The Determination of Halal Food Perceptions Among University Students Receiving Islamic Theology Education: The Case of Istanbul, Berlin, and Kuala Lumpur

Abstract

This study investigates the perceptions of halal food among theology students from three culturally diverse cities: Istanbul, Berlin, and Kuala Lumpur. As individuals receiving formal religious education, theology students are expected to exhibit strong awareness of Islamic dietary principles. Utilizing a quantitative research design, data were collected from 210 participants via online surveys using validated Likert-type scales measuring halal awareness, halal literacy, religious commitment, social influence, perceived behavioral control, price value, hedonic motivation, and consumption habits. One-way ANOVA and post hoc Tukey tests revealed significant differences between cities in nearly all variables. Students in Kuala Lumpur consistently demonstrated higher scores, indicating a stronger alignment with institutionalized halal systems and collectivist cultural norms. Berlin participants reported lower awareness and influence levels, likely reflecting a more secular and individualistic environment. Istanbul students fell between the two, showing strong religious motivation but less structural support. The findings highlight how halal food perceptions are shaped not only by individual religiosity but also by cultural, political, and economic contexts. This study contributes to the literature by offering a cross-cultural perspective on halal consumption and underscores the importance of integrating structural and cultural factors into religious food behavior research.

1. Introduction

For Muslims, the concepts of halal (permissible) and haram (forbidden) are not only religious principles but also foundational elements that shape various dimensions of everyday life. According to Islamic belief, individuals’ choices regarding food and beverages are guided by the Qur’anic verses and the teachings of the Prophet (Sunnah), which form the basis for distinguishing between what is halal and what is haram (Asa and Azmi 2017). In this context, the notion of halal food extends beyond the permissibility of consumption and encompasses the entire process from production to consumption, requiring compliance with Islamic rules (Alzeer et al. 2018). In other words, halal food involves adherence to Islamic principles in production, processing, packaging, and distribution stages—emphasizing hygiene, ethical practices, and consumer health—thereby earning the trust of Muslim consumers (Bonne and Verbeke 2008).

Perceptions of halal food are shaped not only by religious beliefs but also by cultural environments, levels of education, and personal experiences (Ali et al. 2018). Existing literature indicates that halal awareness is treated as a normative social expectation in some societies, while in others, it is influenced more by individual values and preferences (Rezai et al. 2012). With the advancement of globalization, halal food consumption has evolved from being solely a religious obligation to aligning with broader global trends such as health consciousness and ethical consumption, thereby appealing to a wider range of consumers (Fischer 2012).

Islamic theology students, as individuals receiving systematic and in-depth education in Islam, have the potential to act as religious guides within society (Wilson and Liu 2010). Therefore, their perceptions of halal food may influence not only their own consumption preferences but also broader consumption cultures and decision-making mechanisms within their communities. Understanding how theology students’ halal food perceptions are shaped in different cultural settings is thus essential for uncovering the influence of religious education on awareness and behavioral patterns concerning halal consumption.

This study deliberately selects Istanbul, Berlin, and Kuala Lumpur due to their distinct socio-cultural dynamics and differing approaches to halal food. Istanbul, a historical center of Islamic civilization, has recently emerged as a global hub for halal tourism (Varol et al. 2024). Kuala Lumpur, the capital of Malaysia, is internationally recognized as one of the pioneering cities in establishing standardized halal certification systems, making it a reference point for Muslim consumers worldwide (Ahmad et al. 2018; Tieman et al. 2012). Berlin, while not a Muslim-majority city, is home to a significant Muslim population and represents a cosmopolitan European context where the meanings and perceptions of halal can vary substantially (Jouili 2015; Hajji 2018; Haug et al. 2009). These three culturally distinct contexts offer an ideal foundation for a comprehensive and comparative analysis of theology students’ perceptions of halal food, thereby making a novel contribution to the literature. The study aims not only to examine theological knowledge at a conceptual level but also to explore how it manifests in lived experiences and daily consumption practices—ultimately shedding light on how practical Islamic theology influences the everyday religious lives of young individuals.

