as tools of persuasion. They allowed clerics to present themselves as spiritually accomplished figures while also aligning with the expectations of a society that valued immediate and visible signs of religious power. As such, miracle accounts in stūpa inscriptions became integral to how they were perceived by others. In portraying Faxian’s miracles as morally grounded and spiritually earned, Li Shizhi situates shentong within an acceptable doctrinal framework. His inscription becomes more than a eulogy—it is a literary and ideological project that uses miracle accounts to shape Faxian’s posthumous identity as both a Chan mater within the Buddhist community and a public Buddhist figure for the populace.

Apart from Confucian sagehood, Li Shizhi also establishes the connection between Faxian with Buddhist sages. He reinforces Faxian’s Chan identity by linking him to Bodhidharma, traditionally regarded as the First Patriarch of Chan. The mysterious manuscript delivered during the construction of his mother’s tomb is identified as a treatise by Bodhidharma, elevating Faxian’s spiritual lineage and authority. Furthermore, the detail of someone offering milk to Faxian during his ascetic retreat mirrors a well-known episode from the Buddha’s life. Just before achieving enlightenment, Siddhārtha was offered mike-rice by a young woman after years of austerities, and the milk-rice helped Siddhārtha to restore his strength and to prepare his mental concentration for awakening (T 192, 4: 24b7–c17). Similarly, after severe self-denial, Faxian is given milk that late transforms into relics when placed before a Buddha statue. This parallel would have strongly resonated with Buddhist audiences, reinforcing Faxian’s sanctity and aligning his life with that of the Buddha. The relic themselves, emerging miraculously from the milk, became tangible symbols of his spiritual realization.

Many stūpa inscriptions from this period follow a stylized narrative pattern, portraying miraculous signs at birth and death that echo the Buddha’s own life story. Similarly, the life of Faxian, as presented in his inscription, includes miracles that parallel canonical Buddhist legends. These events are not presented as random wonders but as meaningful responses to his virtuous conduct and ascetic discipline. The inscription by Li Shizhi carefully frames these miracles as evidence of Faxian’s spiritual merit, drawing on classical notions of sagehood to elevate his status.

Understanding how such miracle accounts were integrated into stūpa inscriptions—particularly those composed by non-clerics like Li Shizhi—is crucial for assessing their historical function. While doctrinal depth and scriptural mastery were key to gaining recognition among Buddhist elites, public support relied on more accessible expressions of religious power. Like visual symbols such as Buddhist images or temple architecture, supernormal powers offered a vivid and emotionally resonant entry point for lay believers. These accounts provided a familiar framework that aligned with popular beliefs in divine signs, karmic rewards, and auspicious omens.

The prominence of miracle narratives in any given inscription often depended on both the personality of the monk and the perspective of the author. In Faxian’s case, his miracles served not to showcase occult abilities, but to confirm his spiritual achievements and moral authority. His supernormal cognition was depicted as the natural result of disciplined practice—not as esoteric technique, but as a visible expression of inner transformation.

5. Conclusions

This study set out to investigate how supernatural narratives in stūpa inscriptions functioned to construct and legitimize the profile of the deceased Buddhists. Miracle accounts in stūpa inscriptions were not merely literary embellishments but a deliberate and sophisticated narrative strategy. They served a dual, interconnected purpose: to elevate the deceased by forging symbolic connections with the Buddhist sacred paradigm and to ground their sanctity within the specific cultural and literary soil of China, thereby making it publicly resonant.

The interplay between biography and miracle narrative is complex. Over time, the structure of stūpa inscriptions influenced the format of later biographical collections such as the Biographies of Eminent Monks. These miracle accounts lent an aura of authenticity and authority, functioning as public testimony to the charisma and spiritual prestige of the deceased. Parallels between the miracle stories in stūpa inscriptions and the Buddha’s birth and death narratives created symbolic connections between ordinary monks and the Buddha himself. These miracle accounts were not arbitrary inventions, but rather reflections of the author’s ideals and cultural imagination—rooted in the belief that the Buddha’s life served as a model for all clerics. By emphasizing miraculous signs at the time of passing, they transformed death from a fearful event into a spiritually significant moment, affirming the possibility of achieving nirvāṇa through dedicated practice.

However, the project of profile-building was not solely achieved through pan-Buddhist motifs. Faxian’s inscription exemplifies a second, crucial mechanism: the strategic adaptation of this narrative tool to serve specific sectarian and cultural agendas. Faxian’s miracle stories do more than honor a revered monk—they also help define a distinctive Chan identity grounded in karmic reciprocity and ritual efficacy. Furthermore, the inscription situates Faxian’s identity at the intersection of Chinese traditional culture, Chan Buddhism, and Tang literary esthetics, blending supernormal powers with pragmatic morality to model both a Chan master and a culturally idealized sage.

Miracle accounts in stūpa inscriptions served as an effective narrative tool, linking doctrinal ideals with popular belief. They made Buddhist sanctity visible and culturally comprehensible, allowing clerics like Faxian to be remembered not only as a religious figure but as accessible figures intimately connected with the community’s cultural framework. This narrative strategy enabled ordinary devotees to comprehend sacred figures through familiar cultural references, thereby reinforcing the public identity and enduring legacy of the deceased, and bridging the gap between doctrinal ideals and popular imagination.