2. Halal Food Perceptions, Certification and Consumer Behavior

Halal food refers to products that are permissible for consumption under Islamic law, encompassing not only the final product but also the entire process from production to consumption in accordance with Islamic principles and hygiene standards. In contemporary global markets, halal certification has become increasingly widespread, attracting attention from a broad consumer base—particularly among Muslim consumers. Today, halal food is perceived not only as a religious obligation but also as a symbol of ethical and hygienic production and is thus considered a healthy and trustworthy option. In an increasingly globalized world, halal food has evolved beyond its religious symbolism to become a recognized quality standard across diverse cultural contexts (Bonne and Verbeke 2008; Alam and Sayuti 2011; Demirci et al. 2016).

The halal certification system aims to ensure that food products meet the requirements of Islamic dietary laws. It provides assurance for Muslim consumers by officially validating the compliance of food products with Islamic standards. This process is overseen by authorized institutions that inspect and certify the religious permissibility of products (Khan and Haleem 2016). For Muslim consumers, halal certification serves as a highly significant and distinguishing label. In line with this sensitivity, Malaysia has taken a firm regulatory stance by legally prohibiting the use of the word “halal” or any similar terms or symbols without official certification from the relevant authority (Soraji et al. 2017).

Numerous studies have explored how perceptions of halal food influence consumer behavior. For instance, Wilson and Liu (2010) found that halal certification plays a crucial role in shaping consumer preferences. Similarly, Alam and Sayuti (2011) observed that theology students tend to adopt more conscious consumption patterns in line with their religious education. A comparative study conducted in Kuala Lumpur and Berlin revealed that halal products in Malaysia are primarily associated with hygiene and health, whereas in Berlin, the concept of halal is more often interpreted from an ethical and generalized perspective (Said et al. 2014).

In this context, identifying the perceptions of theology students in different countries regarding halal food is of significant importance. Previous research has revealed that perceptions of halal food are influenced by demographic factors such as age, gender, and education level. For example, a study conducted by Hacıhasanoğlu et al. (2018) with students from Bozok University in Turkey found that theology students placed greater emphasis on the halal certification process compared to students from other departments. Similarly, Derin et al. (2019) reported that although university students had limited knowledge about halal food, religious belief significantly influenced their consumption behavior. Saygılı and Sütütemiz (2023) found that halal certificate information and halal product awareness significantly affect purchasing intentions among young adults in Turkey.

Tieman et al. (2013), in their study on consumer perceptions of halal meat logistics in Malaysia and the Netherlands, found that Muslims residing in non-Muslim-majority countries were more cautious about halal logistics than those in Muslim-majority countries. This suggests that individuals with shared religious beliefs may form different perceptions depending on the religious and regulatory frameworks of the country in which they live.

The current literature emphasizes that halal food perceptions are closely related to consumer preferences, religious sensitivity, and awareness of certification. However, most of the existing research has been conducted within a single national context or with limited sample diversity, lacking in-depth cultural or geographical comparisons. This represents a significant gap in understanding how halal perceptions vary across different cultural settings. Given the growing significance of halal consumption in global markets, it is increasingly important to conduct comparative analyses involving individuals from diverse socio-cultural backgrounds. To date, no comprehensive study has been conducted comparing theology students’ perceptions of halal food across culturally distinct cities such as Istanbul, Berlin, and Kuala Lumpur. This study aims to address that gap and contribute original insights to the literature by examining how socio-cultural environments shape halal food perceptions.

Accordingly, this research aims to analyze and compare theology students’ perceptions of halal food across the cities of Istanbul, Berlin, and Kuala Lumpur. By doing so, it seeks to offer new perspectives on how cultural context influences perceptions of halal food and contributes to the broader discourse on religion, consumption, and identity.

3. Methodology

In this study, a survey method was employed to examine differences in halal food perceptions among theology students. The survey was conducted with university students pursuing Islamic theology degrees in Istanbul (Turkey), Berlin (Germany), and Kuala Lumpur (Malaysia). All scales used in the study were measured using a 5-point Likert-type scale (1 = Strongly Disagree to 5 = Strongly Agree). The questionnaire was administered online via Google Forms. A purposive sampling strategy was applied to include theology students from these three culturally and geographically distinct cities. To ensure statistically meaningful comparative analyses between cities, a minimum of 70 participants was targeted from each location, resulting in a total sample of 210 respondents. This sample size aligns with Cohen’s (1992) recommendation that 60–80 participants per group are sufficient to detect medium effect sizes in comparative tests such as ANOVA.

Considering that the measurement model included nine distinct constructs, the sample size also meets the commonly accepted criterion of having 10–15 respondents per factor, as suggested by Hair et al. (2014). Thus, the sample size is considered both methodologically sufficient and analytically robust. Participation in the study was entirely voluntary, and all responses were collected anonymously.

To ensure the validity and reliability of the instrument, the items were adapted from previously validated scales in the literature, and a comprehensive pilot study was conducted. In line with the study’s aim to identify the factors influencing theology students’ halal food perceptions, nine distinct scales were employed, each drawn from existing literature and adapted to the present research context.

• Halal Awareness: Based on the works of Ozturk (2022), this scale measures participants’ awareness and attitudes toward halal food.
• Halal Literacy: Adapted from Khan et al. (2022) and Sholihin (2024), this scale assesses participants’ knowledge about halal labels, certification, and production processes.
• Religious Commitment: Derived from Kasmon (2025), this scale evaluates the influence of religious beliefs on halal food consumption.
• Subjective Norms: Adapted from Ali et al. (2018), this scale measures the role of social norms and community influence in halal consumption. Perceived
• Behavioral Control: Based on Sherwani et al. (2018) and Sholihin (2024), this scale examines perceived ease or difficulty in accessing halal food.
• Price Value: Adapted from Varinli et al. (2016) and Rezai et al. (2012), this scale evaluates perceptions of halal food pricing and its influence on consumption.
• Hedonic Motivation: Drawn from Venkatesh et al. (2012) and Sholihin (2024), this scale captures the degree of pleasure and spiritual satisfaction derived from consuming halal food.
• Habit: Based on Venkatesh et al. (2012) and Fachrurrozie et al. (2023), this scale measures the regularity and automaticity of halal food consumption.

A set of hypotheses was developed to investigate the differences in halal food perceptions and the factors influencing them across the three cities. The hypothesis that students’ halal food perceptions vary across cities is based on the study by Derin et al. (2019), which found regional differences in halal awareness among young people. Accordingly:

H1: 

There is a significant difference in halal food perceptions among students in Istanbul, Berlin, and Kuala Lumpur.

H2: 

There is a significant difference in halal literacy levels among students in Istanbul, Berlin, and Kuala Lumpur (Torlak 2012).

H3: 

There is a significant difference in religious commitment among students in Istanbul, Berlin, and Kuala Lumpur (Mutsikiwa and Basera 2012).

H4: 

There is a significant difference in the perceived influence of social norms on halal consumption among students in the three cities (Aziz and Chok 2013).

H5: 

There is a significant difference in perceived behavioral control related to halal food access among students in the three cities (Hamdan et al. 2013).

H6: 

There is a significant difference in perceptions of halal food pricing among students in the three cities (Dali et al. 2009).

H7: 

There is a significant difference in the perception that halal food consumption provides spiritual satisfaction and enjoyment among students in the three cities (Soesilowati 2010).

H8: 

There is a significant difference in halal food consumption habits among students in the three cities (Wan-Hassan and Awang 2009).

The study population consisted of students enrolled in theology faculties of universities located in Istanbul, Berlin, and Kuala Lumpur. The sample was drawn from one university in each city, selected based on accessibility and representation. Data were obtained directly from students studying in these institutions. It should be noted that the sample was drawn from only one university in each city, which may limit representativeness and introduce institutional bias. Therefore, the findings should be interpreted with caution, as they may reflect not only cultural differences but also institutional contexts.

Istanbul is considered a central hub for halal tourism and the halal food market. Kuala Lumpur stands out for its global leadership in halal certification, while Berlin has become increasingly relevant as halal consumption grows in Europe. These cities offer distinctive platforms for analyzing perceptions of halal food and the influence of educational and cultural differences.

As one of the world’s most visited cities, Istanbul is rich in cultural and historical heritage, having served as the capital of multiple civilizations. In recent years, it has become a prominent destination for halal tourism. According to Varol et al. (2024), Turkey ranks 10th among OIC countries in halal food services and 3rd globally in terms of the number of Muslim tourists it hosts. Therefore, Istanbul represents Turkey’s cultural diversity and halal tourism potential, making it a strategically important case for investigating halal food perceptions.

Kuala Lumpur is the focal point of Malaysia’s national halal strategy and plays a pioneering role in the development of halal certification standards. As the capital of Malaysia, it is home to JAKIM (the Department of Islamic Development Malaysia), the authority responsible for halal certification and monitoring. JAKIM’s standards are aligned with international quality benchmarks such as ISO, HACCP, GMP, and GHP, and are widely accepted globally. Thus, Kuala Lumpur serves as a model city for comparative analysis of halal food perceptions (Marzuki et al. 2012; Tieman et al. 2012; Ahmad et al. 2018).

Berlin, with its multicultural structure and significant Muslim immigrant population, provides a diverse environment for examining how halal food is perceived through various interpretive lenses (Said et al. 2014; Fachrurrozie et al. 2023). Germany is home to approximately 4.5 million Muslims, a substantial portion of whom reside in Berlin. This demographic contributes to the city’s cultural diversity and fosters a range of interpretations regarding halal food. Moreover, Germany has seen a growing number of Islamic theology faculties, which play a crucial role in addressing the religious and cultural needs of Muslim communities. Studying theology students in Berlin offers valuable insights into how differing cultural and religious contexts shape perceptions of halal food (Haug et al. 2009; Jouili 2015; Hajji 2018).

4. Findings

An examination of the descriptive statistics from the responses of theology students reveals that the mean values across the scales are generally within the moderate-to-high range. The sample size of 210 participants strengthened both the construct validity and statistical power of the study, thereby enhancing its overall reliability. Notably, participants reported high levels of Halal Food Awareness ($\overline{\mathrm{X}}$ = 23.1, SD = 2.25), Religious Commitment ($\overline{\mathrm{X}}$ = 22.5, SD = 2.79), and Hedonic Motivation ($\overline{\mathrm{X}}$ = 21.9, SD = 3.35). The minimum and maximum scores for each scale ranged from 7 to 25, indicating that the full response range was utilized across all items.

An assessment of distribution characteristics showed that skewness values ranged between −1.38 and +1.31, while kurtosis values ranged from −0.807 to +2.50. These values fall within the commonly accepted ±2 threshold used to evaluate normality assumptions, suggesting that the data closely approximate a normal distribution (George and Mallery 2010).

Internal consistency of the scales was assessed using Cronbach’s alpha (α) and McDonald’s omega (ω) coefficients. The Cronbach’s alpha values ranged from 0.737 to 0.855, and McDonald’s omega values ranged from 0.813 to 0.883. All subdimensions demonstrated internal consistency coefficients above the 0.70 threshold, indicating a high level of reliability (Nunnally and Bernstein 1994). Furthermore, the overall scale reliability was calculated as α = 0.802, suggesting that the survey instrument as a whole yielded reliable measurements.

Based on these findings, it can be concluded that the measurement tools employed in the study are both statistically reliable and distributed in accordance with normality assumptions. Therefore, the dataset is deemed appropriate for conducting advanced statistical analyses and is expected to yield valid and robust results.

Upon examining

Table 1. One-Way ANOVA Results for Halal Food-Related Constructs by City.

	F	df1	df2	p
Halal Food Awareness	15.38	2	207	<0.001
Religious Commitment	5.83	2	207	0.004
Subjective Norms	29.32	2	207	<0.001
Perceived Behavioral Control	4.20	2	207	0.019
Price Value	4.59	2	207	0.013
Hedonic Motivation	22.26	2	207	<0.001
Habit	21.48	2	207	<0.001
Halal Literacy	15.97	2	207	<0.001

, it is evident that the one-way ANOVA yielded statistically significant differences in several key constructs related to halal food perceptions among theology students in different cities.

To determine whether students’ halal food-related scale scores significantly differed according to the city in which they were studying, a one-way analysis of variance (ANOVA) was conducted. The results revealed statistically significant differences across multiple dimensions, consistent with the study’s hypotheses.

The most prominent significance levels were observed for Subjective Norms (F(2, 207) = 29.32, p < 0.001), Hedonic Motivation (F(2, 207) = 22.26, p < 0.001), and Habit (F(2, 207) = 21.48, p < 0.001). These findings suggest that the students’ social environments and cultural contexts substantially influenced their halal-related habits and hedonic motivations. In particular, cities such as Kuala Lumpur—where state-supported halal policies are well institutionalized—appear to reinforce stronger social norms regarding halal consumption (Tieman et al. 2012).

Significant differences were also found in Halal Food Awareness (F(2, 207) = 15.38, p < 0.001) and Halal Literacy (F(2, 207) = 15.97, p < 0.001), indicating that access to information sources, religious institutions, and institutional frameworks vary across cities and may shape individuals’ perceptions accordingly.

Differences in Religious Commitment (F(2, 207) = 5.83, p = 0.004) and Perceived Behavioral Control (F(2, 207) = 4.20, p = 0.019) further suggest that local religious practices and sociocultural norms influence students’ sense of religious belonging and their perceived autonomy in food-related decision-making.

Similarly, Price Value scores differed significantly by city (F(2, 207) = 4.59, p = 0.013), implying that price structures and market dynamics related to halal products may vary geographically. These findings collectively demonstrate that students’ perceptions of halal food are shaped not only by geography, but also by the political, economic, and cultural frameworks of their environments. In this regard, the results support the central hypothesis of the study: that cross-cultural differences among cities have a meaningful impact on halal food perceptions.

For each variable in which the ANOVA indicated a significant difference, Tukey’s post hoc tests were conducted to identify the specific pairs of cities between which the differences occurred. The following section presents the results of these pairwise comparisons in detail, as shown in

Table 2. Tukey HSD Post Hoc Pairwise Comparisons of Halal Food-Related Constructs by City.

Scales	Cities	Mean Dif.	p
Halal Food Awareness	Ist–Berlin	−0.1820	0.955
	Ist–K.Lumpur	−2.5000	<0.001
	Ber-K.Lumpur	−2.3100	<0.001
Religious Commitment	Ist–Berlin	0.5740	0.787
	Ist–K.Lumpur	−1.7400	0.047
	Ber–K.Lumpur	−2.3100	0.009
Subjective Norms	Ist–Berlin	0.3970	0.916
	Ist–K.Lumpur	−5.0500	<0.001
	Ber–K.Lumpur	−5.4500	<0.001
Perceived Behavioral Control	Ist–Berlin	1.7100	0.406
	Ist–K.Lumpur	3.1500	0.014
	Ber–K.Lumpur	1.4400	0.431
Price Value	Ist–Berlin	3.6000	0.01
	Ist–K.Lumpur	1.3400	0.37
	Ber–K.Lumpur	−2.2600	0.085
Hedonic Motivation	Ist–Berlin	1.3300	0.296
	Ist–K.Lumpur	−3.3500	<0.001
	Ber–K.Lumpur	−4.6900	<0.001
Habit	Ist–Berlin	−2.5100	0.085
	Ist–K.Lumpur	−6.1000	<0.001
	Ber–K.Lumpur	−3.5900	0.002
Halal Literacy	Ist–Berlin	−0.0824	0.997
	Ist–K.Lumpur	−4.1300	<0.001
	Ber–K.Lumpur	−4.0400	<0.001

.

In the Halal Food Awareness construct, the most prominent differences were observed between Istanbul and Kuala Lumpur (p < 0.001) and between Berlin and Kuala Lumpur (p < 0.001). Students in Kuala Lumpur reported significantly higher levels of awareness compared to those in the other two cities. This finding suggests that Malaysia’s state-supported halal policies and well-established certification system positively influence students’ individual perceptions (Tieman et al. 2012).

For Religious Commitment, significant differences were found between Istanbul and Kuala Lumpur (p = 0.047) and Berlin and Kuala Lumpur (p = 0.009). These results indicate that students in Kuala Lumpur exhibit stronger religious identity, which may also be reflected in their halal consumption choices.

In the Subjective Norms dimension, significant differences were found between Kuala Lumpur and Istanbul (p < 0.001), and between Kuala Lumpur and Berlin (p < 0.001). Students in Kuala Lumpur reported a stronger influence from their social environments regarding halal food preferences. This finding reflects the more pronounced role of collectivist cultural structures in Asian societies, where social expectations shape individual behavior to a greater extent.

For Perceived Behavioral Control, a statistically significant difference was found between Istanbul and Kuala Lumpur (p = 0.014). This suggests that students in Kuala Lumpur feel they have greater control over their halal food consumption. Regarding Price Value, the difference between Istanbul and Berlin (p = 0.010) was particularly notable. This may imply that the pricing structure and availability of halal food in Berlin are perceived more favorably compared to Istanbul.

In the Hedonic Motivation dimension, Kuala Lumpur scored significantly higher than both Istanbul and Berlin (p < 0.001 for both). This suggests that students in Malaysia perceive halal food not only as a religious requirement but also as a source of pleasure and spiritual satisfaction.

For the Habit variable, significant differences were identified between Kuala Lumpur and Istanbul (p < 0.001) and Kuala Lumpur and Berlin (p = 0.002). These results indicate that halal food consumption is a deeply ingrained part of students’ daily routines in Kuala Lumpur.

Finally, a similar pattern was observed in the Halal Literacy construct, where Kuala Lumpur outperformed both Istanbul and Berlin (p < 0.001). This difference clearly reflects the impact of national awareness campaigns and educational initiatives in Malaysia on students’ knowledge about halal food.

5. Discussion

This study compared the perceptions of halal food among undergraduate theology students in Istanbul, Berlin, and Kuala Lumpur. The findings indicate statistically significant differences between the cities, suggesting that these variations are shaped not only by individual religious beliefs but also by broader cultural contexts, social norms, and structural conditions.

Students in Kuala Lumpur demonstrated significantly higher levels of halal food awareness and halal literacy compared to their counterparts in Istanbul and Berlin. This outcome can be attributed to Malaysia’s institutionalized halal inspection systems and its widespread public awareness campaigns (Tieman 2011; Khan et al. 2022). In Malaysia, halal food is not merely regarded as a religious requirement but is also embedded in national development strategies (Al-shami and Abdullah 2021).

The observed differences in religious commitment suggest that students in Kuala Lumpur exhibit stronger adherence to Islamic values, which is reflected in their consumption behaviors. This finding is consistent with previous studies that underscore the influence of religious commitment on halal consumption (Mukhtar and Butt 2012; Aziz and Chok 2013). In more secular settings such as Berlin, religious practices tend to be more individualized, potentially leading to weaker halal-related sensitivities.

Regarding subjective norms, Kuala Lumpur again displayed significantly higher scores, indicating that individuals in collectivist societies are more receptive to social guidance grounded in religious norms. This supports the view that in environments where halal is treated not just as a personal belief but as a socially reinforced norm, social influence plays a more prominent role in shaping consumer behavior (Soesilowati 2010).

The dimensions of perceived behavioral control and price value are closely linked to accessibility and cost-awareness of halal products. In cities like Berlin, the limited availability and higher pricing of halal goods may negatively impact perceptions among students (Mutsikiwa and Basera 2012). In contrast, Malaysia’s well-regulated and widely accessible halal market structure appears to enhance students’ perceived control and positively influence their evaluation of prices.

In terms of hedonic motivation and habit, Kuala Lumpur again emerged as the leading context. These results suggest that halal food consumption in Malaysia has become not only a religious obligation but also a source of personal satisfaction and a routinized part of daily life. Fischer (2012) interprets this shift as the convergence of halal consumption with universal values such as health, quality, and ethical standards.

From a theological perspective, the results also provide important insights into the role of Islamic theology in shaping everyday consumption practices. The fact that theology students demonstrated varying levels of halal awareness, literacy, and commitment across different cultural contexts illustrates how religious education interacts with broader social structures. This highlights the relevance of practical theology, where abstract doctrinal principles are translated into lived practices such as food choice, identity formation, and social belonging. In this sense, the study underscores how theology faculties are not only academic institutions but also formative environments that influence students’ ability to act as mediators between religious norms and contemporary consumer realities. These findings contribute to ongoing debates in Islamic theology by showing how theological training equips future religious leaders with interpretive frameworks that extend beyond doctrinal knowledge and shape collective religious orientations.

It is also important to emphasize that a lack of awareness of formal halal certification does not necessarily indicate a lack of awareness of halal practice itself. From a theological perspective, halal has historically been assured through multiple mechanisms, including direct knowledge of Islamic dietary law, communal practices, and the consumption of inherently permissible foods such as vegetarian options that do not require certification. Theology students, in particular, are more likely to recognize this distinction, which highlights that halal practice cannot be reduced solely to institutional certification.

In conclusion, the discussion highlights that cultural context significantly shapes halal food perceptions—not solely through knowledge and belief, but also via social structures and governmental policies. These findings reinforce the idea that halal consumption is a complex phenomenon influenced by both internal convictions and external environments.

While the statistical analyses provide robust evidence of cross-cultural differences, it must be acknowledged that such quantitative comparisons cannot fully capture the complexity of individual religiosity and social dynamics. The lived experiences of students, shaped by personal histories, family practices, and everyday negotiations of faith, may generate nuances that remain invisible within aggregate data. In this sense, the interpretation of the findings should be seen as indicative rather than exhaustive. Future research employing qualitative methods such as interviews, focus groups, or ethnographic approaches would be essential to reveal the deeper meanings, contextual diversity, and subjective dimensions of halal food perceptions that extend beyond numerical patterns.

In addition to these theoretical insights, the findings also carry practical and societal implications. From a policy perspective, the results highlight the importance of institutional support mechanisms such as standardized certification systems and state-led awareness campaigns, as demonstrated most clearly in Kuala Lumpur. For educational settings, theology students—as future opinion leaders within their communities—emerge as a strategically important group. Integrating comprehensive halal literacy and ethical consumption modules into university curricula could further strengthen both individual awareness and collective guidance. Regarding consumer culture, the study shows how halal consumption is no longer limited to religious observance but increasingly overlaps with broader lifestyle trends such as health consciousness, ethical responsibility, and cultural identity. By recognizing halal as both a religious requirement and a cultural-lifestyle choice, policymakers, educators, and market actors can design more inclusive and globally relevant strategies. In this way, the study contributes not only to academic debates but also to policy, educational, and consumer-oriented practices.

6. Limitations and Future Research

Despite the valuable insights generated, this study has several limitations that should be acknowledged. First, the research design was exclusively quantitative, relying on self-reported survey data. While this approach allowed for cross-cultural statistical comparisons, it does not capture the depth of individual narratives, contextual dynamics, or subjective meanings that qualitative methods such as interviews or focus groups could provide. Second, the sample was limited to theology students in three urban contexts—Istanbul, Berlin, and Kuala Lumpur. Although this population offers a unique perspective, the findings cannot be generalized to all Muslim consumers or broader societal groups. Third, the study focused on students from only one university in each city, which restricts representativeness across different institutional and regional contexts. Finally, the analysis primarily emphasized measurable constructs such as awareness, literacy, and behavioral factors, whereas broader socio-political influences, identity negotiations, and intergenerational differences remain underexplored. Future research is therefore encouraged to adopt mixed-method designs, include more diverse demographic groups, and expand the comparative framework to additional cities and countries. Such efforts would enrich the understanding of how halal food perceptions are shaped by the interplay of religion, culture, and structural environments.

7. Conclusions

This study revealed that attitudes and perceptions toward halal food significantly vary across cities, driven by multidimensional factors at both individual and structural levels. The findings confirm that all eight hypotheses were supported.

The results from the Kuala Lumpur sample are particularly striking. Participants in this city demonstrated significantly higher mean scores across multiple constructs, including halal food awareness, halal literacy, religious commitment, subjective norms, habit, and hedonic motivation. These results suggest the presence of a well-established collective consciousness and institutional framework regarding halal food in Kuala Lumpur.

Malaysia’s integration of halal certification systems into national policy, the strength of socially reinforced halal consumption norms, and the widespread availability of halal products in the market are among the key factors shaping these perceptions (Tieman 2011; Khan et al. 2022). Kuala Lumpur’s prominence in this context indicates that in societies where halal living is internalized not only at the individual level but also at the systemic and institutional levels, consumption behavior reflects this integrated structure.

On the other hand, noteworthy differences were also observed between Istanbul and Berlin in certain dimensions. Istanbul scored higher than Berlin on variables such as price perception and religious commitment. This may be attributed to the broader availability of halal food in Turkey, as well as the stronger influence of religious motivation on consumption decisions compared to the European context.

In contrast, participants in Berlin generally reported lower levels of perception related to halal food. This can be associated with secularization trends in Europe and limited access to halal-certified products (Mutsikiwa and Basera 2012; Mukhtar and Butt 2012). Furthermore, halal consumption in Berlin appears to be shaped more by individual choices rather than collective norms. The fact that Istanbul exhibited lower scores than Kuala Lumpur—despite the strong personal religiosity observed among Turkish students—may reflect the relative lack of institutional and societal support systems for halal consumption in Turkey. Thus, Kuala Lumpur’s prominence can be interpreted as the outcome of a holistic halal ecosystem shaped not only by religious values, but also by structural, political, and cultural drivers.

This study provides a valuable comparative perspective on how halal food perceptions are shaped in diverse cultural contexts, offering meaningful contributions to both academic literature and policy-making. Future research is encouraged to deepen this understanding by including comparisons across different age groups, professional backgrounds, or countries.

Beyond these findings, the study also offers several benefits and open avenues for future investigation. The results provide valuable guidance for policymakers in strengthening halal certification frameworks, for educators in developing curricula that integrate halal literacy and ethical consumption, and for market actors seeking to align consumer culture with religious and cultural expectations. At the same time, important questions remain unresolved: How do halal food perceptions evolve among non-theology students or non-Muslim populations? To what extent do generational differences or migration backgrounds shape these attitudes? And how might qualitative approaches uncover the lived experiences and identity negotiations that lie behind quantitative patterns? Addressing such questions in future research would enrich the cross-cultural understanding of halal consumption and expand the societal and academic relevance of this field.

Beyond their own consumption practices, theology students can also be regarded as multipliers in wider social halal discourses. As future religious leaders, educators, and community figures, they are positioned to transmit theological knowledge into everyday practices and to influence broader processes of religious orientation. The findings of this study therefore not only shed light on how individual perceptions differ across cultural contexts but also demonstrate how theology faculties contribute to shaping collective understandings of halal in society. This multiplier effect underscores the strategic importance of theological education in aligning religious norms with contemporary consumer realities.